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Full text of "The Indian wars of Pennsylvania : an account of the Indian events, in Pennsylvania, of the French and Indian war, Pontiac's war, Lord Dunmore's war, the revolutionary war, and the Indian uprising from 1789 to 1795 ; tragedies of the Pennsylvania frontier based primarily on the Penna. archives and colonial records / by C. Hale Sipe ; introduction by Dr. George P. Donehoo"

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THIS       BOOK 

C.  HALE  SII'E.  A.  H 



An  Account  of  the  Indian  Events,  in 
Pennsylvania,  of  The  French  and  Indian 
War,  Pontiac  s  War,  Lord  Dunmore's 
War,  The  Revolutionary  War  and  the 
Indian  Uprising  from  1789  to  1795 

Tragedies  of  the  Pennsylvania  Frontier 

Based  Primarily  on  the  Penna.  Archives  and  Colonial  Records 


of  the  Pittsburgh  and  Butler  Bars;  Member  of  the  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania;  Author  of  "The 
Indian  Chiefs  of  Pennsylvania"  and  "Mount 
Vernon  and  the  Washington  Family" 

Introduction  by 

DR.  GEORGE  P.  DONEHOO,  Former  State 

Librarian  of  Pennsylvania 

For  Schools,  Colleges,  Libraries  and 
Lovers  of  Informative  Literature 



Price  $5.00,  postpaid.     Order  from  C.  Hale  Sipe,  Butler,  Pa. 




Copyrighted  1929 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 

To  the  Memory  of  his  Sainted  Mother, 

from  Whom  he  Inherited  a  Love  for 

the  History  of  Pennsylvania, 

this  Book  is  Reverently 

Dedicated  by  The 


Principal  Sources  Utilized  in  the 
Preparation  of  this  Work 

Archives  of  Pennsylvania. 

Colonial  Records  of  Pennsylvania. 

Egle's  History  of  Pennsylvania. 

Gordon's  History  of  Pennsylvania. 

Day's  Historical  Collections. 

Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania. 

Pennypacker's  Pennsylvania,  the  Key- 

Loudon's  Indian  Narratives. 

Rupp's  County  Histories. 

Magazines  of  the  Historical  Society  of 

Egle's  Notes  and  Queries. 

Miner's  History  of  Wyoming. 

Jenkin's  Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Fed" 

Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution. 

On  the  Frontier  with  Colonel  Antes. 

Meginness'  Otzinachson. 

Linn's  Annals  of  Buffalo  Valley. 

Hassler's  Old  Westmoreland. 

Fisher's  Making  of  Pennsylvania. 

McClure's  Old  Time  Notes. 

Parkman's  Works. 

Jones'  Juniata  Valley. 

Hanna's  Wilderness  Trail. 

March's  History  of  Pennsylvania. 

Smith's  History  of  Armstrong  County. 

Veech's  Monongahela  of  Old. 

McKnight's  Pioneer  History  of  North- 
western Pennsylvania. 

Conover's  Journal  of  the  Military  Ex- 
pedition of  Major-General  Sullivan 
against  the  Six  Nations  of  New  York 
in  1779. 

Craig's  The  Olden  Time. 

Darlington's  Fort  Pitt  and  Letters  from 
the  Frontier. 

Darlington's  Christopher  Gist's  Journals. 

Hodge's  Handbook  of  American  Indians. 

Sylvester's  Indian  Wars  of  New  England. 

Hulbert's  Historic  Highways  of  America. 

Rupp's  Early  History  of  Western  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  West. 

Thwaites'  Early  Western  Travels. 

Thwaites'  Documentary  History  of  Lord 
Dunmore's  War. 

Walton's  Conrad  Weiser  and  the  Indian 
Policy  of  Colonial  Pennsylvania. 

Withers'  Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare. 

Craig's  History  of  Pittsburgh. 

Cort's  Henry  Bouquet. 

Keith's  Chronicles  of  Pennsylvania. 

Boucher's  History  of  Westmoreland 

Albert's  History  of  Westmoreland  County. 

Donehoo's  Pennsylvania — A  History. 

DeSchweinitz's  Life  of  David  Zeisberger. 

Espenshade's  Pennsylvania  Place  Names. 

Heckewelder's  Works. 

Mann's  Life  of  Henry  Melchior  Muhlen- 

Father  Lambing's  Works. 

Butterfield's  Washington- Irvine  Corres- 

Washington's  Journal. 

Celeron's  Journal. 

Colden's  History  of  the  Five  Nations. 

Volwiler's  George  Croghan. 

Johnson's  Swedish  Settlements  on  the 

Loskiel's  History  of  the  Mission  of  the 
United  Brethren  Among  the  Indians 
of  North  America. 

Patterson's  History  of  the  Backwoods. 

Doddridge's  Settlement  and  Indian  Wars 
of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania. 

Godcharles'  Daily  Stories  of  Pennsyl- 

Sawvel's  Logan,  the  Mingo. 

And  many  others. 


IT  affords  me  much  pleasure  to  write  these  few  words  of  intro- 
duction to  "The  Indian  Wars  of  Pennsylvania,"  of  which  I 
have  read  the  manuscript. 

Mr.  Sipe  has  wisely  followed  the  same  scientific  method  in  the 
collection  of  his  data  for  this  work  which  he  did  in  his  "Indian 
Chiefs  of  Pennsylvania."  As  a  consequence  the  two  books  give  a 
thoroughly  accurate  picture  of  the  thrillingly  romantic  period  of 
Pennsylvania  history  from  1755  to  1795,  during  which  the 
mountains  and  the  valleys  of  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  were 
literally  drenched  with  blood. 

For  nearly  three  quarters  of  a  century  after  the  Treaty  of 
William  Penn  with  the  Indians  on  the  Delaware,  the  settlements 
of  the  European  races  had  spread  peacefully  westward  to  the 
Blue  Mountains.  Even  though  there  were  occasional  rumblings 
of  a  threatening  storm,  the  sky  was  still  clear  and  peace  dwelt 
in  the  far-flung  settlements,  which  stretched  westward  to  the 
foothills  of  the  Alleghenies. 

The  struggle  between  France  and  Great  Britain  for  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Ohio  valley  and  the  consequent  effort  on  the  part  of 
both  of  these  rivals  for  the  friendship  of  the  Indian  was  the  final 
cause  for  the  conflict  between  the  Indian  and  the  English  settler. 
The  French  had  traded  with  the  Delaware  and  the  Shawnee, 
but  had  not  taken  his  lands  for  settlement.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  English  had  driven  the  Delaware  from  his  ancestral  habitat 
on  the  river  which  bears  his  name  to  the  Susquehanna  and  then 
to  the  Ohio  by  his  land  purchases,  just  and  unjust,  and  the  same 
fact  applies  to  the  Shawnee.  The  English  had,  in  their  spreading 
settlements,  taken  up  Indian  lands,  until  practically  nothing  was 
left  of  their  lands  east  of  the  mountain  ridges.  Even  their  last 
place  of  refuge  on  the  waters  of  the  Ohio,  which  they  were  oc- 
cupying by  permission  of  the  Iroquois,  was  sought  for  by  the 
"land  hungry"  English. 

This  land  hunger  was,  so  far  as  the  English  were  concerned,  a 
hunger  for  homes  by  these  people  of  the  British  Empire,  who  had 
never  known  what  it  was  to  own  lands  of  their  own.  It  was  the 
real  motive  in  all  of  the  migrations  of  these  peoples  from  the 
lands  across  the  seas.  And  yet,  it  caused  as  serious  consequences 
to  the  Indian  as  did  the  Spanish  search  for  gold. 


After  the  defeat  of  the  army  of  General  Edward  Braddock  by 
the  French  and  Indians  in  1755,  the  storm  which  had  been  slowly 
gathering  along  the  waters  of  the  upper  Ohio,  broke  in  all  of  its 
mad  fury  along  the  eastern  foothills  of  the  Alleghenies  and  for  a 
period  of  forty  years  it  raged  with  but  few  slight  intermissions. 

After  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  1763-4,  the  scene  of  action 
for  the  worst  Indian  wars  was  shifted  west  of  the  Alleghenies. 
The  Purchase  of  1768  opened  the  lands  west  of  the  mountains  to 
the  settlers  who  poured  over  the  mountain  ridges  in  an  ever  in- 
creasing tide.  The  occupation  of  these  lands  along  the  Ohio  by 
the  white  settlers  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  met  with  the 
armed  opposition  of  the  Indians.  As  a  consequence,  there  was 
the  long  series  of  Border  Wars,  expeditions  into  the  "Indian 
country"  west  of  the  Ohio,  and  later  the  union  of  the  British 
with  the  Indians  against  all  of  the  settlement?  in  western  Penn- 
sylvania. These  wars  did  not  end  until  the  final  overthrow  of 
the  Indian  and  British  by  General  Anthony  Wayne,  at  Fallen 
Timbers,  and  the  Treaty  at  Greenville,  which  resulted,  in  1795. 

The  hardships  and  sufferings  of  the  pioneer  settlers  of  Pennsyl- 
vania during  these  long,  weary  years  of  border  wars  was,  however, 
the  foundation  upon  which  a  new  nation  was  to  be  builded. 
Without  the  training  and  the  discipline  in  hardship  of  those  years 
the  War  of  the  American  Revolution,  which  followed  so  closely 
upon  these  Indian  wars,  would  have  been  doomed  to  failure. 
These  frontiers-men  were  trained  in  the  use  of  the  rifle  and  in  the 
methods  of  warfare.  The  generation  of  young  men,  which  made 
up  the  very  backbone  of  Washington's  army  had  known  nothing 
but  warfare  and  strife  from  their  earliest  infancy.  The  war- 
whoop  of  the  Indian  and  the  whistle  of  rifle  bullets  were  the 
familiar  sounds  of  childhood. 

Germantown,  Valley  Forge,  Monmouth,  Trenton,  Saratoga  and 
Yorktown  could  not  have  been  without  these  years  of  bitter 
training,  in  the  making  of  Morgan's  Riflemen,  Proctor's  Brigade, 
the  Eighth  Pennsylvania,  the  Thirteenth  Virginia  and  the  other 
bodies  making  up  the  Continental  Army  from  the  frontiers  of 

Not  only  the  enlisted  men,  but  also  the  great  majority  of  the 
most  effective  officers  of  the  Army  of  Washington  were  trained 
for  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania.  Washington,  Wayne, 
Mercer,  Morgan,  Armstrong,  Proctor,  Burd,  Clapham,  Shippen, 
Brodhead,  St.  Clair,  Irvine,  Crawford  and  Sullivan  are  but  a  few 


of  the  graduates  of  this  "West  Point"  of  the  frontiers  of  Penn- 

Mr.  Sipe  in  his  "Indian  Chiefs  of  Pennsylvania"  has  given  a 
critical,  and  romantic  picture  of  the  Indian  chiefs  who  played 
such  vital  parts  upon  the  stage  of  history  during  this  period.  In 
the  present  work,  "The  Indian  Wars  of  Pennsylvania,"  he  tells 
what  these  chiefs  did  to  make  the  pioneer  history  of  the  frontiers 
of  Pennsylvania  one  of  the  most  thrilling  chapters  in  American 
history.  He  fully  and  accurately  covers  the  events  of  these 
Border  Wars,  which  had  so  much  to  do  with  the  Birth  of  a  Nation. 



ii^  I  '^HE  Indian  Wars  of  Pennsylvania"  has  been  written  in 

X  response  to  the  requests  of  many  historians  and  educators, 
not  only  in  Pennsylvania  but  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States, 
who  were  well  pleased  with  the  author's  "Indian  Chiefs  of  Penn- 
sylvania." Until  the  appearance  of  "The  Indian  Chiefs  of  Penn- 
sylvania," in  April,  1927,  the  author  was  unknown  to  the  lovers 
of  the  history  of  the  Keystone  State;  and  he  believes  that  the 
fine  reception  given  this  book  was  due,  in  large  measure,  to  the 
fact  that  it  was  highly  endorsed  by  that  eminent  authority  on 
Pennsylvania  history.  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo,  whose  "History 
of  the  Indian  Place  Names  in  Pennsylvania"  and  forthcoming 
"History  of  the  Indian  Trails  of  Pennsylvania"  should  find  a 
place  in  the  library  of  every  lover  of  the  history  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Indians. 

"The  Indian  Wars  of  Pennsylvania"  is  based  primarily  on  the 
Pennsylvania  Archives  and  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records. 
No  effort  has  been  spared  to  make  the  book  a  trustworthy  and 
authoritative  work  on  the  great  Indian  wars  and  uprisings  which 
crimsoned  the  soil  of  Pennsylvania  with  the  blood  of  both  the 
Indian  and  the  white  man  during  the  long  period  from  1755  to 
1795.  Throughout  the  book  will  be  found  many  references  to 
the  Pennsylvania  Archives  and  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Re- 
cords and  many  quotations  from  these  and  other  trustworthy 

The  need  for  the  present  volume  is  apparent.  There  is  no 
more  thrilling  and  tragic  chapter  in  American  History  than  the 
period  of  the  Indian  wars  and  uprisings  in  Pennsylvania.  Penn- 
sylvania suffered  more  than  did  any  other  Colony  during  this 
period.  Yet  how  few  are  familiar  with  this  important  period  in 
the  history  of  Pennsylvania!  And  the  reason  is  that  historical 
writers  have  not  given  the  Indian  wars  and  uprisings  in  Pennsyl- 
vania the  attention  that  their  importance  deserves. 

We  read  the  history  of  Greece,  of  Rome,  of  England.  Why 
should  we  neglect  the  history  of  the  great  race  that  roamed  the 
hills  and  vales  of  Pennsylvania  and  left  its  sounding  names  on 
the  Pennsylvania  mountains,  valleys  and  streams? 

The  reader  will  note  that  more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  pages  of  the  present  volume  deal  with  the  Indian  events  in 


Pennsylvania  during  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  author  be- 
lieves that  students  of  the  Revolutionary  struggle  will  appreciate 
this  fact.  Few  historians  seem  to  realize  how  largely  the  Revolu- 
tionary War  was  fought  on  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania. 

Perhaps  a  few  words  should  be  said  concerning  the  plan  of 
"The  Indian  Wars  of  Pennsylvania."  The  author  thought  it 
well  not  to  have  the  book  begin  abruptly  with  the  account  of 
the  first  conflict  between  the  Indian  and  the  white  man  in 
Pennsylvania.  Hence,  the  opening  chapters  are  devoted  to  the 
Indian's  religion  and  character;  to  a  view  of  the  Indian  tribes 
that  inhabited  Pennsylvania;  to  a  discussion  of  the  Indian 
policy  of  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  and  of  William  Penn; 
and  to  the  leading  events  in  the  Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania 
before  the  bloody  warfare  between  the  two  races  began.  This 
plan,  the  author  believes,  will  enable  the  reader  to  make  a  more 
intelligent  and  satisfactory  study  of  the  many  years  of  bloody 
conflict  between  the  two  races  in  Pennsylvania.  The  volume  is 
thus  much  more  than  a  history  of  the  Indian  wars  and  uprisings 
in  the  state  bearing  the  name  of  Penn,  the  apostle. 

Butler,  Pennsylvania, 
February  2,  1929. 


THE  author  desires  to  thank  the  hundreds  of  Pennsylvanians 
and  others  who  subscribed  for  "The  Indian  Wars  of  Penn- 
sylvania" before  the  manuscript  was  handed  to  the  printer. 
He  especially  thanks  the  following  persons  for  substantial  sub- 
scriptions : 

Governor  John  S.  Fisher  and  State  Librarian  Frederick  A. 
Godcharles  of  Pennsylvania;  Prof.  John  A,  Anthony,  Pittsburgh, 
Penna.,  Jos.  A.  Beck,  Esq.,  Pittsburgh,  Penna.;  G.  H.  Blakeley, 
Bethlehem,  Penna.;  Hon.  Marshall  Brown,  Pittsburgh,  Penna.; 
Capt.  W.  R.  Furlong,  Washington,  D.  C.;  Earle  R.  Forrest, 
Washington,  Penna.;  John  Gribbel  and  W.  Grififin  Gribbel, 
Wyncote,  Penna.;  Jos.  F.  Guflfey,  Pittsburgh,  Penna.;  Hon. 
D.  B.  Heiner,  Kittanning,  Penna.;  Dr.  C.  G.  Hughes,  Pittsburgh, 
Penna.;  E.  H.  Hutchison,  Harmony,  Penna.;  Dr.  C.  E.  Imbrie, 
Butler,  Penna.;  Prof.  V.  K.  Irvine,  Butler,  Penna.;  Mrs.  Cecelia 
R.  Jamison,  Greensburg,  Penna.;  Hon.  J.  W.  King,  Kittanning, 
Penna.;  Hon.  Richard  H.  Koch,  Pottsville,  Penna.;  H.  K.  Landis, 
Lancaster,  Penna.;  J.  B.  Landis,  Butler,  Penna.;  Rachel  R.  Lowe, 
Pittsburgh,  Penna.;  Hon.  W.  Frank  Mathues,  Philadelphia, 
Penna. ;  Hon.  Geo.  W.  Maxey,  Scranton,  Penna. ;  W.  H.  McClane, 
Washington,  Penna.;  Harry  A.  Neeb,  Jr.,  Pittsburgh,  Penna.; 
H.  R.  Pratt,  Baltimore,  Md.;  W.  L.  Riggs,  Esq.,  McKeesport, 
Penna.;  A.  C.  Robinson,  Sewickley,  Penna.;  J.  V.  Scaife,  Pitts- 
burgh, Penna.;  Samuel  Shoemaker,  Philadelphia,  Penna.;  Homer 
H.  Swaney,  Esq.,  Beaver  Falls,  Penna.;  Vernon  F.  Taylor, 
Indiana,  Penna.;  Hon.  Henry  W.  Temple,  Washington,  Penna.; 
Hon.  Theo.  L,  Wilson,  Clarion,  Penna;  Henry  Wittmer,  Pitts- 
burgh, Penna.;  J.  E.  Henretta,  Kane,  Penna.;  J.  B.  Warriner, 
Lansford,  Penna.;  W.  M.  Laverty,  Philadelphia,  Penna.;  and 
M.  Wilson  Stewart,  Esq.,  Pittsburgh,  Penna. 

The  author  is  under  great  obligation  to  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo 
for  his  careful  reading  of  the  proofs  and  making  many  suggestions. 

Additional  thanks  are  due  State  Librarian  Frederick  A.  God- 
charles for  many  courtesies  extended  the  author  in  the  use  of 
rare  volumes  in  the  Pennsylvania  State  Library.  Finally,  the 
author  thanks  the  many  educators  and  historians  in  Pennsylvania 
and  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  who  suggested  to  him  the 
writing  of  this  specialized  history,  and  he  hopes  the  book  will 
come  up  to  their  expectations. 

Butler,  Pennsylvania, 
February  2,  1929. 


Captain  John  Smith's  Sketch  of  a  Susquehanna  or  Cones- 
toga  Chief 28 

Conrad  Weiser's  Home  and  Monument 100 

Marker  Near  Grave  of  Shikellamy 134 

Statue  to  George  Washington  at  Waterford,  Pa 148 

View  of  Braddock's  Field  in  1803 190 

Marker  at  Kittanning 312 

Statue  of  "The  White  Woman  of  The  Genessee" 380 

Monument  Marking  the  Approximate  Spot  Where  Wash- 
ington Was  Fired  Upon,  December  27th,  1753 400 

Ravine  on  Battle  Field  of  Bushy  Run  and  Brush  Creek 

Church 440 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Bushy  Run 448 

A  War  Poster  Used  in  Western  Pennsylvania  During  the 

Revolution 506 

Joseph  Brant  (Thayendanegea) 558 

Major-General  John  Sullivan,  Brigadier-General  Edward 

Hand  and  view  of  the  Genesee  River 604 

Colonel  (later  Brevet  General)  Daniel  Brodhead 628 

Monument  at  Grave  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland 684 

Monument  at  Grave  of  General  Arthur  St.  Clair 698 


Chapter  Page 

I — The  Pennsylvania  Indians — Their  ReHgion  and 

Character 17 

II — The  Pennsylvania  Indian  Tribes 28 

III — The  Swedes  and  William  Penn 59 

IV — Principal  Indian  Events  from  1701  to  1754.  ...  82 

V — Opening  of  the  French  and  Indian  War 152 

VI — General  Braddock's  Campaign 177 

VII — The  First  Delaware  Invasion 203 

VIII — Invasion  of  the  Great  and  Little  Coves  and  the 

Conolloways 217 

IX — Massacres  of  November  and  December,  1755.  .  230 

X — Massacres  Early  in  1756 255 

XI — Carlisle  Council — War  Declared 276 

XII — Atrocities  in  the  Summer  and  Autumn  of  1756 .  .  284 

XIII — Destruction  of  Kittanning 304 

XIV— Efforts  for  Peace  in  1756 321 

XV— Events  of  the  Year  1757 333 

XVI — Post's     Peace     Missions — Grand     Council     at 

Easton 356 

XVII — General  Forbes'  Expedition  against  Fort  Du- 

quesne 387 

XVIII— Pontiac's  War 407 

XIX— Pontiac's  War  (Continued) 439 

XX— Pontiac's  War  (Continued) 450 

XXI— Pontiac's  War  (Continued) 470 

XXII— Lord  Dunmore's  War 488 

XXIII— The  Revolutionary  War  (1775,  1776  and  1777).  506 

XXIV— The  Revolutionary  War  (1778) 527 

XXV— The  Revolutionary  War  (1779) 573 

XXVI— The  Revolutionary  War  (1780) : 607 

XXVII— The  Revolutionary  War  (1781) 627 

XXVIII— The  Revolutionary  War  (1782-1783) 647 

XXIX — The  Post- Revolutionary  Uprising 685 

Appendix 720 

Index 762 


The  Pennsylvania  Indians — Their 
Religion  and  Character 

Go  where  we  may,  in  Pennsylvania,  we  are  put  in  remem- 
brance of  the  American  Indian  by  the  beautiful  names  he 
gave  to  the  valleys,  streams  and  mountains  where  he  roamed  for 
untold  generations,  never  dreaming  that  from  afar  would  come 
a  stronger  race  which  would  plant  amid  the  wilderness  the  hamlet 
and  the  town  and  cause  cities  to  rise  where  the  forest  waved  over 
the  home  of  his  heart.  The  Wyoming  Valley;  the  Tuscarora 
Valley;  the  winding  Susquehanna;  the  blue  Juniata;  the  broad 
Ohio;  the  Kittatinny  Mountain ;  the  Allegheny  Mountains — these 
are  but  a  few  of  the  everlasting  reminders  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Indians.  Until  the  new  heavens  arch  themselves  and  until  the 
new  earth  comes,  our  Pennsylvania  valleys  will  lie  smiling  in  the 
sunlight,  our  Pennsylvania  streams  will  go  singing  to  the  sea, 
and  our  Pennsylvania  mountains  will  lift  their  summits  to  the 
sky;  and  throughout  the  ages  may  succeeding  generations  of 
Pennsylvanians  realize  that  the  Indian  loved  these  valleys,  these 
streams,  these  mountains,  with  a  love  as  strong  as  that  hallowing 
passion  which  touched  the  Grecian  mountain-pass  of  Thermo- 
pylae more  than  twenty-four  hundred  years  ago,  and  has  caused 
it  to  glow  with  never-dying  lustre  through  the  long  night  of 
centuries.  It  was  love  for  the  land  of  his  fathers  that  caused  the 
Indian  to  fight  to  the  death  for  his  home  and  hunting  grounds. 
A  child  of  nature,  the  Indian  knew  not  the  God  of  revelation; 
but  the  God  of  the  universe  and  nature  he  acknowledged  in  all 
things  around  him, — the  sun,  the  moon,  the  stars,  the  flowers, 
the  singing  birds,  the  mighty  oaks  and  sighing  pines  of  the  forest, 
the  pleasant  valleys,  the  babbling  brooks,  the  dashing  water-falls, 
the  rushing  rivers,  the  lofty  mountains.  Reverently  he  wor- 
shipped the  Great  Spirit,  who  created  him,  who  governed  the 
world,  who  taught  the  streams  to  flow  and  the  bird  to  build  her 
nest,  who  caused  day  and  night  and  the  changing  seasons,  who 


stocked  the  streams  with  fish  and  the  forests  with  game  for  his 
Red  Children.  To  the  Great  Spirit  went  up  many  a  pure  prayer 
from  the  Indian's  dark  bosom.  He  prayed  when  he  went  on  the 
chase;  he  prayed  when  he  sat  down  to  partake  of  the  fruits  of  the 
chase;  he  prayed  when  he  went  to  war.  And  when  he  closed  his 
eyes  in  death,  it  was  in  the  firm  belief  that  death  was  mere 
transition  to  the  Happy  Hunting  Ground,  where,  with  care  and 
sorrow  removed,  he  would  pursue  the  deer  throughout  the 
endless  ages  of  eternity. 

The  Testimony  of  Heckewelder 

The  Moravian  missionary.  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  who 
labored  for  many  years  among  the  Delawares  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Ohio,  beginning  his  work  in  1762,  makes  the  following  state- 
ments concerning  the  Indian's  religion  and  character,  in  his 
"Indian  Nations",  published  in  1818: 

"The  Indian  considers  himself  as  being  created  by  an  all- 
powerful,  wise,  and  benevolent  Mannito  (Manitou);  all  that  he 
possesses,  all  that  he  enjoys,  he  looks  upon  as  given  to  him  or 
allotted  for  his  use  by  the  Great  Spirit  who  gave  him  life.  He 
therefore  believes  it  to  be  his  duty  to  adore  and  worship  his 
Creator  and  benefactor;  to  acknowledge  with  gratitude  his  past 
favours,  thank  him  for  present  blessings,  and  solicit  the  con- 
tinuation of  his  good  will.  An  old  Indian  told  me,  about  fifty 
years  ago,  that  when  he  was  young,  he  still  followed  the  custom 
of  his  father  and  ancestors,  in  climbing  upon  a  high  mountain  or 
pinnacle,  to  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  all  the  benefits  before 
bestowed,  and  to  pray  for  a  continuance  of  his  favor;  that  they 
were  sure  their  prayers  were  heard,  and  acceptable  to  the  Great 
Spirit,  although  he  did  not  himself  appear  unto  them. 

"They  think  that  he,  the  Great  Spirit,  made  the  earth  and  all 
that  it  contains  for  the  common  good  of  mankind ;  when  he  stocked 
the  country  that  he  gave  them  with  plenty  of  game,  it  was  not 
for  the  benefit  of  a  few,  but  of  all.  Every  thing  was  given  in 
common  for  the  sons  of  men  .  .  .  From  this  principle,  hos- 
pitality flows  as  from  its  source.  With  them,  it  is  not  a  virtue, 
but  a  strict  duty.  Hence  they  are  never  in  search  of  excuses  to 
avoid  giving,  but  freely  supply  their  neighbour's  wants  from  the 
stock  prepared  for  their  own  use.  They  give  and  are  hospitable 
to  all,  without  exception,  and  will  always  share  with  each  other 
and  often  with  the  stranger,  even  to  their  last  morsel.     They 


rather  would  lie  down  themselves  on  an  empty  stomach,  than 
have  it  laid  to  their  charge  that  they  had  neglected  their  duty  by 
not  satisfying  the  wants  of  the  stranger,  the  sick  or  the  needy.  .  . 

"They  treat  each  other  with  civility,  and  show  much  affection 
on  meeting  after  an  absence  .  .  .  They  are  not  quarrelsome,  and 
are  always  on  their  guard,  so  as  not  to  offend  each  other.  They 
do  not  fight  with  each  other;  they  say  that  fighting  is  only  for 
dogs  and  beasts.  They  are,  however,  fond  of  play,  yet  very 
careful  that  they  do  not  offend.  They  are  remarkable  for  the 
particular  respect  which  they  pay  to  old  age.  In  all  their 
meetings,  whether  public  or  private,  they  pay  the  greatest 
attention  to  the  observations  and  advice  of  the  aged ;  no  one  will 
attempt  to  contradict  them,  nor  to  interfere  in  any  manner  or 
even  to  speak,  unless  he  is  specially  called  upon." 

Heckewelder  says  that,  while  marriages  among  the  Indians 
were  not  contracted  for  life,  it  being  understood  that  the  parties 
were  not  to  live  together  longer  than  they  should  be  pleased  with 
each  other,  yet  both  parties,  sensible  of  this  understanding,  did 
every  thing  in  their  power  to  please  each  other.  The  husband 
built  the  home,  and  considered  himself  bound  to  support  the  wife 
and  family  by  his  exertions  as  hunter,  fisher  and  trapper,  while 
the  wife  took  upon  herself  the  labor  of  planting  and  raising  corn 
and  other  products  of  the  soil.  The  wife,  he  says,  considered  her 
labor  much  lighter  than  that  of  the  husband,  "for  they  them- 
selves say  that,  while  their  field  labour  employs  them  at  most  six 
weeks  in  the  year,  that  of  the  men  continues  the  whole  year  round. 
Neither  creeks  nor  rivers,  whether  shallow  or  deep,  frozen  or  free 
from  ice,  must  be  an  obstacle  to  the  hunter,  when  in  pursuit  of 
a  wounded  deer,  bear,  or  other  animal,  as  is  often  the  case.  Nor 
has  he  then  leisure  to  think  on  the  state  of  his  body,  and  to  con- 
sider whether  his  blood  is  not  too  much  heated  to  plunge  without 
danger  into  the  cold  stream,  since  the  game  he  is  in  pursuit  of  is 
running  off  from  him  with  full  speed.  Many  dangerous  accidents 
often  befall  him,  both  as  a  hunter  and  a  warrior  (for  he  is  both), 
and  are  seldom  unattended  with  painful  consequences,  such  as 
rheumatism,  or  comsumption  of  the  lungs,  for  which  the  sweat- 
house,  on  which  they  so  much  depend,  and  to  which  they  often 
resort  for  relief,  especially  after  a  fatiguing  hunt  or  warlike  ex- 
pedition, is  not  always  a  sure  preservative  or  an  effectual  remedy." 

Heckewelder  also  says  that,  if  the  sick  squaw  longed  for  an 
article  of  food,  be  it  what  it  may  or  however  difficult  to  procure, 
the  husband  would  at  once  endeavor  to  get  it  for  her,  and  that 


he  knew  of  instances  where  the  husband  would  go  forty  or  fifty 
miles  for  a  mess  of  cranberries  to  satisfy  his  wife's  longing. 

Speaking  of  the  Indians'  cruelty  to  their  enemies,  Heckewelder 

"The  Indians  are  cruel  to  their  enemies!  In  some  cases  they 
are,  but  perhaps  not  more  so  than  white  men  have  sometimes 
shewn  themselves.  There  have  been  instances  of  white  men 
flaying  or  taking  off  the  skin  of  Indians  who  had  fallen  into  their 
hands,  and  then  tanning  those  skins,  or  cutting  them  in  pieces, 
making  them  up  into  razor-straps,  and  exposing  those  for  sale,  as 
was  done  at  or  near  Pittsburg,  sometime  during  the  Revolutionary 
War.  Those  things  are  abominations  in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians, 
who,  indeed,  when  strongly  excited,  inflict  torments  on  their 
prisoners  and  put  them  to  death  by  cruel  tortures,  but  never  are 
guilty  of  acts  of  barbarity  in  cold  blood.  Neither  do  the  Dela- 
wares,  and  some  other  Indian  nations,  ever,  on  any  account, 
disturb  the  ashes  of  the  dead." 

Contrary  to  the  general  supposition,  the  Indian  was  not  cruel 
by  nature.  His  cruelty  was  confined  to  the  times  when  he  was 
on  the  war  path;  and  even  then,  there  is  no  record  of  his  having 
committed  a  deed  as  disgusting,  revolting  and  horrible  as  the 
murder  of  the  ninety-six  Christian  Delawares,  at  Gnadenhuetten, 
Ohio,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1782,  by  Colonel  David  Williamson 
and  his  band  of  Scotch-Irish  settlers  from  Washington  County, 

During  the  long  Indian  wars,  in  Pennsylvania,  from  1755  to 
1795,  hundreds  of  white  persons,  captured  by  the  Indians,  were 
adopted  into  Indian  families,  to  take  the  places  mostly  of  war- 
riors who  had  fallen  on  the  field  of  the  slain.  These  captives,  so 
adopted,  were  treated  with  great  kindness,  and  were  looked  upon 
by  the  Indians  as  their  own  flesh  and  blood.  Many,  indeed, 
were  the  instances  of  captives,  recovered  by  the  whites,  who  later 
returned  to  the  forest  homes  of  their  Indian  friends  and  adopted 
Indian  relatives.  Heckewelder  speaks  of  the  humanity  and 
delicacy  with  which  the  Indians  treated  female  prisoners  whom 
they  intended  to  adopt.  The  early  Indian  never  captured 
women,  white  or  red,  for  immoral  purposes.     (Page  381.) 

The  fiercest  passion  in  the  Indian's  wild  heart  was  the  love  of 
revenge,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  would  give  his  life  for  the 
protection  of  a  friend.  There  was  none  more  constant  and  stead- 
fast as  a  friend.  He  would  share  his  last  morsel  with  the  stranger 
within  his  gates.  He  was  the  noblest  type  of  primitive  man  that 
ever  trod  the  earth. 


Among  the  children  of  men  there  were  none  who  could  equal 
him  in  power  of  endurance  and  capacity  for  suffering.  He  could 
travel  on  foot  for  days  without  food.  He  could  be  tortured  to 
death  by  fire  without  a  groan  escaping  his  lips,  and  he  chanted 
his  death  song  with  his  latest  breath. 

The  Indian's  Pride 

Says,  Heckewelder,  speaking  of  the  Delawares  or  Lenni-Lenape; 

"They  will  not  admit  that  the  whites  are  superior  beings.  They 
say  that  the  hair  of  their  heads,  their  features,  the  various  colours 
of  their  eyes,  evince  that  they  are  not  like  themselves  Lenni 
Lenape,  an  Original  People,  a  race  of  men  that  has  existed  un- 
changed from  the  beginning  of  time;  but  they  are  a  mixed  race, 
and  therefore  a  troublesome  one.  Wherever  they  may  be,  the 
Great  Spirit,  knowing  the  wickedness  of  their  disposition,  found 
it  necessary  to  give  them  a  great  Book,  and  taught  them  how  to 
read  it,  that  they  might  know  and  observe  what  he  wished  them 
to  do  and  to  abstain  from.  But  they,  the  Indians,  have  no  need 
of  any  such  book  to  let  them  know  the  will  of  their  Maker;  they 
find  it  engraved  on  their  own  hearts;  they  have  had  sufficient 
discernment  given  to  them  to  distinguish  good  from  evil,  and  by 
following  that  guide,  they  are  sure  not  to  err. 

"It  is  true,  they  confess,  that  when  they  first  saw  the  whites, 
they  took  them  for  beings  of  a  superior  kind.  They  did  not  know 
but  that  they  had  been  sent  to  them  from  the  abode  of  the  Great 
Spirit  for  some  great  and  important  purpose.  They  therefore 
welcomed  them,  hoping  to  be  made  happier  by  their  company. 
It  was  not  long,  however,  before  they  discovered  their  mistake, 
having  found  them  an  ungrateful,  insatiable  people,  who,  though 
the  Indians  had  given  them  as  much  land  as  was  necessary  to 
raise  provisions  for  themselves  and  their  families,  and  pasture  for 
their  cattle,  wanted  still  to  have  more,  and  at  last  would  not  be 
contented  with  less  than  the  whole  country.  'And  yet,'  say  those 
injured  people,  'these  white  men  would  always  be  telling  us  of 
their  great  Book  which  God  had  given  to  them;  they  would 
persuade  us  that  every  man  was  good  who  believed  in  what  the 
Book  said,  and  every  man  was  bad  who  did  not  believe  in  it. 
They  told  us  a  great  many  things,  which,  they  said,  were  written 
in  the  good  Book,  and  wanted  us  to  believe  it  all.  We  would 
probably  have  done  so,  if  we  had  seen  them  practise  what  they 
pretended  to  believe,  and  act  according  to  the  good  words  which 


they  told  us.  But  no!  While  they  held  their  big  Book  in  one 
hand,  in  the  other,  they  had  murderous  weapons,  guns  and  swords 
wherewith  to  kill  us,  poor  Indians.  Ah!  and  they  did  so,  too; 
they  killed  those  who  believed  in  their  Book,  as  well  as  those  who 
did  not.    They  made  no  distinction!" 

Effects  of  the  White  Man's  Rum  and  Vices 

Having  seen  that  the  Indian  had  many  virtues,  it  is  but  fair 
to  add  that  many  of  these  virtues  were  broken  down  by  the  white 
man.  We  refer  particularly  to  the  ruin  wrought  among  the 
Indians  by  the  white  man's  rum  and  vices.  The  Indian  knew 
neither  rum  nor  shameful  diseases  until  his  contact  with  the 
white  man.    Hear  Heckewelder: 

"So  late  as  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century  (the  eighteenth 
century),  the  Indians  were  yet  a  hardy  and  healthy  people,  and 
many  very  aged  men  and  women  were  seen  among  them,  some  of 
whom  thought  they  had  lived  about  one  hundred  years.  They 
frequently  told  me  and  others  that,  when  they  were  young  men, 
their  people  did  not  marry  so  early  as  they  did  since,  that  even 
at  twenty  they  were  called  boys,  and  durst  not  wear  a  breech- 
clout,  as  the  men  did  at  that  time,  but  had  only  a  small  bit  of 
skin  hanging  before  them.  Neither,  did  they  say,  were  they  sub- 
ject to  so  many  disorders  as  in  later  times,  and  many  of  them 
calculated  on  dying  of  old  age.  But  since  that  time,  a  great 
change  has  taken  place  in  the  constitution  of  those  Indians  who 
live  nearest  to  the  whites.  By  the  introduction  of  ardent  spirits 
among  them,  they  have  been  led  into  vices  which  have  brought  on 
disorders  which,  they  say,  were  unknown  before;  their  blood  be- 
came corrupted  by  a  shameful  complaint,  which,  they  say,  they 
had  never  known  or  heard  of  until  the  Europeans  came  among 
them.  Now  the  Indians  are  affected  with  it  to  a  great  degree; 
children  frequently  inherit  it  from  their  parents,  and  after 
lingering  for  a  few  years,  at  last  die  victims  to  this  poison.  Our 
vices  have  destroyed  them  more  than  our  swords. 

"The  general  prevalence  of  drunkenness  among  the  Indians  is, 
in  a  great  degree,  owing  to  the  unprincipled  white  traders,  who 
persuade  them  to  become  intoxicated  that  they  may  cheat  them 
the  more  easily,  and  obtain  their  lands  or  pelfries  for  a  mere 
trifle.  Within  the  last  fifty  years,  some  instances  have  even  come 
to  my  knowledge  of  white  men  having  enticed  Indians  to  drink, 
and  when  they  were  drunk,  murdered  them.    The  effects  which 


intoxication  produces  upon  the  Indians  are  dreadful.  It  has  been 
the  cause  of  an  infinite  number  of  murders  among  them.  I  can- 
not say  how  many  have  died  of  colds  and  other  disorders,  which 
they  have  caught  by  lying  upon  the  cold  ground,  and  remaining 
exposed  to  the  elements,  when  drunk;  others  have  lingered  out 
their  lives  in  excruciating  rheumatic  pains  and  in  wasting  con- 
sumptions until  death  came  to  relieve  them  of  their  sufferings. 
I  once  asked  an  Indian  at  Pittsburgh,  whom  I  had  not  seen  before, 
who  he  was.  He  answered  in  broken  English:  'My  name  is 
Blackfish ;  when  at  home  with  my  nation,  I  am  a  clever  fellow, 
and  when  here,  a  hog.'  He  meant  that  by  means  of  the  liquor 
which  the  white  people  gave  him,  he  was  sunk  to  the  level  of  that 

Heckewelder  says  that  reflecting  Indians  keenly  remarked 
"that  it  was  strange  that  a  people  who  professed  themselves 
believers  in  a  religion,  revealed  to  them  by  the  Great  Spirit  him- 
self; who  say  that  they  have  in  their  houses  the  Word  of  God  and 
his  laws  and  commandments  textually  written,  could  think  of 
making  a  beson  (liquor),  calculated  to  bewitch  people  and  make 
them  destroy  one  another." 

Heckewelder's  observations  concerning  the  English  traders  are 
the  sad  truth.  They  took  advantage  of  the  Indians'  inordinate 
appetite  for  rum;  they  cheated  them  out  of  their  skins  and  furs; 
they  debauched  their  women.  The  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  in 
a  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton,  February  27th,  1754,  character- 
ized the  traders  as  "the  vilest  of  our  own  inhabitants  and  convicts 
imported  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland."  The  traders  of  other 
Colonies,  many  of  whom  entered  Pennsylvania,  were  no  better 
than  the  Pennsylvania  traders.  Said  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of 
Virginia,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  May 
21st,  1753:  "The  Indian  traders,  in  general,  appear  to  me  to  be 
a  set  of  abandoned  wretches."  In  a  word,  the  English  traders, 
with  few  exceptions,  were  a  vile  and  infamous  horde,  who,  in- 
stead of  contributing  to  the  betterment  of  the  Indian,  corrupted 
and  debauched  him. 

Protests  Against  the  Rum  Traffic 

Rum  was  the  curse  of  the  Red  Man,  and  the  leading  Indian 
chiefs  recognized  it  as  such.  Hence,  from  the  very  beginning  of 
the  rum  trafific  among  the  Pennsylvania  Indians,  we  find  a  series 
of  protests  by  their  chiefs  to  the  Pennsylvania  Authorities.  When 


the  Conestoga  or  Susquehanna  chief,  Oretyagh,  with  a  number  of 
other  chiefs  of  the  Conestogas  and  Shawnees,  bade  farewell  to 
William  Penn,  on  October  7th,  1701,  just  a  short  time  before 
Penn  left  his  Province  never  to  return,  this  sachem,  in  the  name 
of  the  rest,  told  him  that  the  Indians  had  long  suffered  from  the 
ravages  of  the  rum  traffic,  and  Penn  informed  Oretyagh  and 
associate  chiefs  that  the  Assembly  was  at  that  time  enacting  a 
law,  according  to  their  desire,  to  prevent  their  being  abused  by 
the  selling  of  rum  among  them.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  2,  pages  45- 
46.)  Penn  early  saw  the  degredation  which  the  Indians'  un- 
quenchable thirst  for  strong  drink  wrought  among  them,  and  he 
did  all  in  his  power  to  remedy  this  matter.  But  the  law  was  no 
sooner  enacted  than  it  was  disregarded  by  the  traders.  Then,  in 
the  minutes  of  a  council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  May  16th,  1704, 
we  read  the  last  reference  to  Oretyagh  in  recorded  history,  a 
protest  against  the  rum  traffic,  as  follows: 

"Oretyagh,  the  chief  now  of  Conestoga,  requested  him  [Nicole 
Godin,  a  trader]  to  complain  to  the  Governor  [John  Evans]  of 
the  great  quantities  of  rum  continually  brought  to  their  town, 
insomuch  that  they  [the  Conestogas]  are  ruined  by  it,  having 
nothing  left,  but  have  laid  out  all,  even  their  clothes  for  rum,  and 
may  now,  when  threatened  with  war,  be  surprised  by  their 
enemies,  when  besides  themselves  with  drink,  and  so  utterly  be 
destroyed."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  2,  page  141.) 

The  great  Shikellamy,  the  most  renowned  Indian  that  ever 
lived  in  Pennsylvania,  shortly  after  taking  up  his  residence  on 
the  Susquehanna,  as  vice-gerent  of  the  Six  Nations  over  the 
Delawares,  Shawnees  and  other  Indians  in  the  eastern  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  served  notice  on  the  Colonial  Authorities  that,  if 
the  rum  traffic  among  the  Indians  were  not  better  regulated, 
friendly  relations  between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  Colony  of 
Pennsylvania  would  cease. 

As  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter,  the  Shawnees,  who  entered 
eastern  Pennsylvania  as  early  as  1694,  began,  about  1724  to  1727, 
to  migrate  to  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny.  One  of  the 
reasons  why  they  migrated  to  the  western  part  of  the  state,  was 
to  escape  the  ruinous  effects  of  strong  liquor.  But  the  trader 
with  his  rum  followed  them  into  the  forests  of  their  western  homes. 

Then  the  Shawnee  on  the  Conemaugh,  Kiskiminetas,  and 
Allegheny  took  steps,  in  1738,  to  restrain  this  pernicious  traffic. 
On  March  20th  of  that  year,  three  of  their  chiefs  in  this  region, 
namely;  "Loyporcowah  (Opessah's  Son),  Newcheconneh  (Deputy 


King),  and  Coycacolenne,  or  Coracolenne  (Chief  Counsellor)," 
wrote  a  letter  to  Thomas  Penn  and  James  Logan,  Secretary  of 
the  Provincial  Council,  in  which  they  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  a  present  from  Penn  and  Logan  of  powder,  lead,  and  tobacco, 
delivered  to  them  by  the  trader,  George  Miranda;  in  which  they 
say  they  have  a  good  understanding  with  the  French,  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Ottawas,  and  all  the  French  Indians;  that  the  tract 
of  land  reser\'ed  for  them  by  the  Proprietory  Government  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Susquehanna  does  not  suit  them  at  present;  and 
that  they  desire  to  remain  in  the  region  of  the  Allegheny  and 
Kiskiminetas,  make  a  strong  town  there,  and  keep  their  warriors 
from  making  war  upon  other  nations  at  a  distance.  They  then 

"After  we  heard  your  letter  read,  and  all  our  people  being 
gathered  together,  we  held  a  council  together,  to  leave  ofif  drinking 
for  the  space  of  four  years  .  .  .  There  was  not  many  of  our 
traders  at  home  at  the  time  of  our  council,  but  our  friends,  Peter 
Chartier  and  George  Miranda;  but  the  proposal  of  stopping  the 
rum  and  all  strong  liquors  was  made  to  the  rest  in  the  winter,  and 
they  were  all  willing.  As  soon  as  it  was  concluded  of,  all  the  rum 
that  was  in  the  towns  was  staved  and  spilled,  belonging  both  to 
Indians  and  white  people,  which  in  quantity  consisted  of  about 
forty  gallons,  that  was  thrown  in  the  street;  and  we  have  appoint- 
ed four  men  to  stave  all  the  rum  or  strong  liquors  that  is  brought 
to  the  towns  hereafter,  either  by  Indians  or  white  men,  during 
the  four  years."  A  pledge  signed  by  ninety-eight  Shawnees  and 
the  two  traders  above  named  accompanied  this  letter,  agreeing 
that  all  rum  should  be  destroyed,  and  four  men  appointed  in 
every  town  to  see  that  no  strong  liquor  should  be  brought  into 
the  Shawnee  towns  for  the  term  of  four  years.  (Pa.  Archives, 
Vol.  1,  pages  549-55L) 

Previous  to  this  action  on  part  of  Loyparcowah  and  other 
chiefs  of  the  Shawnees,  the  Delawares  at  Kittanning  made  com- 
plaints concerning  the  rum  traffic.  In  1732,  the  trader,  Edmund 
Cartlidge,  wrote  the  Governor  from  Kittanning  that  the  chiefs 
there  made  reflections  on  the  Government  for  permitting  such 
large  quantities  of  rum  to  be  carried  to  the  Allegheny  and  sold  to 
the  Indians  at  that  place,  contrary  to  law.  Also,  in  1733,  the 
Shawnee  chiefs  in  the  Allegheny  region  wrote  the  Governor  re- 
questing that  he  send  them  an  order  permitting  them  "to  break 
in  pieces  all  kegs  of  rum  so  brought  yearly  and  monthly  by  some 
new  upstart  of  a  trader  without  a  license,  who  comes  amongst  us 


and  brings  nothing  but  rum,  no  powder,  nor  lead,  nor  clothing, 
but  takes  away  with  him  those  skins  which  the  old  licensed  traders 
who  bring  us  everything  necessary,  ought  to  have  in  return  for 
their  goods  sold  us  some  years  since."  Also  in  1734,  the  Shawnee 
chiefs  at  Allegheny  wrote  the  Governor  and  requested  that  none 
of  the  licensed  traders  be  allowed  to  bring  them  more  than  thirty 
gallons  of  rum  twice  in  a  year,  except  Peter  Chartier,  who  "trades 
further  than  ye  rest." 

Also,  the  able  Indian  orator  and  wise  counselor,  Scarouady, 
later  successor  to  Tanacharison,  the  Half  King,  protested  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Commissioners  at  the  Carlisle  Conference  of  Octo- 
ber, 1753,  as  follows: 

"Your  traders  now  bring  scarce  any  thing  but  Rum  and  Flour 
.  .  .  The  Rum  ruins  us.  We  beg  you  would  prevent  its  coming 
in  such  quantities  by  regulating  the  traders  .  .  .  When  these 
Whiskey  Traders  come,  they  bring  thirty  or  forty  Caggs  (kegs) 
and  put  them  down  before  Us  and  make  Us  drink,  and  get  all  the 
Skins  that  should  go  to  pay  the  Debts  We  have  contracted  for 
Goods  bought  of  the  Fair  Traders,  and  by  these  means  we  not 
only  ruin  Ourselves  but  them  too.  These  wicked  Whiskey 
Sellers,  when  they  have  once  got  the  Indians  in  Liquor,  make 
them  sell  the  very  Clothes  from  their  Backs.  In  short,  if  this 
Practice  be  continued.  We  must  inevitably  be  ruined.  We  most 
earnestly,  therefore,  beseech  You  to  remedy  it."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  5,  page  676.) 

The  whiskey  traders  were  not  checked.  They  continued  their 
work  unabated,  in  spite  of  the  solemn  protestations  of  the  Indian 
chiefs  and  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of  such  good  white  men  as 
Conrad  Weiser,  who,  on  November  28th,  1747,  wrote  the  Provin- 
cial Council  of  Pennsylvania  characterizing  the  havoc  wrought 
among  the  Pennsylvania  Indians  as  "an  abomination  before 
God  and  man."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  5,  page  167.) 

The  Testimony  of  Adario 

The  foregoing  statements  relate  principally  to  the  Pennsylvania 
Indians.  Let  us,  at  this  point,  hear  the  testimony  of  a  great 
Indian  chief  whose  tribe  did  not  inhabit  Pennsylvania,  the  brave 
and  sagacious  Huron  chief,  Adario,  who  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers  in  1701.    Out  of  the  past  comes  the  voice  of  Adario: 

"As  for  the  maple-water  that  we  drink,  'tis  sweet,  well  tasted, 
healthful,  and  friendly  to  the  stomach,  whereas  your  wine  and 


brandy  destroy  the  natural  heat,  pall  the  stomach,  inflame  the 
blood,  intoxicate,  and  create  a  thousand  disorders.  A  man  in 
drink  loses  his  reason  before  he  is  aware,  or,  at  least,  his  reason  is 
so  drowned  that  he  is  not  capable  of  distinguishing  what  he  ought 
to  do."  When  told  that  God  had  sent  the  Europeans  to  America 
to  save  the  souls  of  the  Indians,  this  great  Huron  replied  that  it 
was  more  likely  that  God  had  sent  the  Europeans  to  this  continent 
to  learn  to  be  good ;  "for",  said  he,  "the  innocence  of  our  lives,  the 
love  we  tender  to  our  brethren,  and  the  tranquility  of  mind  which 
we  enjoy  in  contemplating  business  to  our  interest,  these,  I  say, 
are  the  three  great  things  that  the  Great  Spirit  requires  of  all  men 
in  general.  We  practice  all  these  things  in  our  villages  naturally ; 
while  the  Europeans  defame,  kill,  rob,  and  pull  one  another  to 
pieces,  in  their  towns.  Your  money  is  the  father  of  luxury, 
lasciviousness,  intrigues,  tricks,  lying,  treachery,  falseness,  and, 
in  a  word,  all  the  mischief  in  the  world  .  .  .  Consider  this  and 
tell  me  if  we  are  not  right  in  refusing  to  finger  it,  or  so  much  as 
look  upon  the  cursed  metal,  since  all  these  evils  caused  by  it  are 
unknown  to  us  .  .  .  All  our  actions  are  guided  by  justice, 
equity,  charity,  sincerity  and  true  faith  .  .  .  Using  bad  language 
and  cursing  the  Great  Spirit  were  never  heard  among  us." 

The  Author's  Purpose 

The  author's  purpose  in  writing  this  chapter  and  the  three 
which  follow  before  the  wars  between  the  Pennsylvania  Indians 
and  the  white  man  are  treated,  is  to  give  the  reader  and  student 
that  background  which  any  fair  minded  student  of  the  Indian 
wars  of  Pennsylvania  should  have.  As  the  reader  proceeds,  he 
will  find  many  things  that  reflect  no  honor  on  the  whites.  But 
it  is  the  author's  duty  to  record  the  wrongs  committed  upon  the 
Indian  as  well  as  the  wrongs  committed  by  him.  History  must 
not  hide  the  truth. 


The  Pennsylvania  Indian  Tribes 

We  shall  devote  this  chapter  to  a  brief  view  of  the  Indian 
tribes  that  inhabited  Pennsylvania  within  the  historic  period. 

The  Susquehannas,  Minquas,  or  Conestogas 

THE  Susquehannas  is  the  general  term  applied  to  the  Indians 
living  on  both  sides  of  the  Susquehanna  River  and  its 
tributaries,  in  Pennsylvania,  at  the  beginning  of  the  historic 
period.  Racially  and  linguistically,  they  were  of  Iroquoian  stock, 
but  were  never  taken  into  the  league  of  the  Iroquois,  except  as 
subjects.  These  related  tribes  were  known  by  various  names. 
Captain  John  Smith,  the  Virginia  pioneer,  who  met  them  while 
exploring  Chesapeake  Bay  and  its  tributaries  in  1608,  called  them 
the  "Susquehannocks."  The  French  called  them  the  Andastes, 
while  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  called  them  Minquas.  In  the  latter 
days  of  their  history  as  a  tribe,  they  were  called  the  Conestogas. 
To  Captain  John  Smith,  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  belongs  the 
distinction  of  being  the  first  white  man  to  see  the  Indians  of 
Pennsylvania,  though  he  never  set  foot  on  Pennsylvania  soil; 
and  the  Indians  meeting  him  and  his  companions,  beheld  for 
the  first  time  the  race  that  was  coming  to  drive  them  from  their 
streams  and  hunting  grounds.  These  Indians  were  the  Sus- 
quehannas. Smith  held  a  conference  with  sixty  of  the  Susque- 
hannocks, near  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  about  August  1, 
1608,  as  he  and  twelve  companions  were  making  an  exploring 
expedition.  The  sixty  Susquehannocks  had  come  from  one  of 
their  principal  towns  in  what  is  now  Lancaster  County,  Penn- 
sylvania. Smith  gives  the  following  interesting  description  of 
these  Indians: 

"Such  great  and  well  proportioned  men  are  seldom  seen,  for 
they  seemed  like  giants  to  the  English,  yea,  and  to  their  neighbors, 
yet  seemed  of  an  honest  and  simple  disposition.  They  were  with 
much  ado  restrained  from  adoring  us  as  gods.      These  are  the 



'/"i'-Vl-''' •"■■■•:■'■•■  ■  V  !^ 

:^-^A><_:>  b 



strangest  people  of  all  these  countries,  both  in  language  and  attire; 
for  their  language  it  may  well  become  their  proportions,  sounding 
from  them  as  a  voice  in  the  vault.  Their  attire  is  the  skins  of 
bears  and  wolves;  some  have  cossacks  made  of  bears'  heads  and 
skins,  that  a  man's  head  goes  through  the  skin's  neck,  and  the  ears 
of  the  bear  fastened  to  his  shoulders,  the  nose  and  teeth  hanging 
down  his  breast,  another  bear's  face  split  behind  him,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  nose  hung  a  paw,  the  half  sleeves  coming  to  the  elbows 
were  the  necks  of  bears,  and  the  arms  through  the  mouth  with 
paws  hanging  at  their  noses.  One  had  the  head  of  a  wolfe  hanging 
in  a  chain  for  a  jewel,  his  tobacco  pipe  three  quarters  of  a  yard 
long,  prettily  carved  with  a  bird,  a  deer,  or  some  such  device  at 
the  great  end,  sufficient  to  beat  out  one's  brains;  with  bows, 
arrows,  and  clubs,  suitable  to  their  greatness.  Five  of  their  chief 
Werowances  came  aboard  us  and  crossed  the  bay  in  the  barge. 
The  picture  of  the  greatest  of  them  is  signified  in  the  map.  The 
calf  of  whose  leg  was  three-quarters  of  a  yard  about,  and  all  the 
rest  of  his  limbs  so  answerable  to  that  proportion  that  he  seemed 
the  goodliest  man  we  ever  beheld.  His  hair,  the  one  side  was 
long,  the  other  shorn  close  with  a  ridge  over  his  crown  like  a 
cock's  comb.  His  arrows  were  five  quarters  long,  headed  with 
the  splinters  of  a  white  christall-like  stone,  in  form  of  a  heart, 
an  inch  broad,  an  inch  and  a  half  or  more  long.  These  he  wore 
in  a  wolf's  skin  at  his  back  for  his  quiver,  his  bow  in  the  one  hand 
and  his  club  in  the  other,  as  is  described." 

Smith  goes  on  to  say  that  these  Susquehannas  were  scarce 
known  to  Powhatan,  the  great  Virginia  chief,  but  that  they  were 
a  powerful  tribe  living  in  palisaded  towns  to  defend  them  from 
the  Massawomeks,  or  Iroquois,  and  having  six  hundred  warriors. 
During  the  ceremonies  connected  with  the  visit  of  this  band  of 
Susquehannas,  Smith  says  that  they  first  sang  "a  most  fearful 
song,"  and  then,  "with  a  most  strange,  furious  action  and  a  hellish 
voice  began  an  oration."  When  the  oration  was  ended,  they 
decorated  Smith  with  a  chain  of  large  white  beads,  and  laid 
presents  of  skins  and  arrows  at  his  feet,  meanwhile  stroking  their 
hands  about  his  neck.  They  told  him  about  their  enemies,  the 
Iroquois,  who,  they  said,  lived  beyond  the  mountains  far  to  the 
north  and  received  their  hatchets  and  other  weapons  from  the 
French  in  Canada.  They  implored  Smith  to  remain  with  them  as 
their  protector,  which,  of  course,  he  could  not  do.  "We  left  them 
at  Tockwogh,"  he  says,  "sorrowing  for  our  departure." 

Smith's  account  of  the  large  stature  of  the  Susquehannas  has 


been  corroborated  by  subsequent  discoveries,  when  burying 
grounds  of  this  tribe,  in  Lancaster  County,  were  opened  and  very 
large  human  skeletons  found. 

The  Susquehannas,  in  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, carried  on  war  with  the  "River  Indians,"  as  the  Delawares, 
or  Lenape  then  living  along  the  Delaware  River,  were  called.  The 
Susquehannas  were  friendly  with  both  the  Swedes  and  the  Dutch, 
and  shortly  after  the  Swedes  arrived  on  the  Delaware  in  1638,  they 
sold  part  of  their  lands  to  them.  The  Swedes  equipped  these 
Indians  with  guns,  and  trained  their  warriors  in  European  tactics. 
When  the  Hurons  were  being  worsted  by  the  Iroquois  in  1647,  the 
Susquehannas  offered  the  friendly  Hurons  military  assistance, 
"backed  by  1300  warriors  in  a  single  palisaded  town,  who  had 
been  trained  by  Swedish  soldiers."  They  were  also  friendly  with 
the  colony  of  Maryland  in  the  early  days  of  its  history,  selling 
part  of  their  lands  to  the  Marylanders,  and  receiving  military 
supplies  from  them. 

The  Swedes,  during  their  occupancy  of  the  lower  Delaware, 
carried  on  trade  with  the  Susquehannas,  the  extent  of  which  is 
seen  in  the  report  of  Governor-General  John  Printz,  of  New 
Sweden,  for  1647,  in  which  he  states  that,  because  of  the  conflict 
of  his  colonists  with  the  Dutch,  he  had  suffered  a  loss  of  "8,000  or 
9,000  beavers  which  have  passed  out  of  our  hands"  and  which, 
but  for  the  Dutch,  would  have  been  gotten  from  "the  great 
traders,  the  Minquas." 

The  French  explorer,  Champlain,  says  that,  in  1615,  the  Car- 
antouannais,  as  he  calls  the  Susquehannas,  had  many  villages  on 
the  upper  part  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  that  their  town,  Caran- 
touan,  alone,  could  muster  more  than  eight  hundred  warriors. 
The  exact  location  of  Carantouan  has  been  a  matter  of  much 
conjecture,  but  the  weight  of  authority  places  it  on  or  near  the 
top  of  Spanish  Hill,  in  Athens  Township,  Bradford  County, 
Pennsylvania,  and  within  sight  of  the  town  of  Waverly,  New  York 

In  the  summer  of  1615,  Champlain  was  assisting  the  Hurons 
in  their  war  against  the  Iroquois,  and  when  he  was  at  the  lower 
end  of  Lake  Simcoe,  making  preparations  for  advance  against 
the  Iroquois  town  located  most  likely  near  the  present  town  of 
Fenner,  in  Madison  County,  New  York,  he  learned  from  the 
Hurons  that  there  was  a  certain  nation  of  their  allies  dwelling 
three  days  journey  beyond  the  Onondagas,  who  desired  to  assist 
the  Hurons  in  this  expedition  with  five  hundred  of  their  warriors. 
These  allies  were  none  other  than  that  portion  of  the  Susque- 


hannas,  living  along  the  Susquehanna  River,  near  the  boundary 
between  the  states  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York.  Accordingly, 
Champlain  sent  his  interpreter,  Estienne  Brule,  with  twelve 
Huron  companions,  to  visit  Carantouan,  the  chief  town  of  the 
Susquehannas  in  that  region,  for  the  purpose  of  hastening  the 
coming  of  the  five  hundred  warriors. 

Brule  and  his  five  hundred  allies  from  Carantouan  arrived  be- 
fore the  Onondaga  fortress  too  late  to  be  of  any  assistance  to 
Champlain,  who  had  already  made  two  attacks  upon  the  town, 
had  been  wounded  twice  by  the  Onondagas,  and,  despairing  of 
the  arrival  of  the  promised  assistance  of  five  hundred  warriors, 
had  already  retreated  toward  Canada  several  days  before  the 
arrival  of  Brule  and  his  Indians.  Brule  then  returned  with  his 
five  hundred  warriors  to  the  town  of  Carantouan. 

Brule  spent  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1615  and  1616  in  a  tour 
of  exploration  into  the  very  heart  of  Pennsylvania,  visiting  the 
various  clans  of  the  Susquehannas  and,  some  authorities  say, 
the  Eries.  He  followed  the  Susquehanna  River  to  its  mouth,  and 
returned  to  Carantouan.  This  intrepid  Frenchman  thus  gained, 
by  actual  observation,  a  knowledge  of  a  large  section  of  the  state 
and  of  its  primitive  inhabitants  almost  one  hundred  years  before 
any  other  white  man  set  foot  within  the  same  region. 

Another  town  of  the  Susquehannas  was  the  one,  later  called 
Gahontoto,  at  the  mouth  of  Wyalusing  Creek,  Bradford  County. 
The  Moravian  missionaries,  Bishop  Commerhoff  and  David 
Zeisberger,  visited  the  site  of  this  town  in  the  summer  of  1750. 

Another  of  the  towns  of  the  Susquehannas  is  believed  to  have 
been  at  the  mouth  of  Sugar  Creek,  in  Bradford  County,  above  the 
present  town  of  Towanda.  Still  another  of  their  towns,  this  one 
fortified,  was  near  the  mouth  of  Octorara  Creek,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Susquehanna  River,  in  Maryland,  about  ten  miles  south 
of  the  line  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.  One  of  their 
forts  was  in  Manor  Township,  Lancaster  County,  near  the 
Susquehanna  River,  between  Turkey  Hill  and  Blue  Rock. 
Another  was  on  Wolf  Run  near  Muncy,  Lycoming  County.  The 
location  of  their  principal  fort  was  long  a  matter  of  dispute,  and, 
at  one  time,  actual  warfare,  between  the  heirs  of  Lord  Baltimore 
and  the  heirs  of  William  Penn,  for  the  reason  that  the  southern 
boundary  of  Penn's  colony  was  supposed  to  be  marked  by  it. 
The  weight  of  authority  seems  to  place  its  location  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  in  York  County,  Pennsylvania, 
opposite  Washington  Borough. 


The  Iroquois,  the  mortal  enemies  of  the  Susquehannas,  at- 
tacked them  at  one  of  their  principal  towns,  in  either  York  or 
Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1663,  sending  down  the  Sus- 
quehanna River,  in  April  of  that  year,  an  expedition  of  eight 
hundred  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas.  On  their  arrival, 
they  found  the  town  defended  on  one  side  by  the  river  and  on  the 
other  by  tree  trunks;  it  was  fianked  by  two  bastions,  constructed 
after  the  European  method,  and  had  also  several  pieces  of  artillery. 
The  Iroquois  decided  not  to  make  an  assault,  but  to  attempt  to 
outwit  the  Susquehannas  by  a  ruse.  Twenty-five  Iroquois  were 
admitted  into  the  fort,  but  these  were  seized,  placed  on  high 
scafTolds,  and  burned  to  death  in  sight  of  their  comrades.  The 
humiliated  Iroquois  now  returned  to  their  home  in  New  York. 

After  this  defeat  of  the  Iroquois,  the  war  was  carried  on  by 
small  parties,  and  now  and  then  a  Susquehanna  was  captured 
and  carried  to  the  villages  of  the  Iroquois,  and  tortured  to  death. 
In  1669,  the  Susquehannas  defeated  the  Cayugas,  and  offered 
peace;  but  their  ambassador  was  put  to  death,  and  the  war  went 
on.  At  this  time,  the  Susquehannas  had  a  great  chief  named 
Hochitqgete,  or  Barefoot;  and  the  medicine  men  of  the  Iroquois 
assured  the  warriors  of  the  confederacy  that,  if  they  would  make 
another  attack  on  the  Susquehannas,  their  efforts  would  be  re- 
warded by  the  capture  of  Barefoot  and  his  execution  at  the  stake. 
So,  in  the  summer  of  1672,  a  band  of  forty  Cayugas  descended 
the  Susquehanna  in  canoes,  and  twenty  Senecas  marched  over- 
land to  attack  the  enemy  in  the  fields;  but  a  band  of  sixty  Sus- 
quehanna boys,  none  over  sixteen,  routed  the  Senecas,  killing  one 
and  capturing  another.  The  band  of  youthful  warriors  then 
pressed  on  against  the  Cayugas,  and  defeated  them,  killing  eight 
and  wounding  fifteen  or  sixteen  more,  but  losing  half  of  their  own 
gallant  band.  At  this  time,  it  is  said,  the  Susquehannas  were 
so  reduced  by  war  and  pestilence  that  their  fighting  force  con- 
sisted of  only  three  hundred  warriors. 

Finally,  in  1675,  according  to  the  Jesuit  Relation  and  Colden 
in  his  "History  of  the  Five  Nations",  the  Susquehannas  fell  be- 
fore the  arms  of  the  Iroquois;  but  the  details  of  the  defeat  are 
sadly  lacking.  It  seems  that  the  Iroquois,  about  this  time,  had 
driven  them  down  upon  the  tribes  of  the  South  who  were  then 
allies  of  the  English,  and  that  this  involved  them  in  war  with 
Maryland  and  Virginia.  Finding  themselves  surrounded  by 
enemies  on  all  sides,  a  portion  of  the  Susquehannas  left  the  land 
of  their  forefathers  and  the  beautiful  river  bearing  their  name. 


and  took  up  their  abode  in  the  western  part  of  Maryland,  near 
the  Piscataways. 

In  the  summer  of  1675,  a  white  man  was  murdered  by  some 
Indians,  most  probably  Senecas,  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the 
Potomac;  whereupon,  a  party  of  Virginia  militia  killed  fourteen 
of  the  Susquehannocks  and  Doeg  Indians  in  retaliation.  Shortly 
afterwards  several  other  whites  were  murdered  on  both  sides  of 
the  Potomac.  The  colony  of  Virginia  then  organized  several 
companies,  led  by  Colonel  John  Washington,  great-grandfather 
of  George  Washington,  to  co-operate  with  a  Maryland  force  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  troops,  led  by  Major  Thomas  Truman. 
The  Susquehannocks  claimed  that  they  were  entirely  innocent  of 
any  of  these  murders  and  sent  four  of  their  chiefs  as  an  embassy 
to  Major  Truman,  who  were  knocked  on  the  head  by  his  soldiers. 
This  so  enraged  the  Susquehannocks  that  a  long  border  warfare 
ensued  which  was  kept  up  until  they  became  lost  to  history. 

Another  portion  of  the  Susquehannocks  remained  near  their 
old  home  at  Conestoga,  Lancaster  County,  where  they  were  later 
joined  by  a  third  portion  which  had  been  taken  by  the  Iroquois  to 
the  Oneida  country  in  New  York,  and  there  retained  until  they 
lost  their  language,  when  they  were  permitted  to  join  their 
brethren  at  Conestoga.  Here  William  Penn  and  his  son,  William, 
visited  the  Conestogas  during  his  last  stay  in  his  province  in  1701. 
Here,  also,  the  Conestogas  lived  until  the  descendants  of  this 
remnant  of  a  once  powerful  tribe  were  killed  in  December,  1763, 
by  a  band  of  Scotch-Irish  settlers  from  Donegal  and  Paxtang, — 
the  last  melancholy  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  Susquehannas, 
or  Conestogas.  Conestoga,  for  generations  the  central  seat  of 
this  tribe  in  the  lower  Susquehanna  region,  was  about  four  miles 
southwest  of  Millersville,  Lancaster  County.  A  monument 
marks  the  site  of  this  historic  Indian  town.  It  was  erected  in 
1924  by  the  Lancaster  County  Historical  Society  and  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Commission. 

The  Delawares  or  Lenape 

At  the  dawn  of  the  historic  period  of  Pennsylvania,  we  find 
the  basin  of  the  Delaware  River  inhabited  by  an  Indian  tribe 
called  the  Delawares,  or  Lenape.  The  English  called  them  Dela- 
wares from  the  fact  that,  upon  their  arrival  in  this  region,  they 
found  the  council-fires  of  this  tribe  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware 
River.    The  French  called  them  Loups,  "wolves",  a  term  probably 


first  applied  to  the  Mohicans,  a  kindred  tribe,  on  the  Hudson 
River  in  New  York.  However,  in  their  own  language,  they  were 
called  Lenape,  or  Lenni-Lenape,  meaning  "real  men",  or  "original 

The  Lenape  belonged  to  the  great  Algonquin  family — by  far 
the  greatest  Indian  family  in  North  America,  measured  by  the 
extent  of  territory  occupied.  This  family  surrounded  on  all  sides 
the  Iroquoian  family,  of  which  we  shall  hereafter  speak,  and 
extended  from  Labrador  westward  through  Canada  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  southward  to  South  Carolina.  It  also  extended 
westward  through  the  Mississippi  Valley  to  the  RockyMountains. 
The  most  important  tribes  of  this  family  were  the  Mohican, 
Massachuset,  Miami,  Sac  and  Fox,  Ojibwa,  Blackfoot,  Illinois, 
Shawnee,  and  Lenape;  and  among  the  great  personages  of  the 
Algonquins  were  King  Philip,  Pocahontas,  Pontiac,  Tecumseh, 
and  Tamenend,  the  last  of  whom  made  the  historic  treaty  with 
William  Penn  described  in  Chapter  III. 

Traditional  History  of  the  Lenape 

The  early  traditional  history  of  the  Lenape  is  contained  in 
their  national  legend,  the  Walum  Olum.  According  to  this  sacred 
tribal  history,  the  Lenape,  in  long  ages  past,  lived  in  the  vast 
region  west  of  the  Mississippi.  For  some  reason  not  known,  they 
left  their  western  home,  and,  after  many  years  of  wandering  east- 
ward, reached  the  Namaesi  Sipu,  or  Mississippi,  where  they  fell 
in  with  the  Mengwe,  or  Iroquois,  who  had  likewise  emigrated 
from  the  distant  West  in  search  of  a  new  home,  and  had  arrived 
at  this  river  at  a  point  somewhat  higher  up.  The  spies  sent  for- 
ward by  the  Lenape  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering,  had  dis- 
covered, before  the  arrival  of  the  main  body,  that  the  region  east 
of  the  Mississippi  was  inhabited  by  a  powerful  nation  called  the 
Talligewi,  or  Alligewi,  whose  domain  reached  eastward  to  the 
Allegheny  Mountains,  which  together  with  the  beautiful  Alle- 
gheny River,  are  named  for  this  ancient  race.  The  Alligewi  had 
many  large  towns  on  the  rivers  of  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio 
valleys,  and  had  built  innumerable  mounds,  fortifications  and 
intrenchments,  hundreds  of  which  still  remain,  and  are  called  the 
works  of  the  "Mound  Builders".  Says  Schoolcraft:  "The  banks 
of  the  Allegheny  were,  in  ancient  times,  occupied  by  an  important 
tribe,  now  unknown,  who  preceded  the  Delawares  and  Iroquois. 
They  were  called  Alleghans  (Alligewi)  by  Colden."    It  is  related 


that  the  Alligewi  were  tall  and  stout,  and  that  there  were  giants 
among  them. 

When  the  Lenape  arrived  at  the  Mississippi,  they  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  the  Alligewi  requesting  that  they  be  permitted  to  settle 
among  them.  This  request  was  refused,  but  the  Lenape  obtained 
permission  to  pass  through  the  territory  of  the  Alligewi  and  seek 
a  settlement  farther  to  the  eastward.  They  accordingly  began 
to  cross  the  Mississippi;  but  the  Alligewi,  seeing  that  their  num- 
bers were  vastly  greater  than  they  had  supposed,  made  a  furious 
attack  upon  those  who  had  crossed,  and  threatened  the  whole 
tribe  with  destruction,  if  they  dared  to  persist  in  crossing  to  the 
eastern  side  of  the  river. 

Angered  by  the  treachery  of  the  Alligewi  and  not  being  pre- 
pared for  conflict,  the  Lenape  consulted  together  as  to  whether 
they  should  make  a  trial  of  strength,  and  were  convinced  that  the 
enemy  were  too  powerful  for  them.  Then  the  Mengwe,  who  had 
hitherto  been  spectators  from  a  distance,  offered  to  join  the 
Lenape,  on  condition  that,  after  conquering  the  Alligewi,  they 
should  be  entitled  to  share  in  the  fruits  of  the  conquest. 

Having  united  their  forces,  the  Lenape  and  the  Mengwe  de- 
clared war  against  the  Alligewi,  and  started  on  their  onward 
march  eastward  across  the  continent,  gradually  driving  out  the 
Alligewi,  who  fled  down  the  Mississippi  Valley  never  to  return. 
This  conquest  lasted  many  years,  during  which  the  Lenape  lost 
great  numbers  of  their  best  warriors,  while  the  Mengwe  would 
always  lag  back  in  the  rear  leaving  them  to  bear  the  brunt  of 
battle.  At  the  end,  the  conquerors  divided  the  possessions  of  the 
defeated  race;  the  Mengwe  taking  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Great  Lakes  and  their  tributary  streams,  and  the  Lenape  tak- 
ing the  land  to  the  south.  There  has  been  much  conjecture  as  to 
who  the  ancient  Alligewi  were,  some  historians  believing  them  to 
have  been  the  "Mound  Builders,"  but  most  modern  authorities 
believe  them  to  have  been  identical  with  the  Cherokees. 

For  a  long  period,  possibly  many  centuries,  according  to  the 
Walum  Olum,  the  Mengwe  and  Lenape  resided  peacefully  in  this 
country,  and  increased  rapidly  in  population.  Some  of  their 
hunters  and  warriors  crossed  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  and,  arriv- 
ing at  the  streams  flowing  eastward,  followed  them  to  the  Sus- 
quehanna River,  and  this  stream  to  the  ocean.  Other  enterprising 
pathfinders  penetrated  the  wilderness  to  the  Delaware  River,  and 
exploring  still  eastward,  arrived  at  the  Hudson.    Some  of  these 


explorers  returned  to  their  nation  and  reported  the  discoveries 
they  had  made,  describing  the  country  as  abounding  in  game  and 
the  streams  as  having  an  abundance  of  water-fowl  and  fish,  with 
no  enemy  to  be  dreaded. 

The  Lenape  considered  these  discoveries  as  fortunate  for  them, 
and  believed  the  newly  found  region  to  be  the  country  destined 
for  them  by  the  Great  Spirit  as  their  permanent  abode.  Con- 
sequently they  began  to  migrate  thither,  settling  on  the  four 
great  rivers, — the  Susquehanna,  the  Potomac,  the  Delaware, 
and  the  Hudson.  The  Walum  Olum  states,  however,  that  not 
all  of  the  Lenape  reached  the  eastern  part  of  the  United  States, 
many  of  them  having  remained  behind  to  assist  a  great  body  of 
their  people  who  had  not  crossed  the  Mississippi,  but  had  retreated 
into  the  interior  of  the  country  on  the  other  side,  on  being  in- 
formed of  the  treacherous  attack  of  the  Alligewi  upon  those  who 
had  attempted  to  cross  this  stream.  It  is  further  stated  that 
another  part  of  the  Lenape  remained  near  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Mississippi. 

According  to  this  traditional  history,  therefore,  the  Lenape 
nation  finally  became  divided  into  three  separate  bodies;  the  part 
that  had  not  crossed  the  Mississippi;  the  part  that  remained  near 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  the  part  that  settled  on 
the  four  great  eastern  rivers  above  named. 

That  branch  of  the  Delawares  which  settled  in  the  eastern  part 
of  the  country  divided  into  three  divisions,  or  clans, — the  Munsee, 
(later  corrupted  to  Monsey),  the  Unami,  and  the  Unalachitgo. 
These  were  called  the  Wolf,  the  Turtle,  and  the  Turkey  clans  re- 
spectively, from  their  respective  animal  types  of  totems.  With 
these  creatures  which  they  had  adopted  as  their  symbols,  they 
believed  themselves  connected  by  a  mystic  and  powerful  tie. 

The  Munsee  (Wolf  Clan),  at  the  dawn  of  the  historic  period, 
were  living  in  the  mountain  country,  from  about  the  mouth  of  the 
Lehigh  River  northward  into  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  em- 
bracing the  territory  between  the  Blue  or  Kittatinny  Mountains 
and  the  sources  of  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware  Rivers.  A 
part  of  the  tribe,  also,  dwelt  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  still  another 
part  had  a  village  and  peach  orchard  near  Nazareth  in  North- 
ampton County,  in  the  triangle  between  the  Delaware  and  Lehigh. 
However,  their  chief  village  was  Minisink,  in  Sussex  County, 
New  Jersey.  The  Munsee  were  the  most  warlike  of  the  Dela- 
wares; they  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  Indian  wars  of  Colonial 


Pennsylvania.  Being  defrauded  out  of  their  lands  by  the  noto- 
rious "Walking  Purchase"  of  1737,  which  obliged  them  to  move, 
first  to  the  Susquehanna  and  then  to  the  Ohio,  they  became  the 
bitter  enemies  of  the  white  man,  and  drenched  the  frontier  settle- 
ments with  the  blood  of  the  pioneers.  The  Munsee  have  fre- 
quently been  considered  a  separate  tribe,  inasmuch  as  they 
diflFered  greatly  from  the  other  clans  of  the  Lenape,  and  spoke  a 
different  dialect. 

The  Unami  (Turtle  Clan),  "down  river  people,"  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  historic  period  dwelt  on  both  sides  of  the  Delaware  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Lehigh  to  the  line  dividing  the  states  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Delaware.  Their  chief  village  was  Shackamaxon, 
which  was  probably  the  capital  of  the  Lenape  nation,  and  it  stood 
on  about  the  site  of  Germantown,  a  suburb  of  Philadelphia.  The 
principal  chief  of  the  Unami  was  the  "King"  of  the  united  Lenape 
nation,  by  immemorial  custom  presiding  at  all  the  councils  of 
the  tribe. 

The  Unalachtigo  (Turkey  Clan)  "people  living  near  the  sea," 
at  the  opening  of  the  historic  period,  occupied  the  land  on  the 
lower  reach  of  the  Delaware  River  and  Delaware  Bay.  Their 
villages  were  on  both  sides  of  the  river;  and  their  chief  village,  or 
capital  of  the  clan,  was  Chikoki,  on  the  site  of  Burlington,  New 

From  these  three  clans,  or  tribes,  comprising  the  great  body  of 
the  Delawares,  have  sprung  many  others,  who,  for  their  own 
convenience,  chose  distant  parts  in  which  to  settle.  Among  these 
were  the  Mahicans,  or  Mohicans,  who  by  intermarriage  became 
a  detached  body,  and  crossing  the  Hudson  River,  dwelt  in  eastern 
New  York  and  western  Connecticut;  and  the  Nanticokes,  who 
had  proceeded  to  the  South,  and  settled  in  Maryland  and  Virginia. 
It  is  to  be  noted,  too,  that  the  Delawares,  by  reason  of  priority 
of  political  rank  and  of  occupying  the  central  home  territory  from 
which  the  kindred  tribes  had  diverged,  were  assigned  special  dig- 
nity and  authority.  It  is  said  that  forty  tribes  looked  up  to  them 
with  respect,  and  that,  in  the  great  councils  of  the  Algonquins, 
they  took  first  place  as  "grandfathers"  of  the  race,  while  others 
were  called  by  them  '  'children , "  '  'grandchildren , ' '  and  "nephews. ' ' 
It  is  not  certain  that  this  precedence  of  the  Delawares  had  any 
importance  within  the  period  of  white  settlement,  but  it  no  doubt 
had  in  the  far  dim  past.  And  it  seems  true  that  the  Algonquin 
tribes  refrained  from  war  with  one  another. 


The  Iroquois  Form  a  Great  Confederation 
and  Subjugate  the  Lenape 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  when  the  Lenape,  or  Delawares, 
and  the  Mengwe,  or  Iroquois,  divided  the  country  of  the  Alligewi 
between  them,  the  Mengwe  took  the  part  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Great  Lakes  and  their  tributary  streams,  north  of  the  part  taken 
by  the  Lenape.  The  Mengwe  later  proceeded  farther  and  settled 
below  the  Great  Lakes  and  along  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  so  that 
when  the  Lenape  had  moved  to  the  eastern  part  of  the  United 
States,  the  Mengwe  became  their  northern  neighbors.  The 
Mengwe  now  became  jealous  of  the  growing  power  of  the  Lenape, 
and  finally  assumed  dominion  over  them. 

To  the  Moravian  Missionary,  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  who 
had  lived  among  the  Delawares  for  more  than  thirty  years,  they 
related  how  this  dominion  came  about.  The  great  chiefs  of  the 
Delawares  stated  to  Heckewelder  that  the  Mengwe  clandestinely 
sought  to  start  quarrels  between  the  Lenape  and  distant  tribes, 
hoping  thus  to  break  the  might  of  the  Lenape.  Each  nation  had 
a  particular  mark  on  its  war  clubs,  different  from  that  of  any 
other  nation.  So  the  Mengwe,  having  stolen  into  the  Cherokee 
country  and  secretly  murdered  a  Cherokee  and  left  beside  the 
victim  a  war  club,  such  as  the  Lenape  used,  the  Cherokees  natur- 
ally concluded  that  the  Lenape  committed  the  murder,  and  fell 
suddenly  upon  them,  and  a  long  and  bloody  war  ensued  between 
the  two  nations.  The  treachery  of  the  Mengwe  having  been  at 
length  discovered,  the  Lenape  resolved  upon  the  extermination  of 
this  deceitful  tribe.  War  was  declared  against  the  Mengwe,  and 
carried  on  with  vigor,  when  the  Mengwe,  finding  that  they  were 
no  match  for  the  powerful  Lenape  and  their  kindred  tribes,  re- 
solved upon  uniting  their  clans  into  a  confederacy.  Up  until  this 
time,  each  tribe  of  the  Mengwe  had  acted  independently  of  the 
others,  and  they  had  not  been  inclined  to  come  under  any  supreme 
authority.  Accordingly,  about  the  year  1570,  the  Mengwe  formed 
the  great  confederacy  of  their  five  kindred  tribes,  the  Mohawks, 
the  Oneidas,  the  Onondagas,  the  Cayugas,  and  the  Senecas,  known 
as  the  Five  (later  Six)  Nations. 

Thus  the  Delawares  claimed  that  the  Iroquois  Confederacy 
was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  extermination  of 
the  Mengwe  by  the  Lenape.  Other  authorities  say  that  the  pur- 
pose was  to  end  inter-tribal  feud  and  war  among  the  Mengwe, 
themselves;  to  enable  the  allied  tribes  to  make  mutual  offense  and 


defense,  and  to  advance  their  general  welfare.  Thannawage,  it  is 
claimed,  was  the  aged  Mohawk  chief  who  first  proposed  the 
alliance.  Other  authorities  say  that  Dekanawida,  the  Iroquois 
statesman,  prophet  and  law  giver,  planned  and  formed  the  historic 
confederation;  and  that  he  was  assisted  in  this  work  by  his 
disciple  and  co-adjutor,  Hiawatha,  whose  name  has  been  im- 
mortalized by  the  poet,  Longfellow,  in  his  charming  poem.  It  is 
to  be  noted,  however,  that,  while  in  "Hiawatha",  Longfellow 
gave  the  English  language  one  of  its  finest  poems ;  yet,  due  to  his 
adopting  the  error  of  Schoolcraft  in  applying  to  Hiawatha  the 
myths  and  legends  relating  to  the  Chippewa  deity,  Manabozho, 
this  poem  does  not  contain  a  single  fact  or  fiction  relating  to  the 
great  chieftain  of  the  Iroquois. 

The  following  chiefs,  also,  assisted  in  forming  the  confederacy: 
Toganawita,  representing  the  Onondagas;  Togahayon,  represent- 
ing the  Cayugas;  and  Ganiatario  and  Satagaruyes,  representing 
the  Senecas.  This  confederacy  is  known  in  history  as  the  Five 
Nations,  until  the  Tuscaroras,  a  tribe  having  been  expelled  from 
North  Carolina  and  Virginia  in  1712  or  1713,  and  having  sought 
an  asylum  among  the  Iroquois  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York, 
were  formally  admitted  to  the  alliance  in  1722,  after  which  time 
the  confederacy  is  known  as  the  Six  Nations.  The  French  gave 
the  Indians  of  the  confederacy  the  name  of  Iroquois,  while  the 
Delawares  continued  to  call  them  Mengwe,  later  corrupted  to 
Mingo.  The  Mohicans  and  the  Dutch  called  them  Maquas,  while 
Powhatan  called  them  Massawomekes. 

But,  to  resume  the  story  which  the  Delawares  told  Hecke- 
welder.  They  said  that,  after  the  forming  of  the  confederacy, 
very  bloody  wars  were  carried  on  between  the  Iroquois  and  them- 
selves in  which  they  were  generally  successful,  and  while  these 
wars  were  in  progress,  the  French  landed  in  Canada  and  com- 
bined against  the  Iroquois,  inasmuch  as  the  Five  Nations  were 
not  willing  that  these  Europeans  should  establish  themselves  in 
that  country.  At  last  the  Mengwe,  or  Iroquois,  seeing  them- 
selves between  two  fires,  and  not  seeing  any  prospect  of  conquer- 
ing the  Lenape  by  arms,  resorted  to  a  stratagem  to  secure  do- 
minion over  them. 

The  plan  was  to  persuade  the  Lenape  to  abstain  from  the  use 
of  arms,  and  to  assume  the  station  of  mediators  and  umpires 
among  their  warlike  neighbors.  In  the  language  of  the  Indians, 
the  Lenape  were  to  be  made  "women."  As  explaining  the  signifi- 
cance of  this  expression,  the  Delawares  said  that  wars  among  the 


Indians  in  those  days  were  never  brought  to  an  end,  but  by  the 
interference  of  the  weaker  sex.  It  was  not  considered  becoming 
for  a  warrior  to  ask  for  peace.  He  must  fight  to  the  end.  "With 
these  dispositions,  war  would  never  have  ceased  among  Indians, 
until  the  extermination  of  one  or  the  other  party,  if  the  tender  and 
compassionate  sex  had  not  come  forward,  and  by  their  moving 
speeches,  persuaded  the  enraged  combatants  to  bury  their 
hatchets,  and  make  peace.  On  these  occasions  they  were  very 
eloquent  .  .  .  They  would  describe  the  sorrows  of  widowed 
wives,  and,  above  all,  of  bereaved  mothers.  The  pangs  of  child- 
birth, they  had  willingly  suffered.  They  had  carefully  reared 
their  sons  to  manhood.  Then  how  cruel  it  was  to  see  these 
promising  youths  fall  victims  to  the  rage  of  war, — to  see  them 
slaughtered  on  the  field,  or  burned  at  the  stake.  The  thought  of 
such  scenes  made  them  curse  their  own  existence  and  shudder 
at  the  thought  of  bearing  children."  Speeches  like  these  generally 
had  the  desired  effect,  and  the  women,  by  the  honorable  function 
of  peace-makers,  held  a  very  dignified  position.  Therefore,  it 
would  be  a  magnanimous  and  honorable  act  for  a  powerful  nation 
like  the  Lenape  to  assume  that  station  by  which  they  would  be 
the  means  of  saving  the  Indian  race  from  extinction. 

Such,  according  to  Heckewelder,  were  the  arguments  used  by 
the  artful  Iroquois  to  ensnare  the  Lenape.  Unfortunately  the 
Delawares  listened  to  the  voice  of  their  enemies,  and  consented 
to  become  the  "woman  nation"  among  the  Indians.  With  elab- 
orate ceremonies,  they  were  installed  in  their  new  function. 
Eloquent  speeches  were  made,  accompanied  with  belts  of  wam- 
pum. The  place  of  the  ceremony  of  "taking  the  hatchet  out  of 
the  hand  of  the  Lenape"  and  of  placing  them  in  the  situation  of 
"the  woman"  was  at  Nordman's  Kill,  about  four  miles  south  of 
Albany,  New  York.  The  year  of  the  alleged  occurrence  is  un- 
known, but  it  is  said  to  have  been  somewhere  between  1609  and 
1620.  Both  the  Delawares  and  the  Mohicans  told  Heckewelder 
that  the  Dutch  were  present  at  this  ceremony  and  had  no  incon- 
siderable part  in  the  intrigue,  the  Mohicans  explaining  that  it 
was  fear  that  caused  the  Dutch  of  New  York  to  conspire  with  the 
Mengwe  against  the  Lenape.  It  appears  that,  at  the  place  where 
the  Dutch  were  then  making  their  settlement,  great  bodies  of 
warriors  would  pass  and  repass,  interrupting  their  undertakings; 
so  that  they  thought  it  well  to  have  an  alliance  with  the  Iroquois. 
Furthermore,  the  Delawares  told  Heckewelder  that,  when  the 


English  took  New  York  from  the  Dutch,  they  stepped  into  the 
same  alHance  with  the  Iroquois  that  their  predecessors  had  made. 

The  Iroquois  denied  that  such  an  intrigue  as  related  above  ever 
took  place.  They  alleged,  on  the  other  hand,  that  they  had 
conquered  the  Lenape  in  battle  and  had  thus  compelled  them  to 
become  "women,"— to  submit  to  the  greatest  humiliation  a 
spirited  and  warlike  nation  can  suffer.  Many  historians  believe 
that  the  Delawares  imposed  upon  the  venerable  Rev.  Hecke- 
welder  by  inventing  a  cunning  tale  in  explanation  of  the  humilia- 
tion under  which  they  were  smarting.  Also,  President  William 
Henry  Harrison,  in  his  "Aborigines  of  the  Ohio  Valley",  gives  the 
story  of  the  Delawares  little  credence.  He  says  that  the  Dela- 
wares were  too  sagacious  a  race  to  fall  into  such  a  snare  as  they 
allege  the  Iroquois  laid  for  them.  Rev.  Heckewelder,  the  staunch 
friend  of  the  Delawares,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that,  while  the 
Iroquois  claim  they  conquered  the  Delawares  by  force  of  arms 
and  not  by  stratagem,  yet  the  Iroquois  have  no  tradition  among 
them  of  the  particulars  of  the  conquest. 

So  much  for  the  story  which  the  Delawares  told  Heckewelder. 
Many  authorities  state,  however,  that  the  time  of  the  subjugation 
of  the  Delawares  was  much  later  than  the  date  given  Heckewelder. 
Some  have  stated  that  the  Delawares  were  not  made  tributaries 
of  the  Iroquois  until  after  the  coming  of  William  Penn;  but  the 
celebrated  Delaware  chief,  King  Beaver,  told  Conrad  Weiser  at 
Aughwick  on  September  4,  1754,  that  the  subjugation  took  place 
before  Penn's  arrival.  It  has  been  contended  that,  when  the 
Iroquois  finally  conquered  the  Susquehannas,  in  1675,  the 
Delawares  were  allies  of  the  Susquehannas,  and  that  therefore 
the  overcoming  of  the  Susquehannas  included  the  subjugation  of 
the  Delawares.  At  the  first  extended  conference  between  the 
Pennsylvania  Authorities  and  the  Indians,  of  which  a  record  has 
been  preserved,  held  at  Philadelphia  on  July  6,  1694,  the  Dela- 
ware chief,  Hithquoquean,  or  Idquoquequoan,  advised  the 
Colonial  Authorities  that  he  and  his  associate  chiefs  had  shortly 
before  this  time  received  a  message  from  the  Onondagas  and 
Senecas  containing  the  following  statement:  "You  Delaware 
Indians  do  nothing  but  stay  at  home  and  boil  your  pots,  and  are 
like  women ;  while  we  Onondagas  and  Senecas  go  ahead  and  fight 
the  enemy."  We,  therefore,  conclude  that  it  cannot  be  stated 
with  exactness,  just  when  the  subjugation  of  the  Delawares  took 
place;  and,  inasmuch  as  there  is  no  record  of  any  conquest  after 


the  time  of  Penn's  arrival,  it  may  be  that  the  subjugation  took 
place  through  fear  and  intimidation  rather  than  by  war. 

Whatever  may  be  the  facts  as  to  how  the  Iroquois  reduced  the 
Delawares  to  a  state  of  vassalage — whether  by  artifice,  intimida- 
tion, or  warfare — the  fact  remains  that  about  the  year  1720,  this 
powerful  northern  confederacy  assumed  active  dominion  over 
them,  forbidding  them  to  make  war  or  sales  of  lands, — a  condition 
that  existed  until  the  time  of  the  French  and  Indian  War.  During 
the  summer  of  1755,  the  Delawares  declared  that  they  were  no 
longer  subjects  of  the  Six  Nations,  and,  at  Tioga,  in  the  year  1756, 
their  great  chieftain,  Teedyuscung,  extorted  from  the  chiefs  of 
the  Iroquois  an  acknowledgment  of  Delaware  independence. 
However,  from  time  to  time,  after  1756,  the  Iroquois  persisted  in 
claiming  the  Delawares  were  their  vassals,  until  shortly  before 
the  treaty  of  Greenville,  Darke  County,  Ohio,  in  August,  1795, 
when  they  formally  declared  the  Delaware  nation  to  be  no 
longer  "women,"  but  MEN. 

Westward  Migration  of  the  Delawares 

As  early  as  1724,  Delawares  of  the  Turtle  and  Turkey  clans 
began,  by  permission  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  migrate  from  the 
region  near  the  Forks  of  the  Susquehanna  to  the  valleys  of  the 
Allegheny  and  Ohio,  coming  chiefly  from  the  country  to  the  east 
and  southeast  of  Shamokin  (Sunbury).  They  proceeded  up  the 
east  side  of  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  as  far  as  Lock 
Haven,  where  they  crossed  this  stream,  and  ascended  the  valley 
of  Bald  Eagle  Creek  to  a  point  near  where  Milesburg,  Center 
County,  now  stands.  From  there,  they  went  in  a  westerly  direc- 
tion along  Marsh  Creek,  over  or  near  Indian  Grave  Hill,  near 
Snowshoe  and  Moshanon,  Center  County,  crossing  Moshanon 
Creek;  and  from  there  through  Morris,  Graham,  Bradford,  and 
Lawrence  Townships,  Clearfield  County,  reaching  the  West 
Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  again  at  Chinklacamoose  on  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  Clearfield,  Clearfield  County.  From 
this  point,  they  ascended  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna 
for  a  few  miles;  thence  up  Anderson's  Creek,  crossing  the  divide 
between  this  stream  and  the  Mahoning,  in  Brady  Township, 
Clearfield  County;  thence  down  the  Mahoning  Valley  through 
Punxsutawney,  Jefferson  County,  to  a  point  on  the  Allegheny 
River,  about  ten  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Mahoning,  where 
they  built  their  first  town  in  the  course  of  their  westward  migra- 


tion,  which  they  called  Kittanning, — a  town  famous  in  the  Indian 
annals  of  Pennsylvania.  Other  Delaware  towns  were  soon 
established  in  the  Allegheny  Valley  and  other  places  in  the  western 
part  of  the  state  to  which  the  migration  continued  until  the  out- 
break of  the  French  and  Indian  War.  The  "Walking  Purchase" 
of  1737  caused  the  westward  migration  of  the  Delawares  of  the 
Wolf  clan.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  Delawares  retraced  their  steps 
across  Pennsylvania.  By  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary 
War,  nearly  all  the  Delawares  had  been  pressed  westward  into 

Domain  of  the  Iroquois 

When  the  historic  period  of  Pennsylvania  begins,  we  find  the 
domain  of  the  Five  Nations  extending  from  the  borders  of  Ver- 
mont to  Lake  Erie,  and  from  Lake  Ontario  to  the  headwaters  of 
the  Delaware,  Susquehanna,  and  Allegheny.  This  territory  they 
called  their  "long  house."  The  Senecas,  who  lived  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  Allegheny,  and  many  of  whose  settlements  were 
in  Pennsylvania,  guarded  the  western  door  of  the  house,  the 
Mohawks,  the  eastern,  and  the  Cayugas,  the  southern,  or  that 
which  opened  on  the  Susquehanna. 

The  principal  village  and  capital  of  these  "Romans  of  Ameri- 
ca," as  DeWitt  Clinton  called  them,  was  called  Onondaga,  later 
Onondaga  Castle,  and  was  situated  from  before  1654  to  1681,  on 
Indian  Hill,  in  the  present  town  of  Pompey,  near  Onondaga  Lake, 
in  central  New  York.  In  1677  it  contained  140  cabins.  After- 
ward it  was  removed  to  Butternut  Creek,  where  the  castle  was 
burned  in  1696,  in  the  war  between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
French.  In  1 720,  it  was  again  removed  to  Onondaga  Creek,  a  few 
miles  south  of  Lake  Onondaga. 

The  Smithsonian  Institution,  in  its  "Handbook  of  American 
Indians,"  says  the  following  of  the  Iroquois:  "Around  the  Great 
Council  Fire  of  the  League  of  the  Iroquois  at  Onondaga,  with 
punctilious  observance  of  the  parliamentary  proprieties  recog- 
nized in  Indian  diplomacy  and  statescraft,  and  with  a  decorum 
that  would  add  grace  to  many  legislative  assemblies  of  the  white 
man,  the  federal  senators  of  the  Iroquois  tribes  devised  plans, 
formulated  policies,  and  defined  principles  of  government  and 
political  action,  which  not  only  strengthened  their  state  and 
promoted  their  common  welfare,  but  also  deeply  affected  the 
contemporary  history  of  the  whites  in  North  America.  To  this 
body  of  half-clad  federal  chieftains  were  repeatedly  made  over- 


tures  of  peace  and  friendship  by  two  of  the  most  powerful  king- 
doms of  Europe,  whose  statesmen  often  awaited  with  apprehen- 
sion the  decisions  of  this  senate  of  North  American  Savages."  And 
Colden  in  his  "History  of  the  Five  Nations,"  says:  "The  Five 
Nations  are  a  poor  and,  generally  called  barbarious  people;  and 
yet  a  bright  and  noble  genius  shines  through  these  black  clouds. 
None  of  the  greatest  Roman  heroes  discovered  a  greater  love  to 
their  country,  or  a  greater  contempt  of  death,  than  these  people 
called  barbarians  have  done,  when  liberty  came  in  competition 
.  .  .  They  carried  their  arms  as  far  southward  as  Carolina,  to 
the  northward  of  New  England,  and  as  far  west  as  the  River 
Mississippi,  over  a  vast  country,  which  extends  twelve  hundred 
miles  in  length,  and  about  six  hundred  miles  in  breadth;  where 
they  entirely  destroyed  many  nations,  of  whom  there  are  now  no 
accounts  remaining  among  the  English  .  ,  .  Their  great  men, 
both  Sachems  and  Captains,  are  generally  poorer  than  the  com- 
mon people;  for  they  affect  to  give  away  and  distribute  all  the 
presents  and  plunder  they  get  in  their  treaties  or  in  war,  so  as  to 
leave  nothing  to  themselves  .  .  .  There  is  not  the  least  salary  or 
any  sort  of  profit  annexed  to  any  office,  to  tempt  the  covetous  or 
sordid;  but,  on  the  contrary,  every  unworthy  action  is  unavoid- 
ably attended  with  the  forfeiture  of  their  commission;  for  their 
authority  is  only  the  esteem  of  the  people,  and  ceases  the  moment 
that  esteem  is  lost." 

Says  Governor  DeWitt  Clinton  in  his  discourse  on  the  Iroquois: 
"All  their  proceedings  were  conducted  with  great  deliberation, 
and  were  distinguished  for  order,  decorum  and  solemnity.  In 
eloquence,  in  dignity,  and  in  all  the  characteristics  of  profound 
policy,  they  surpassed  an  assembly  of  feudal  barons,  and  were 
perhaps  not  far  inferior  to  the  great  Amphyctionic  Council  of 

So  great  was  the  scourge  of  the  Iroquois  that,  during  the  clos- 
ing decades  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  the  first  two  decades 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  region  south  of  Lake  Erie  on  both 
sides  of  the  upper  Ohio  and  Allegheny  contained  practically  no 
Indian  population;  and  the  Iroquois  looked  upon  this  vast  terri- 
tory as  their  great  hunting  ground. 
(Speaking  of  the  warfare  of  the  Iroquois,  DeWitt  Clinton  said: 
"They  reduced  war  to  a  science,  and  all  their  movements  were 
directed  by  system  and  policy.  They  never  attacked  a  hostile 
country  until  they  had  sent  out  spies  to  explore  and  designate  its 
vulnerable  points,  and  when  they  encamped,  they  observed  the 


greatest  circumspection  to  guard  against  spies.  Whatever  supe- 
riority of  force  they  might  have,  they  never  neglected  the  use  of 
stratagem,  employing  all  the  crafty  wiles  of  the  Carthagenians." 
The  Iroquois  commenced  their  conquests  of  all  the  tribes  to  the 
south  and  west  of  them,  soon  after  these  "Romans  of  America" 
acquired  firearms  from  the  Dutch  on  the  Hudson  River.  Tribes 
that  were  not  utterly  destroyed  or  absorbed  by  them,  were  held 
in  subjugation  and  ruled  by  Iroquois  deputies  or  vice-gerents. 
The  greatest  of  these  vice-gerents  was  the  renowned  Shikellamy, 
who,  in  1727  or  1728,  was  sent  by  the  Great  Council  at  Onondaga 
to  rule  over  the  Delawares,  Shawnees  and  other  tribes  in  the 
valley  of  the  Susquehanna,  taking  up  his  residence  first  near 
Milton  and  later  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury),  Pennsylvania.  Two 
other  vice-gerents  sent  by  the  Iroquois  to  rule  over  subjugated 
tribes  in  Pennsylvania  were  Tanacharison,  the  Half  King,  and 
Scarouady,  his  successor.  The  former  ruled  over  the  Delawares 
and  Mohicans  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  with  his  residence  at  Logstown, 
on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio,  about  eighteen  miles  below  Pitts- 
burgh ;  and  the  latter  ruled  over  the  Shawnees  of  the  Ohio  Valley, 
with  his  residence  also  at  Logstown.  Tanacharison  and  Scarou- 
ady took  up  their  duties  as  vice-regents  in  the  year  1747.  As  we 
shall  see,  the  Iroquois  Confederation  played  an  important  part 
in  the  Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  Shawnees 

The  Shawnees,  too,  occupied  parts  of  Pennsylvania  during 
the  historic  period.  The  name  means  "Southerners."  They  were 
a  branch  of  the  Algonquin  family,  and  are  believed  to  have  lived 
in  the  Ohio  Valley  in  remote  ages,  and  to  have  built  many  of  the 
mounds  and  earthworks  found  there.  Some  have  attempted  to 
identify  them  with  the  Eries  of  the  early  Jesuits,  the  Massawo- 
mecks  of  Smith,  and  the  Andaste,  but  without  success.  The  tra- 
ditional history  of  the  Lenape,  the  Walum  Olum,  connects  them, 
the  Lenape,  and  Nanticokes  as  one  people,  the  separation  having 
taken  place  after  the  Alligewi,  (Cherokees)  were  driven  from  the 
Ohio  Valley  by  the  Lenape  and  the  Mengwe  (Iroquois)  on  their 
onward  march  eastward  across  the  continent.  Then  the  Shaw- 
nees went  south.  Their  real  history  begins  in  1669-70,  when  they 
were  living  in  two  bodies  a  great  distance  apart, — one  body  being 
in  South  Carolina  and  the  other  in  the  Cumberland  basin  in  Ten- 
nessee.   Between  these  two  bodies  were  the  then  friendly  Chero- 


kees,  who  claimed  the  land  vacated  by  the  Shawnees  when  the 
latter  subsequently  migrated  to  the  North.  The  Shawnees  living 
in  South  Carolina  were  called  Savannahs  by  the  early  settlers. 

As  we  shall  see,  later  in  this  chapter,  the  Iroquois  destroyed  the 
Eries  about  1655  or  1656.  Shortly  thereafter,  these  northern 
conquerors  began  a  conquest  of  the  Shawnees,  which,  according 
to  Charlevoix,  they  completed  in  1672. 

On  account,  probably,  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  early  settlers, 
the  Shawnees  of  South  Carolina  began  a  general  movement  to  the 
north  in  1690,  and  continued  it  at  intervals  for  thirty  years.  The 
first  reference  to  this  tribe  to  be  found  in  the  Provincial  records  of 
Pennsylvania  is  probably  a  deposition  made  before  the  Provincial 
Council,  December  19,  1693,  by  Polycarpus  Rose.  In  this  deposi- 
tion there  is  a  reference  to  "strange  Indians"  called  "Shallna- 
rooners."  These  strange  Indians  appear  to  have  made  a  tempo- 
rary stop  in  Chester  County  in  migrating  possibly  from  Maryland 
to  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware  or  to  Pequea  Creek.  Many  authori- 
ties believe  these  "strange  Indians"  mentioned  in  the  affidavit  of 
Polycarpus  Rose  to  have  been  Shawnees.    This  is  conjecture. 

But,  leaving  the  realm  of  conjecture  and  entering  the  realm 
of  historical  truth,  we  find  that  the  first  Shawnees  to  enter  Penn- 
sylvania were  a  party  who  settled  on  the  Delaware  at  Pecho- 
quealin  near  the  Water  Gap,  in  the  summer  of  1694,  or  shortly 
thereafter.  These  came  from  the  Shawnee  villages  on  the  lower 
Ohio.  Arnold  Viele,  a  Dutch  trader,  from  Albany,  New  York, 
spent  the  winter  of  1692-1693  with  the  Shawnees  on  the  lower 
Ohio,  returning  in  the  summer  of  1694,  and  bringing  with  him  a 
number  of  this  tribe  who  settled  at  Pechoquealin.  Pechoquealin 
was  a  regional  name  whose  center  seems  to  have  been  the  mouth 
of  Shawnee  Run  in  Lower  Smithfield  Township,  Monroe  County, 
and  which  included  the  surrounding  territory  on  both  sides  of 
the  Delaware,  above  the  Delaware  Water  Gap.  Viele  was 
probably  the  first  white  man  to  explore  the  region  between  the 
valleys  of  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Ohio. 

About  four  years  later,  or  in  1697  or  1698,  about  seventy 
families  of  Shawnees  came  from  Cecil  County,  Maryland,  and 
settled  on  the  Susquehanna  River,  near  the  Conestoga  Indians, 
in  Lancaster  County.  Probably  at  about  the  same  time  others 
migrated  to  the  Ohio  Valley.  At  the  mouth  of  Pequea  Creek, 
Lancaster  County,  the  seventy  families  come  from  Maryland, 
built  their  village,  also  called  Pequea.  Their  chief  was  Wapatha, 
or  Opessah.    They  secured  permission  from  the  Colonial  Govern- 


ment  to  reside  near  the  Conestogas,  and  the  latter  became  security 
for  their  good  behavior,  under  the  authority  of  the  Iroquois  Con- 
federation. By  invitation  of  the  Delawares,  a  party  of  seven 
hundred  Shawnees  came  soon  after  and  settled  with  the  Munsee 
Clan  on  the  Delaware  River,  the  main  body  taking  up  their  abode 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Lehigh,  near  Easton,  while  others  went  as  far 
south  as  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill.  Those  who  had  settled  on 
the  Delaware  afterwards  removed  to  the  Wyoming  Valley  near 
the  present  town  of  Plymouth,  Luzerne  County,  on  a  broad  plain 
still  called  Shawnee  Flats.  This  band  under  Kakowatcheky  re- 
moved from  Pechoquealin  to  the  Wyoming  Valley  in  1728;  and  it 
is  probable  that  they  were  joined  there  by  those  who  had  settled 
at  Pequea,  which  was  abandoned  about  1730. 

The  Shawnees  also  had  a  village  on  the  flats  at  the  mouth  of 
Fishing  Creek,  near  Bloomsburg,  and  another  at  Catawissa, — 
both  being  in  Columbia  County.  They  had  other  villages  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  state  on  the  Swatara,  Paxtang,  Susquehanna, 
and  Delaware.  Several  villages  were  scattered  along  the  west  side 
of  the  Susquehanna,  between  the  mouth  of  Yellow  Breeches  Creek 
and  the  Conodoguinet,  in  Cumberland  County.  Another  of  their 
villages,  called  Chenastry,  was  at  the  mouth  of  Chillisquaque 
Creek  on  the  east  side  of  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna, 
in  Northumberland  County. 

The  Shawnees  from  Tennessee  migrated  to  the  Ohio  Valley, 
finally  collecting  along  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio  in  Penn- 
sylvania as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela,  about  the  year 
1730.  Sauconk  and  Logstown  were  villages  on  the  Ohio  which 
they  established  possibly  as  early  as  that  time.  The  former  was 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  and  the  latter  on  the  north  bank  of 
the  Ohio,  about  eighteen  miles  below  Pittsburgh. 

Another  clan  of  Shawnees,  called  the  Sewickleys,  Asswikales, 
Shaweygila,  and  Hathawekela,  came  from  South  Carolina  prior 
to  1730  by  way  of  Old  Town,  Maryland  and  Bedford,  Pa.,  and 
settled  in  different  parts  of  Southwestern  Pennsylvania.  Their 
principal  village  called  Sewickley  Town  was  at  the  junction  of 
this  creek  and  the  Youghiogheny  River,  in  Westmoreland  County. 
They  were  probably  the  first  Shawnees  to  settle  in  Western 

The  Shawnees  of  the  eastern  part  of  Pennsylvania  eventually 
went  to  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  Valleys.  In  the  report  of  the 
Albany  congress  of  1754,  it  is  found  that  some  of  the  tribe  had 
moved  from  the  eastern  part  of  the  state  to  the  Ohio  about  thirty 


years  previously;  and,  in  1734,  another  Shawnee  band  consisting 
of  about  forty  famiUes  and  described  as  living  on  the  Allegheny, 
refused  to  return  to  the  Susquehanna  at  the  solicitation  of  the 
Delawares  and  Iroquois.  During  their  westward  migration,  they 
established  villages  on  the  Juniata  and  Conemaugh.  About  the 
year  1755  or  1756,  practically  all  the  Shawnees  abandoned  the 
Susquehanna  and  other  parts  of  eastern  Pennsylvania,  and  joined 
their  brethren  on  the  Ohio,  where  they  became  allies  of  the  French 
in  the  French  and  Indian  War.  By  the  outbreak  of  the  Rev- 
olutionary War,  nearly  all  the  Shawnees  had  been  pressed  west- 
ward into  Ohio. 

There  is  something  mysterious  in  the  wanderings  of  the  Shaw- 
nees. As  we  have  seen,  their  home,  in  remote  times,  was  in  the 
Ohio  Valley;  then  we  later  hear  of  them  in  the  South;  and  still 
later  they  came  to  Pennsylvania.  There  is  good  evidence,  how- 
ever, tending  to  show  that  that  body  of  the  Shawnees  which 
entered  Lancaster  County,  Pennsylvania,  in  1697  or  1698,  came 
originally  from  as  far  west  as  the  region  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  near 
the  town  of  Utica,  LaSalle  County,  Illinois,  leaving  that  place  in 
1683  and  being  accompanied  in  their  wanderings  to  Maryland  by 
Martin  Chartier,  a  French  Canadian,  who  had  spent  some  eight 
or  nine  years  among  them.  At  any  rate,  this  band  reached  Mary- 
land near  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  in  1692,  and  such  is  the 
story  they  told.  They  gradually  moved  up  the  Susquehanna  to 
Lancaster  County,  as  we  have  seen,  where  Chartier  became  a 
trader  at  their  village  of  Pequea,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Susque- 
hanna near  the  mouth  of  Pequea  Creek,  and  only  a  few  miles 
from  Conestoga,  which  was  on  the  north  side  of  Conestoga  Creek. 

The  Shawnees  who  settled  at  Paxtang,  on  or  near  the  site  of 
Harrisburg,  most  likely  came  from  Pequea.*  Before  1727,  many 
of  this  tribe  from  Paxtang  and  Pequea  had  settled  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Susquehanna  River  at  what  is  now  New  Cumberland, 
near  the  mouth  of  Yellow  Breeches  Creek  and  as  far  north  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Conodoquinet.  These  dwellers  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Susquehanna,  about  the  year  1727,  crossed  the  mountains  to 
the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny.  Some,  however,  had  gone 
to  Big  Island  (Lock  Haven)  before  going  to  the  Ohio  region. 

Opessah,  the  chief  of  the  Shawnees  on  the  lower  Susquehanna, 
did  not  remove  to  the  Ohio  or  Allegheny  Valley.  He  remained  at 
Pequea  until  1711,  when  he  abandoned  both  his  chieftainship  and 
his  tribe,  and  sought  a  home  among  the  Delawares  of  Sassoonan's 
clan.     It  is  not  clear  why  he  abandoned  his  people.    There  is  a 

♦There  were  never  many  Shawnees  at  Paxtang,  their  larger  settlements  in  this  region  being 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna. 


traditionary  account  that  he  left  because  he  became  enamoured 
of  a  Delaware  squaw,  who  refused  to  leave  her  own  people.  Later, 
in  1722,  he  removed  to  what  was  called  Opessah's  town  on  the 
Potomac,  now  Old  Town,  Maryland. 

Neither  the  Pennsylvania  Archives  nor  the  Colonial  Records 
show  the  name  of  the  chief  of  those  Shawnees  who  settled  at 
Pechoquealin  until  1728,  when  their  head  man  was  Kakowatchey. 
Some  of  Kakowatchey's  clan  removed  directly  to  the  Ohio  before 
1732,  but  a  majority  seem  to  have  gone  only  as  far  as  the  Wyom- 
ing Valley  in  Luzerne  County,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  they  took 
up  their  abode  on  the  west  side  of  the  North  Branch  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna at  a  place  subsequently  known  as  Shawnee  Flats,  just 
below  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Plymouth.  Their  town  at 
this  place  was  called  Skehandowana  (Iroquois  for  "Great  Flats"), 
and  it  remained  a  town  of  considerable  importance  until  1743. 
Some  time  after  April  of  that  year,  Kakowatchey  himself,  with 
a  number  of  his  followers  removed  from  Skehandowana  and 
settled  at  Logstown  on  the  Ohio. 

After  Kakowatchey  left  Wyoming,  Paxinosa  became  chief  of 
the  Shawnees  who  still  remained  at  that  place.  He  said  that  he 
was  born  "at  Ohio",  and  possibly  he  was  one  of  the  company  cf 
Shawnees  who  accompanied  Arnold  Viele  to  the  Pechoquealin 

A  number  of  the  Shawnees  at  Chenastry,  on  the  West  Branch 
of  the  Susquehanna,  near  the  mouth  of  Chillisquaque  Creek,  ^ye^t 
to  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  prior  to  the  autumn  Cff 
1727  to  hunt,  and  no  doubt  some  of  them  made  their  permaner.t 
homes  or  took  up  their  abode  in  this  western  region,  during  or 
prior  to  the  summer  of  1727.  -   -. 

But  sorne  of  the  Shawnees  went  directly  from  Maryland  to  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny,  Two  chiefs  of  the  Potomac  Shawn2&s, 
Opaketchwa  and  Opakeita,  by  name,  came  from  the  Ohio  Valley 
to  Philadelphia  in  September,  1732,  after  they  had  abandoned 
their  town  on  the  north  branch  of  the  Potomac.  Governor  Gordon 
asked  them  why  they  had  gone  "so  far  back  into  the  woods  as 
Allegheny,"  and  they  replied  that  "formerly  they  had  lived  at 
'Patawmack'  [Potomac],  where  their  king  died;  that,  having  Iqst 
him,  they  knew  not  what  to  do;  that  they  then  took  their  wives 
and  children  and  went  over  the  mountains  (to  Allegheny)  to 

In  concluding  this  sketch  of  the  Shawnees,  we  state  that  one 
of  their  reasons  for  migrating  from  Eastern  Pennsylvania  to  the 


Ohio  Valley  was  to  escape  the  ruinous  effects  of  the  rum  traffic. 
The  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  made  many  attempts  to  persuade 
them  to  return  to  their  eastern  homes,  fearing  that  they  would 
yield  to  French  influence  if  they  remained  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny.  The  powerful  Iroquois  were  asked  to  join 
in  the  attempt  to  persuade  them  to  return.  The  Iroquois,  at  the 
Treaty  of  1732,  promised  the  Pennsylvania  Authorities  to  use 
their  influence  with  the  Shawnees,  and  kept  their  promise.  But 
all  efforts  to  persuade  them  to  return  nearer  the  eastern  settle- 
ments of  the  Colony  were  without  avail. 

The  Tuscaroras 

Another  Indian  tribe  inhabiting  portions  of  Pennsylvania 
within  the  historic  period  was  the  Tuscaroras.  They  were  of  the 
Iroquoian  linguistic  group.  It  will  be  recalled  that  this  tribe, 
after  being  expelled  from  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  sought 
an  asylum  with  the  Five  Nations,  and  was  later,  in  1722,  admitted 
formally  as  an  addition  to  the  Iroquois  Confederacy,  making  the 
Six  Nations.  The  Tuscaroras  had  suffered  greatly  in  wars  with 
the  people  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  before  they  were  ex- 
pelled in  1712.  Their  women  were  debauched  by  the  whites,  and 
both  men  and  women  were  kidnapped  and  sold  into  slavery. 

'Some  were  brought  as  far  north  as  Pennsylvania,  and  sold  as 

^  slaves. 

. '.'  "Surveyor-General  Lawson,  of  North  Carolina,  who,  in  Septem- 

.  bar,  1711,  was  captured  and  executed  by  the  Tuscaroras,  says 

"tli'e  following  of  these  Indians: 

-"They  have  really  been  better  to  us  [the  people  of  North  Caro- 
lina] than  we  have  been  to  them,  as  they  always  freely  give  us  of 
their  victuals  at  their  quarters,  while  we  let  them  walk  by  our 
doors  hungry,  and  do  not  often  relieve  them.  We  look  upon  them 
with  disdain  and  scorn,  and  think  them  little  better  than  beasts 
in. human  form;  while,  with  all  our  religion  and  education,  we 
pos'sess  more  moral  deformities  and  vices  than  these  people  do." 
'  ^'Moreover,  the  colonists  of  North  Carolina,  like  the  Puritans  of 
N'ew  England,  did  not  recognize  in  the  Indian  any  right  to  the 
goil  r  and  so  the  lands  of  the  Tuscaroras  were  appropriated  with- 
out any  thought  of  purchase.  They  had  suffered  these  and  similar 
wrongs  for  many  years,  and,  as  early  as  1710,  sent  a  petition  to 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  reciting  their  wrongs  and 
stating  that  they  desired  to  remove  to  a  more  just  and  friendly 


government.  Governor  Charles  Gookin  and  the  Provincial 
Council  of  Pennsylvania  dispatched  two  commissioners  to  meet 
the  embassy  which  brought  the  petition,  at  Conestoga,  Lancaster 
County,  on  June  8,  1710,  where  they  found  not  only  the  Tus- 
carora  embassy,  but  Civility  and  four  other  Conestoga  chiefs, 
as  well  as  Opessah,  head  chief  of  the  Shawnees. 

The  names  of  the  Tuscarora  ambassadors  were:  Iwaagenst, 
Terrutawanaren  and  Teonnotein.  The  account  of  their  meeting 
with  the  Pennsylvania  commissioners  is  contained  in  Pa.  Ar- 
chives, Vol.  2,  pages  511  and  512. 

In  the  presence  of  the  Pennsylvania  officials,  the  Tuscarora 
ambassadors  delivered  their  proposals,  which  were  attested  by 
eight  belts  of  wampum.  This  petition  was  a  very  lucid  and 
condensed  statement  of  the  wrongs  suffered  by  the  Tuscaroras 
in  their  southern  home. 

By  the  first  belt,  the  aged  women  and  mothers  of  the  tribe  be- 
sought the  friendship  of  the  Christian  people  and  the  Indians  and 
Government  of  Pennsylvania,  so  that  they  might  bring  wood  and 
water  without  danger.  By  the  second,  the  children,  born  and 
unborn,  implored  that  they  might  be  permitted  to  play  without 
danger  of  slavery.  By  the  third,  the  young  men  sought  the 
privilege  of  leaving  their  towns  to  pursue  the  game  in  the  forest 
for  the  sustenance  of  the  aged,  without  fear  of  death  or  slavery. 
By  the  fourth,  the  old  men  sought  the  privilege  of  spending  their 
declining  days  in  peace.  By  the  fifth,  the  entire  Tuscarora  nation 
sought  a  firm  and  lasting  peace  with  all  the  blessings  attached 
thereto.  By  the  sixth,  the  chiefs  and  sachems  sought  the  estab- 
lishment of  lasting  peace  with  the  Government  and  Indians  of 
Pennsylvania,  so  that  they  would  be  relieved  from  "those  fearful 
apprehensions  which  they  have  these  several  years  felt."  By 
the  seventh,  the  Tuscaroras  implored  a  "cessation  from  murder- 
ing and  taking  them,"  so  that  they  might  not  be  in  terror  upon 
every  rustling  of  the  leaves  of  the  forest  by  the  winds.  By  the 
eighth,  the  entire  Tuscarora  tribe,  being  hitherto  strangers  to 
the  colony  of  Pennsylvania,  implored  that  the  sons  of  "Brother 
Onas"  might  take  them  by  the  hand  and  lead  them,  so  that  they 
might  lift  up  their  heads  in  the  wilderness  without  fear  of  slavery 
or  death. 

This  petition,  it  is  seen,  was  couched  in  the  metaphorical  lan- 
guage of  the  Indian;  but  its  plain  meaning  proves  it  to  be  a  state- 
ment of  a  tribe  at  bay,  who,  on  account  of  the  large  numbers  of 
their  people  killed,  kidnapped,  or  sold  into  slavery  by  the  settlers 


of  North  Carolina,  were  endeavoring  to  defend  their  offspring, 
friends,  and  kindred,  and  were  seeking  a  more  friendly  dwelling 
place  in  the  North,  within  the  domain  of  the  just  government  of 
Penn,  the  apostle. 

The  Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania  advised  the  Tusca- 
rora  ambassadors  that,  before  they  could  consent  to  the  Tusca- 
roras  taking  up  their  abode  within  the  bounds  of  Penn's  Province, 
they  should  first  be  required  to  produce  a  certificate  from  the 
colonial  authorities  of  North  Carolina  as  to  their  good  behavior 
in  that  colony.  This,  of  course,  the  Tuscaroras  were  unable  to  do. 
Then,  the  Conestoga  chiefs,  by  the  advice  of  their  council, 
determined  to  send  the  wampum  belts,  or  petition,  of  the  Tusca- 
roras to  the  Five  Nations  of  New  York.  This  was  done,  and  it 
was  the  reception  of  these  belts,  setting  forth  the  pitiful  message 
of  the  Tuscaroras,  that  moved  the  Five  Nations  to  take  steps  to 
shield  and  protect  the  Tuscaroras,  and  eventually  receive  them, 
in  1722,  as  an  additional  member  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation. 

In  their  migration  northward,  the  Tuscaroras  did  not  all  leave 
their  ancient  southern  homes  at  once.  Some  sought  an  asylum 
among  other  southern  tribes,  and  lost  their  identity.  However, 
the  major  portion  came  north,  and  many  of  them  resided  for  a 
number  of  years  in  Pennsylvania,  before  going  to  New  York,  the 
seat  of  the  Five  Nations.  In  fact,  the  Tuscaroras  were  ninety 
years  in  making  their  exodus  from  their  North  Carolina  home  to 
more  friendly  dwelling  places  in  the  North. 

One  body  of  the  Tuscaroras,  on  their  way  north,  tarried  in  the 
Juniata  Valley  in  Juniata  County,  Pennsylvania,  for  many  years, 
giving  their  name  to  the  Tuscarora  Mountain.  There  is  evidence 
of  their  having  been  there  as  late  as  1755.  Another  band  settled 
about  two  miles  west  of  Tamaqua,  in  Schuylkill  County,  where 
they  planted  an  orchard  and  lived  for  a  number  of  years.  Also, 
in  May,  1766,  a  band  of  Tuscaroras  halted  at  the  Moravian 
mission  at  Friedenshuetten,  on  the  Susquehanna  in  Bradford 
County,  and  remained  there  several  weeks.  Some  remained  at 
the  mission,  and  these  had  planted  their  crops  in  1766,  at  the 
mouth  of  Tuscarora  Creek,  Wyoming  County. 

In  a  word,  the  residence  places  of  the  Tuscaroras  in  Pennsyl- 
vania during  their  migration  to  New  York,  were  those  localities 
where  their  name  has  been  preserved  ever  since,  such  as:  Tusca- 
rora Mountain  dividing  Franklin  and  Perry  Counties  from  Hunt- 
ingdon and  Juniata;  Tuscarora  Path  Valley  (now  Path  Valley)  in 
the  western  part  of  Franklin  County  at  the  eastern  base  of  Tusca- 


rora  Mountain ;  Tuscarora  Creek  running  through  the  valley  be- 
tween Tuscarora  and  Shade  mountains,  which  valley  forms  the 
greater  part  of  Juniata  County;  and  also  the  stream  called  Tusca- 
rora Creek  running  down  through  the  southeastern  part  of  Brad- 
ford County  and  joining  the  North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna 
in  the  northwestern  part  of  Wyoming  County.  The  Tuscarora 
Path  marks  the  route  followed  by  the  Tuscaroras  during  their 
migration  to  New  York  and  of  their  subsequent  journeyings  to 
and  fro  between  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  on  the  north  and 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina  on  the  south. 

The  Conoy,  Ganawese  or  Piscataway 

The  Conoy,  also  called  the  Ganawese  and  the  Piscataway,  in- 
habited parts  of  Pennsylvania  during  the  historic  period.  They 
were  an  Algonquin  tribe,  closely  related  to  the  Delawares,  whom 
they  called  "grandfathers,"  and  from  whose  ancestral  stem  they 
no  doubt  sprang.  Heckewelder,  an  authority  on  the  history  of  the 
Delawares  and  kindred  tribes,  believed  them  to  be  identical  with 
the  Kanawha,  for  whom  the  chief  river  of  West  Virginia  is  named ; 
and  it  seems  that  the  names,  Conoy  and  Ganawese,  are  simply 
different  forms  of  the  name  Kanawha,  though  it  is  difficult  to 
explain  the  application  of  the  same  name  to  the  Piscataway  tribe 
of  Maryland,  except  on  the  theory  that  this  tribe  once  lived  on 
the  Kanawha. 

As  stated  formerly,  the  Conestogas,  when  defeated  by  the 
Iroquois  in  1675,  invaded  the  territory  of  the  Piscataways  in 
western  Maryland.  This,  it  is  believed,  caused  the  northward 
migration  of  the  Piscataways.  At  any  rate,  they  shortly  there- 
after retired  slowly  up  the  Potomac,  some  entering  Pennsylvania 
about  1698  or  1699,  and  the  rest  a  few  years  later.  The  Iroquois 
assigned  them  lands  at  Conejoholo,  also  called  Connejaghera 
and  Dekanoagah,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna  at  the 
present  town  of  Washington  Borough,  Lancaster  County.  Later 
they  removed  higher  up  the  Susquehanna  to  what  was  called 
Conoy  Town,  at  the  mouth  of  Conoy  Creek,  in  Lancaster  County. 
Still  later  they  gradually  made  their  way  up  the  Susquehanna, 
stopping  at  Harrisburg,  Shamokin  (Sunbury),  Catawissa,  and 
Wyoming;  and  in  1765,  were  living  in  southern  New  York.  After 
their  arrival  in  Pennsylvania,  they  were  generally  called  Conoy. 
During  their  residence  in  Pennsylvania,  their  villages,  especially 
those  on  the  lower  Susquehanna,  were  stopping  places  for  war 


parties  of  the  Iroquois  on  their  way  to  and  return  from  attacks 
upon  the  Catawbas  in  the  South ;  and  this  fact  made  considerable 
trouble  for  the  Colonial  Authorities  as  well  as  the  Conoy. 

The  Nanticokes 

The  Nanticokes,  also,  dwelt  within  the  bounds  of  Pennsyl- 
vania during  the  historic  period.  These  were  an  Algonquin  tribe, 
formerly  living  on  the  Nanticoke  River  on  the  eastern  shore  of 
Maryland,  where  Captain  John  Smith,  in  1608,  located  their  prin- 
cipal village  called  Nanticoke.  They  were  of  the  same  parent 
stem  as  the  Delawares.  The  tenth  verse  of  the  fifth  song  of  the 
Walum  Olum,  the  sacred  tribal  history  of  the  Lenape,  contains 
the  statement  that  "the  Nanticokes  and  the  Shawnees  went  to 
the  Southlands."  It  is  not  clear,  however,  where  the  separation 
of  the  Nanticokes  from  the  Lenape  took  place,  but  Heckewelder 
states  that  they  separated  from  the  Lenape  after  these  had 
reached  the  eastern  part  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the 
Nanticokes  then  went  southward  in  search  of  hunting  and  trap- 
ping grounds,  they  being  great  hunters  and  trappers. 

A  short  time  after  the  settlement  of  Maryland,  they  had  diffi- 
culties with  the  settlers  of  that  colony.  They  were  formally  de- 
clared enemies  in  1642,  and  the  strife  was  not  ended  until  a  treaty 
entered  into  in  1678.  A  renewal  of  hostilities  was  threatened  in 
1687,  but  happily  prevented,  and  peace  was  once  more  reaffirmed. 
In  1698,  and  from  that  time  forward  as  long  as  they  remained 
within  the  bounds  of  Lord  Baltimore's  colony,  reservations  were 
set  aside  for  them.  At  this  early  day  they  began  a  gradual  migra- 
tion northward,  though  a  small  part  remained  in  Maryland.  The 
migration  to  the  North  covered  many  years.  On  their  way  they 
stopped  for  a  time  on  the  Susquehanna  as  guests  of  the  Conoy; 
later  at  the  mouth  of  the  Juniata;  and  still  later,  in  1748  the 
greater  part  of  this  tribe  went  up  the  Susquehanna,  halting  at 
various  points  and  finally  settling,  during  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  under  the  protection  of  the  Iroquois,  at  Chenango,  Chugnut, 
and  Owego,  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  in  southern 
New  York.  For  a  number  of  years,  their  principal  seat  in  Penn- 
sylvania was  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Susquehanna  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Lackawanna,  not  far  from  Pittston,  Luzerne 
County.  Other  villages  of  this  tribe  were  on  Nanticoke  Creek 
and  at  or  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Nanticoke,  Luzerne 


As  late  as  1766  and  1767,  bands  of  Nanticokes  passed  through 
the  Moravian  mission  at  Wyalusing  (Friedenshuetten),  Bradford 
County,  on  their  way  to  what  is  now  the  state  of  New  York. 

Many  marvelous  stories  were  told  concerning  this  tribe.  One 
was  that  they  were  said  to  have  been  the  inventors  of  a  poisonous 
substance  by  which  they  could  destroy  a  whole  settlement  at  once. 
They  were  also  accused  of  being  skilled  in  the  art  of  witchcraft, 
and,  on  this  account  they  were  greatly  feared  by  the  neighboring 
tribes.  Heckewelder  states  that  he  knew  Indians  who  firmly  be- 
lieved that  the  Nanticokes  had  men  among  them  who,  if  they 
wished,  could  destroy  a  whole  army  by  merely  blowing  their 
breath  toward  them. 

They  had  the  singular  custom  of  removing  the  bones  of  their 
dead  from  place  to  place  during  their  migrations,  and  this  they 
would  do  even  in  cases  where  the  dead  had  not  been  buried  long 
enough  to  be  reduced  to  a  skeleton.  In  cases  where  the  dead  had 
not  been  buried  long,  they  would  scrape  the  flesh  from  the  bones, 
reinter  it,  and  then  take  the  skeleton  with  them.  Heckewelder  re- 
lates that  between  the  years  1750  and  1760  he  saw  several  bands 
of  Nanticokes  go  through  the  Moravian  town  of  Bethlehem,  Penn- 
sylvania, on  their  migration  northward,  loaded  with  the  bones  of 
their  relatives  and  friends.  At  this  time  Heckewelder  was  a  boy, 
having  been  born  in  1743. 

The  Tutelo 

The  Tutelo  were  a  Siouan  tribe,  related  to  the  Sioux,  of  Dakota 
of  the  far  Northwest.  For  some  time  before  their  entering  Penn- 
sylvania soon  after  1722,  they  had  been  living  in  North  Carolina 
and  Virginia.  They  were  first  mentioned  by  Captain  John  Smith, 
of  Virginia,  in  1609,  as  occupying  the  upper  waters  of  the  James 
and  Rappahannock,  and  were  described  by  him  as  being  very 
barbarous.  Their  first  seat  in  Pennsylvania  was  at  Shamokin 
(Sunbury)  where  they  resided  under  Iroquois  protection.  At  this 
place,  the  Rev.  David  Brainerd  found  them  in  1745.  Later  they 
moved  up  the  Susquehanna  to  Skogari.  In  1771,  the  Tutelo  were 
settled  on  the  east  side  of  Cayuga  inlet  about  three  miles  from  the 
south  end  of  the  lake  of  that  name  in  New  York.  How  this  tribe 
became  so  widely  separated  from  the  western  Sioux  still  remains 

The  Conoy,  the  Nanticoke,  and  the  Tutelo  were  not  large 
tribes.  In  1763,  according  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  three 
tribes  numbered  about  one  thousand  souls. 


As  has  been  stated,  the  Shawnees,  the  Conoy,  and  the  Nanti- 
cokes,  belonged  to  the  Algonquin  parent  stem;  the  Tutelo  to  the 
Siouan;  and  the  Tuscarora  to  the  Iroquoian.  These  three  groups 
were  widely  separated.  It  is  thus  seen  that,  at  the  time  when  the 
English,  the  Germans  and  the  Scotch-Irish,  and  other  European 
races  were  coming  to  Pennsylvania,  as  widely  separated  races  of 
North  American  Indians  were  coming  from  the  South  to  make 
their  homes  in  its  wilderness  and  along  its  streams.  Of  these  in- 
coming tribes,  the  one  to  figure  most  prominently  in  the  history 
of  Pennsylvania  was  the  Shawnee.  Following  Braddock's  defeat, 
July  9th,  1755,  Pennsylvania  suffered  the  bloodiest  Indian  in- 
vasion in  American  history, — the  invasion  of  the  Shawnees  and 
Delawares,  brought  about  in  part,  by  the  fact  that  the  Shawnees 
yielded  to  French  influence.  However,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
fraudulent  "Walking  Purchase"  of  1737  and  the  Purchase  of  1754 
had  much  to  do  with  causing  these  two  powerful  Indian  tribes 
to  take  up  arms  against  Pennsylvania. 

The  Eries 

The  Eries,  also  known  as  the  Erieehronons,  were  populous 
sedentary  tribe  of  Iroquoian  stock,  which,  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, inhabited  that  part  of  Pennsylvania  extending  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Allegheny  River,  possibly  as  far  south  as  the  Ohio 
River,  and  eastward  to  the  lands  of  the  Susquehannas.  They 
are  also  known  as  the  Cat  Nation,  from  the  abundance  of  wild 
cats  and  panthers  in  their  territory.  Recorded  history  gives  only 
glimpses  of  them;  but  it  appears  that  they  had  many  towns  and 
villages,  and  that  their  town,  Rique,  had,  in  1654,  between  3,000 
and  4,000  combatants,  exclusive  of  women  and  children.  Rique 
was  located,  as  nearly  as  can  be  determined,  at  or  near  where  the 
city  of  Erie,  Pennsylvania,  now  stands. 

In  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1653,  it  is  stated  that  the  Eries  were 
forced  to  proceed  farther  inland  in  order  to  escape  their  enemies 
dwelling  west  of  them.  Who  these  enemies  were  is  not  positively 
known.  Finally,  about  1655  or  1656,  they  were  conquered  by  the 
Iroquois.  The  conquerors  entered  their  palisaded  town  of  Rique, 
and  there  "wrought  such  carnage  among  the  women  and  children 
that  the  blood  was  knee-deep  in  places."  However,  this  victory 
at  Rique  was  dearly  bought  by  the  Iroquois,  who  were  compelled 
to  remain  in  the  country  of  the  Eries  two  months  to  care  for  the 
wounded  and  bury  the  dead.    The  Erie  power  now  being  broken, 


the  people  were  either  destroyed,  dispersed,  or  led  into  captivity. 
Six  hundred  Eries,  who  had  surrendered  at  one  time,  were  taken 
to  the  Iroquois  country  and  adopted.  There  is  a  tradition  that, 
some  years  after  the  defeat  of  the  Eries,  a  band  of  their  descend- 
ants came  from  the  West,  ascended  the  Allegheny  River,  and 
attacked  the  Senecas,  and  were  slain  to  a  man. 

According  to  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1655-56,  the  cause  of  the 
war  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Eries  was  the  accidental  killing 
of  a  Seneca  by  one  of  thirty  Erie  ambassadors  who  had  gone  to 
the  Seneca  capital,  Sonontouan,  to  renew  the  then  existing  peace 
between  these  two  tribes.  The  Senecas  then  put  all  the  Erie 
ambassadors  to  death,  except  five,  and  determined  to  exterminate 
the  tribe.  However,  before  being  utterly  defeated  at  Rique,  the 
Eries  were  successful  in  burning  a  Seneca  town  and  in  defeating  a 
body  of  Senecas,  which  events  aroused  the  Senecas  to  savage 
wrath,  causing  them  to  invade  the  Erie  country  with  eighteen 
hundred  warriors  and  to  destroy  the  town  of  Rique. 

The  estimated  population  of  the  Eries  in  1654  was  14,500.  Be- 
sides Rique,  they  had  another  large  town,  Gentaienton,  located, 
it  seems,  in  the  southern  part  of  Erie  County,  New  York. 

The  Wenro 

The  Wenro,  a  tribe  of  Iroquoian  stock,  also  known  as  the 
Ahouenrochrhonons,  are  mentioned  in  the  Jesuit  Relation  as  hav- 
ing dwelt  some  time  prior  to  1639,  "beyond  the  Erie,"  or  Cat 
Nation;  and  it  is  probable  that  their  habitat  was  on  the  upper 
territory  of  the  Allegheny,  and,  part  of  it  at  least,  within  the 
bounds  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  This  tribe,  too,  fell  before 
the  arms  of  the  Iroquois.  A  notation  on  Captain  John  Smith's 
map  of  his  explorations,  says  that  they  traded  with  the  whites 
on  the  Delaware  River. 

The  Black  Minquas 

The  Wenro  seem  to  have  been  allied  with  the  Black  Minquas 
who,  according  to  Herrmann's  map  of  1670,  are  placed  in  the 
region  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  and  on  the  Ohio,  or 
"Black  Minquas  River."  The  Jesuit  Relation  states  that  both 
the  Wenro  and  the  Black  Minquas  traded  with  the  people  on  the 
upper  Delaware,  some  going  by  way  of  the  West  Branch  of  the 
Susquehanna,  down  to  Sunbury  (Shamokin),  up  to  Wyoming, 


and  then  across  to  the  Delaware  River,  near  the  Water  Gap ;  and 
others  reaching  the  Delaware  by  way  of  the  Conemaugh,  Juniata, 
and  Susquehanna.  The  Black  Minquas  were  so  called  because 
"they  carried  a  black  badge  on  their  breast."  About  all  that  is 
known  of  the  fate  of  this  tribe  is  the  legend  on  Herrmann's  map, 
which  reads:  "A  very  great  river  called  Black  Minquas  River — 
where  formerly  those  Black  Minquas  came  over  the  Susque- 
hanna, as  far  as  the  Delaware  to  trade;  but  the  Sasquhana  and  the 
Sinnicus  Indians  went  over  and  destroyed  that  very  great  nation." 

The  Akansea 

A  Siouan  tribe,  the  Akansea,  in  remote  times,  occupied  the 
upper  Ohio  Valley,  according  to  many  historians,  and  were 
driven  out  by  the  Iroquois.  This  stream  was  called  the  "River  of 
the  Akansea,"  because  this  tribe  lived  upon  its  shores.  When  or 
how  long  this  river  valley  was  their  habitat,  is  not  known. 

No  other  rivers  in  Pennsylvania,  or  on  the  continent,  have  seen 
more  changes  in  the  races  of  Indians  living  in  their  valleys  than 
have  the  Ohio  and  the  Allegheny, — the  dwelling  place  of  the 
Alligewi;  the  Delawares,  or  Lenape,  in  the  course  of  their  migra- 
tion eastward;  the  Akansea;  the  Shawnees;  the  Black  Minquas; 
the  Eries ;  the  Wenro ;  the  Senecas ;  then  once  more  the  Shawnees 
and  Delawares  in  their  march  toward  the  setting  sun  before  the 
great  tide  of  white  immigration.  What  battles  and  conquests, 
all  untold,  took  place  in  the  valleys  of  these  historic  streams  be- 
fore the  white  man  set  foot  upon  their  shores!  Who  would  not 
seek  to  draw  aside  the  curtain,  which,  it  seems,  must  forever 
hide  this  unrecorded  history  from  our  view? 

Having  given  this  survey  of  the  Indian  tribes  that  inhabited 
Pennsylvania,  we  shall  devote  the  next  chapter  to  a  brief  treat- 
ment of  the  Indian  policy  of  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  and 
William  Penn. 


The  Swedes  and  William  Penn 

Founding  of  New  Sweden 

AS  early  as  1624,  Sweden's  most  famous  king,  Gustavus 
^Adolphus,  one  of  the  heroic  and  admirable  characters  of  all 
time,  proposed  to  found  a  free  state  in  the  New  World,  "where 
the  laborer  should  reap  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  where  the  rights  of 
conscience  should  be  inviolate,"  and  which  should  be  an  asylum 
for  the  persecuted  of  every  nation  and  every  clime.  At  that  time, 
the  awful  Thirty  Years  War  was  raging  in  Europe,  and  amid  its 
fire  and  blood  and  desolation,  the  Swedish  King  had  a  vision  of 
such  a  "Holy  Experiment"  as  William  Penn  started  more  than 
half  a  century  later.  Before  he  could  carry  out  his  plans  of 
colonization,  the  noble  Gustavus  Adolphus  laid  down  his  life  on 
the  bloody  battle-field  of  Lutzen,  Germany,  on  November  16th, 
1632.  According  to  Bancroft  and  others,  the  King,  just  a  few 
days  before  his  death,  recommended  his  noble  enterprise  to  the 
people  of  Germany,  as  he  had  before  to  the  people  of  his  beloved 

Christina,  the  daughter  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  succeeded  her 
father  to  the  throne  of  Sweden,  and  was  destined  to  play  a  vital 
part  in  the  development  of  the  plans  of  her  illustrious  parent. 
Late  in  the  autumn  of  1737,  two  ships  left  Sweden  carrying  a 
small  band  of  resolute  emigrants  purposing  to  establish  a  Swedish 
colony  in  ihe  New  World  under  the  patronage  of  Queen  Christina. 
These  ships,  commanded  by  Peter  Minuit,  who  had  been  the 
Dutch  Company's  director  at  Manhattan  from  1626  to  1632, 
arrived  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware  River,  in  the  middle  of 
March,  1638.  Charmed  by  the  beauty  of  the  region,  the  Swedes 
gave  the  name  of  Paradisudden  (Paradise  Point)  to  a  particularly 
beautiful  spot  where  they  landed  temporarily.  Passing  on  up 
the  river,  their  ships  arrived  at  the  Minquas  Kill  of  the  Dutch 
(White  Clay  and  Christina  Creeks),  which  enters  the  Delaware 
from  the  west.    The  ships  then  sailed  up  the  Minquas  Kill  some 


distance,  and  cast  anchor  at  a  place  where  some  Indians  had 
pitched  their  wigwams. 

Peter  Minuit  then  fired  a  salute  of  two  guns  and  went  ashore 
with  some  of  his  men  to  reconnoiter  and  establish  connection  with 
the  Indians.  They  also  went  some  distance  into  the  country. 
Minuit  then  returned  to  his  ship.  The  roar  of  his  cannon  had 
the  desired  elTect;  several  Indian  chiefs  made  their  appearance, 
and  Minuit  at  once  arranged  a  conference  with  them  for  the  sale 
of  land.  The  leader  of  these  chiefs  was  Mattahorn.  Possibly 
Minuit  from  his  acquaintance  with  the  Dutch  trade  on  the  Dela- 
ware River  during  his  administration  at  Manhattan,  had  some 
previous  knowledge  of  this  chieftain.  Minuit  and  the  chiefs  had 
no  difftculty  in  coming  to  an  agreement.  He  explained  to  the 
Indians  that  he  wanted  ground  on  which  to  build  a  "house,"  and 
other  ground  on  which  to  plant.  For  the  former  he  ofTered  a 
"kettle  and  other  articles,"  and  for  the  latter,  half  of  the  tobacco 
raised  upon  it.  On  the  same,  or  following  day,  Mattahorn  and 
five  other  chiefs  went  aboard  one  of  the  ships  of  the  Swedes  and 
sold  as  much  "of  the  land  on  all  parts  and  places  of  the  river,  up 
the  river,  and  on  both  sides,  as  Minuit  requested." 

The  merchandise  specified  in  the  deeds  being  given  to  them, 
the  chiefs  traced  their  totem  marks  on  the  documents,  and  Peter 
Minuit,  Mans  Kling,  and  others  signed  their  names  below.  The 
extent  of  this  purchase  embraced  the  territory  lying  below  the 
Minquas  Kill  to  Duck  Creek,  a  distance  of  forty  miles  and  up  the 
river  to  the  Schuylkill,  a  distance  of  twenty-seven  miles  along  the 
bank  of  the  Delaware,  in  both  cases  stretching  an  indefinite  dis- 
tance to  the  westward.  The  purchase  being  concluded,  Minuit 
with  his  ofificers  and  soldiers  went  ashore.  A  pole  was  then  erected 
with  the  Coat  of  Arms  of  Sweden  upon  it;  "and  with  the  report  of 
cannon,  followed  by  other  solemn  ceremonies,  the  land  was  called 
New  Sweden." 

To  be  specific,  the  lands  purchased  by  the  Swedes  from  the 
Indians  extended  along  the  west  bank  of  the  Delaware  from  the 
mouth  of  Minquas  Creek  to  a  point  opposite  Trenton,  New 
Jersey.  Near  the  mouth  of  Minquas  Creek,  so  named  by  them 
because  it  was  one  of  the  main  trails  to  the  land  of  the  Minquas 
or  Susquehannas,  they  erected  Fort  Christina,  named  in  honor 
of  the  Swedish  Queen.  As  stated  in  Chapter  II,  the  Swedes  also 
purchased  lands  from  the  Susquehanna  tribe.  It  is  probable  that 
a  large  part  of  this  purchase  was  a  confirmation  of  the  purchase 
from  the  Delawares. 


The  first  Indians  with  whom  the  Swedes  dealt  in  making  the 
first  settlements  within  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  were  the 
Delawares  or  Lenape  of  the  Unalachtigo  or  Turkey  Clan.  At 
that  time,  the  Delawares  on  the  lower  reaches  of  the  river  of  the 
same  name  were  called  "River  Indians,"  and  it  seems  true  that 
they  were  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Minquas  or  Susque- 
hannas.  It  has  been  contended,  as  pointed  out  in  Chapter  II, 
that  the  conquering  of  the  Susquehannas  by  the  Iroquois,  in 
1675,  carried  with  it  the  subjugation  of  the  Delawares.  Soon 
after  the  founding  of  their  first  settlements  on  Pennsylvania  soil, 
the  Swedes  dealt  also  with  the  Minquas  or  Susquehannas,  carry- 
ing on  a  vast  fur  trade  with  them  and  thereby  incurring  the 
jealousy  and  enmity  of  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan,  a  fact  which  led 
to  the  overthrow  of  New  Sweden  by  the  Dutch,  in  1655.  It  is 
said  that  the  Swedes  exported  30,000  skins  during  the  first  year 
of  their  occupancy  of  Fort  Christina,  and,  as  was  stated  in 
Chapter  II,  Governor-General  John  Printz,  of  New  Sweden,  in 
his  report  for  the  year  1647,  says  that,  because  of  the  conflict  of 
his  colonists  with  the  Dutch,  he  had  suffered  a  loss  of  "8,000  or 
9,000  beavers  which  have  passed  out  of  our  hands"  and  which, 
but  for  the  Dutch,  would  have  been  gotten  from  "the  great 
traders,  the  Minquas."  As  was  stated  in  Chapter  II,  the  Swedes 
assisted  the  Susquehannas  in  their  struggle  against  the  might  of 
the  Iroquois,  furnishing  them  arms  for  their  warriors  after  the 
manner  of  European  soldiers. 

Indian  Policy  of  the  Swedes 

The  principles  on  which  New  Sweden  was  founded  and  the 
benevolent  intentions  of  the  Swedes  towards  the  Indians  are 
thus  set  forth  in  the  letter  granting  the  privileges  to  the  colonists, 
signed  by  Chancellor  Axel  Oxenstierna,  of  Sweden,  dated  January 
24th,  1640,  and  directed  to  the  Commandant  and  inhabitants  of 
Fort  Christina. 

"As  regards  religion,  we  are  willing  to  permit  that,  besides  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  [of  the  Lutheran  Church],  the  exercise  of 
the  pretended  reformed  religion  may  be  established  and  observed 
in  that  country,  in  such  manner,  however,  that  those  who  profess 
the  one  or  the  other  religion  live  in  peace,  abstaining  from  every 
useless  dispute,  from  all  scandal  and  all  abuse.  The  patrons  of 
this  colony  shall  be  obliged  to  support,  at  all  times,  as  many 
ministers  and  school  masters  as  the  number  of  inhabitants  shall 


seem  to  require,  and  to  choose,  moreover,  for  this  purpose,  persons 
who  have  at  heart  the  conversion  of  the  pagan  inhabitants  to  Chris- 

The  policy  of  the  Swedes  towards  the  Indians  is  more  speci- 
fically set  forth  in  the  "Instructions  to  Governor  John  Printz," 
dated  at  Stockholm,  August  15th,  1642,  as  follows: 

"The  wild  nations,  bordering  on  all  sides,  the  Governor  shall 
treat  with  all  humanity  and  respect,  and  so  that  no  violence  or 
wrong  be  done  to  them  by  Her  Royal  Majesty  or  her  subjects 
aforesaid;  but  he  shall  rather  .  .  .  exert  himself  that  the  same 
wild  people  may  be  gradually  instructed  in  the  truths  and  wor- 
ship of  the  Christian  religion,  and  in  other  ways  brought  to 
civilization  and  good  government,  and  in  this  manner  properly 
guided.  Especially  shall  he  seek  to  gain  their  confidence,  and 
impress  upon  their  minds  that  neither  he,  the  Governor,  nor  his 
people  and  subordinates  are  come  into  these  parts  to  do  them  any 
wrong,  or  injury,  but  much  more  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing 
them  with  such  things  as  they  may  need  for  the  ordinary  wants 
of  life." 

These  "Instructions"  further  admonished  the  Governor  that 
he  "must  bear  in  mind  that  the  wild  inhabitants  of  the  country" 
are  "its  rightful  lords." 

There  is  no  sublimer  chapter  in  American  history  than  the 
story  of  the  relations  between  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  and 
the  aborigines  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Swede  treated  the  Indian 
with  justice.  He  recognized  that  there  was  a  title  in  the  Indian 
to  the  land  which  he  loved  with  an  undying  love,  the  land  where 
he  was  born  and  where  his  fathers  were  born  for  countless  genera- 
tions. Furthermore,  the  Swede  labored  with  success  in  convert- 
ing the  Indians  to  the  Christian  faith.  The  Swedish  Lutheran 
clergyman,  the  Reverend  John  Campanius,  who  accompanied 
Governor  John  Printz  to  New  Sweden  in  1643,  was  active  as  a 
missionary  among  the  Delawares  and  translated  Martin  Luther's 
Catechism  into  the  Delaware  tongue, — the  first  book  to  be  trans- 
lated into  the  language  of  the  North  American  Indians.  The 
petition,  "Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread,"  Campanius  trans- 
lated, "Give  us  this  day  a  plentiful  supply  of  venison  and  corn." 
This  Lutheran  clergyman  was  the  first  missionary  of  the  Christian 
religion  to  labor  among  the  Indians  of  Pennsylvania;  and  the 
Swedish  Lutheran  church  at  Tinicum,  which  he  dedicated  on 
September  4th,  1646,  and  of  which  he  was  pastor,  "was  the  first 
regularly  dedicated  church  building  within  the  limits  of  Penn- 


sylvania."  The  Rev.  Campanius  is  sometimes  referred  to  as 
Campanius  Holm.  "Holm"  indicates  that  he  was  from  Stock- 

The  year  1644  was  the  only  year  in  which  Indian  troubles 
threatened  New  Sweden,  The  cause  of  this  trouble  was  the 
fact  that  the  Dutch  at  Manhattan  adopted  a  course  of  "exter- 
mination" of  the  Indians  on  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Hudson,  and 
during  the  years  1644  and  1645,  had  killed  sixteen  hundred  of  the 
natives  at  Manhattan  and  in  its  neighborhood.  They  slaughtered 
all  ages  and  both  sexes;  and  the  word  of  these  shocking  and  un- 
pardonable cruelties  spread  along  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  causing  the 
Indians  of  the  Delaware  to  feel  bitter  towards  all  newcomers. 
In  the  spring  of  1644,  a  Swedish  woman  and  her  husband,  an 
Englishman,  were  killed  not  far  from  the  site  of  Chester,  Penn- 
sylvania,— the  first  white  blood  shed  in  Pennsylvania  by  the 
Indians.  Governor  John  Printz  of  the  Swedish  colony  then 
assembled  his  people  for  the  defense  of  Chester;  but  the  Indian 
chiefs  of  that  region  came  to  him  disowning  the  act  and  desiring 
peace.  He  then  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  them,  distributing 
presents  and  restoring  friendly  relations.  During  this  year  there 
was  a  great  Indian  council  held,  which  has  been  described  by  Rev. 
John  Campanius,  over  which  the  Delaware  Chief,  Mattahorn, 
presided  and  in  which  the  destruction  of  the  Swedes  was  con- 
sidered. Mattahorn  is  said  to  have  presented  the  question  for 
the  consideration  of  the  council;  but  the  decision  was  that  the 
Swedes  should  not  be  molested.  The  warriors  said  that  the 
Swedes  should  be  considered  "good  friends,"  and  that  the  Indians 
had  "no  complaint  to  make  of  them." 

On  June  17th,  1654,  a  great  council  of  the  Delawares  was  held 
at  Printz  Hall,  at  Tinicum,  for  the  purpose  of  renewing  the 
ancient  bond  of  friendship  that  existed  between  the  Indians  and 
the  Swedes.  At  this  council  the  Delaware,  (some  say  Minquas 
or  Susquehanna)  chief,  Naaman,  whose  name  is  preserved  in 
Naaman's  Creek,  near  the  Delaware  line,  praised  the  virtues  of 
the  Swedes.    Campanius  thus  describes  the  occasion: 

"The  17th  June,  1654,  was  gathered  together  at  Printz  Hall  at 
Tinicum,  ten  of  the  sachemans  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  and  there  at 
that  time  was  spoken  to  them  in  the  behalf  of  the  great  Queen  of 
Sweedland  for  to  renew  the  old  league  of  friendship  that  was  be- 
twixt them,  and  that  the  Sweeds  had  bought  and  purchased  land 
of  them.  They  complained  that  the  Sweeds  they  should  have 
brought  in  with  them  much  evil,  because  so  many  of  them  since 


are  dead  and  expired.  Then  there  was  given  unto  them  consider- 
able presents  and  parted  amongst  them.  When  they  had  received 
the  presents  they  went  out,  and  had  a  conference  amongst  them  a 
pretty  while,  and  came  in  again,  and  then  spoke  one  of  the  chiefs, 
by  name  Noaman  [Naaman],  rebuked  the  rest,  and  that  they  had 
spoken  evil  of  the  Sweeds  and  done  them  harm,  and  that  they 
should  do  so  no  more,  for  they  were  good  people.  Look,  said  he, 
pointing  upon  the  presents,  what  they  have  brought  us,  and  they 
desire  our  friendship,  and  then  he  stroked  himself  three  times 
down  his  arm,  which  was  an  especial  token  of  friendship.  After- 
wards he  thanked  for  the  presents  they  had  received,  which  he  did 
in  all  their  behalfs,  and  said  that  there  should  hereafter  be  ob- 
served and  kept  a  more  strict  friendship  amongst  them  than  there 
hath  been  hitherto.  That,  as  they  had  been  in  Governor  Printz 
his  time,  one  body  and  one  heart,  (beating  and  knocking  upon 
his  breast),  they  should  henceforward  be  as  one  head.  For  a  token 
waving  with  both  his  hands,  and  made  as  if  he  would  tye  a 
strong  knot;  and  then  he  made  this  comparison,  that  as  the  calli- 
bash  is  of  growth  round  without  any  crack,  also  they  from  hence- 
forth hereafter  as  one  body  without  any  separation,  and  if  they 
heard  or  understood  that  any  one  would  do  them  or  any  of  theirs 
any  harm,  we  should  give  them  timely  notice  thereof,  and  like- 
wise if  they  heard  any  mischief  plotting  against  the  Christians, 
they  would  give  them  notice  thereof,  if  it  was  at  midnight.  And 
then  answer  was  made  unto  them,  that  that  would  be  a  true  and 
lasting  friendship,  if  everyone  would  consent  to  it.  Then  the 
great  guns  were  fired,  which  pleased  them  exceedingly  well,  say- 
ing,'Pu-hu-hu!  mo  ki-rick  pickon.'  That  is, 'Hear!  now  believe! 
The  great  guns  are  fired.'  And  then  they  were  treated  with  wine 
and  brandy.  Then  stood  up  another  of  the  Indians  and  spoke, 
and  admonished  all  in  general  that  they  should  keep  the  league 
and  friendship  with  the  Christians  that  was  made,  and  in  no  man- 
ner or  way  violate  the  same,  and  do  them  no  manner  of  injury, 
not  to  their  hogs  or  their  cattle,  and  if  any  one  should  be  found 
guilty  thereof,  they  should  be  severely  punished,  others  to  an 
example.  They  advised  that  we  should  settle  some  Sweeds  upon 
Passaiunck,  where  then  there  lived  a  power  of  Indians  for  to  ob- 
serve if  they  did  any  mischief,  they  should  be  confirmed,  the 
copies  of  the  agreements  were  then  punctually  read  unto  them. 
But  the  originals  were  at  Stockholm,  and  when  their  names  (were 
read)  that  had  signed,  they  seemed  when  they  heard  it  rejoiced, 
but  when  anyone's  name  was  read  that  was  dead,  they  hung  their 


heads  down  and  seemed  to  be  sorrowful.  And  then  there  was 
set  upon  the  floor  in  the  great  hall  two  great  kettles,  and  a  great 
many  other  vessels  with  sappan,  that  is,  mush,  made  of  Indian 
corn  or  Indian  wheat,  as  groweth  there  in  abundance.  But  the 
sachemans  they  sate  by  themselves,  but  the  common  sort  of 
Indians  they  fed  heartily,  and  were  satisfied.  The  above  men- 
tioned treaty  and  friendship  that  then  was  made  betwixt  the 
Sweeds  and  the  Indians,  hath  been  ever  since  kept  and  observed, 
and  that  the  Sweeds  have  not  been  by  them  molested." 

As  stated  earlier  in  this  chapter.  New  Sweden  was  overthrown 
by  the  Dutch  in  1655.  However,  the  Swedes  were  permitted  to 
remain  on  their  lands.  The  Indian's  love  for  the  Swede  never 
abated,  and  when  William  Penn  came  to  his  Province  in  1682,  he 
used  Swedes  as  his  interpreters  in  getting  in  touch  with  the 
Indians.  Indeed,  the  just  and  kindly  treatment  of  the  Dela- 
wares  by  the  Swedish  settlers  caused  that  friendly  reception 
which  these  children  of  the  forest  William  Penn,  when,  with  open 
heart  and  open  hand,  they  welcomed  him  to  the  shores  of  the 
Western  World. 

Dr.  William  M.  Reynolds,  in  the  introduction  to  his  transla- 
tion of  Acrelius'  "History  of  New  Sweden,"  emphasizes  a  great 
historical  truth  when  he  says: 

"The  Swedes  inaugurated  the  policy  of  William  Penn,  for 
which  he  has  been  deservedly  praised,  in  his  purchase  of  the  soil 
from  the  Indians,  and  his  uniformly  friendly  intercourse  with 

A  Contrast 

The  Indian  policy  of  the  Swedes  on  the  Delaware  stands  out 
in  strong  contrast  with  the  Indian  policy  of  many  other  colonies, 
especially  with  the  Indian  policy  of  early  New  England.  At  this 
point,  let  us  raise  the  curtain  and  take  a  view  of  what  was  happen- 
ing on  the  shores  of  New  England  while  the  sublime  things  we 
have  just  related  were  happening  on  the  shores  of  the  Delaware, 
on  Pennsylvania  soil.  The  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  came  to  New  Eng- 
land in  1620.  They  were  kindly  welcomed  and  kindly  treated  by 
the  Indians.  Not  long  after  the  landing  at  Plymouth,  the  Indian, 
Samoset,  entered  the  town,  exclaiming,  "Welcome,  Englishmen!" 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Wampanoag  tribe,  and,  in  the  name  of 
his  nation,  invited  the  Pilgrims  to  possess  the  soil.  In  a  few  days, 
he  returned  with  another  of  his  tribe,  Squanto  by  name,  who 


became  a  benefactor  of  the  infant  colony,  teaching  the  white 
men  many  things  about  fishing  and  raising  corn. 

Soon  the  aborigines  of  New  England  were  given  the  white 
man's  rum,  the  curse  of  the  Red  man.  Soon  troubles  came  on 
apace  between  the  Indian  and  the  New  Englander,  caused,  in 
large  measure,  by  the  New  Englander's  trickery  and  failure  to 
recognize  in  the  Indian  a  title  to  the  land  of  himself  and  his 
fathers.  Soon  we  see  the  Puritan  antagonizing  the  Indian  and 
deliberately  planning  his  utter  extinction.  Soon  we  see  Captain 
Miles  Standish  disturbing  and  despoiling  the  resting  places  of 
the  Indian  dead,  to  the  horror  and  rage  of  the  Indians.  Soon  we 
see  Standish  stabbing  the  Indian,  Pecksuot,  to  death  and  Stand- 
ish's  men  killing  many  of  Pecksuot's  companions,  which  caused 
the  Rev.  John  Robinson,  father  of  the  Plymouth  church,  to  ex- 
claim: "It  would  have  been  happy  if  they  had  converted  some 
before  they  killed  any." 

Time  passes,  and  we  see  the  Puritan  hunting  the  Indian  through 
the  forests  and  swamps  of  New  England  like  a  wild  beast.  We 
see  the  Puritan  trafficking  in  Indian  women  and  children,  and 
selling  them  into  slavery.  Many  were  shipped  to  the  slave 
markets  of  the  West  Indies.  At  one  time,  as  many  as  fifty 
Indian  women  and  children  were  captured  for  the  purpose  of 
selling  them  as  slaves. 

The  intolerance  of  the  Puritan  found  a  natural  vent  in  the  ex- 
tinction of  the  Indian.  The  Puritan  lauded  his  treacheries  and 
inhumanities  towards  the  unsophisticated  children  of  the  forest. 
Puritan  malignity  reached  a  climax  in  the  offering  of  a  reward  for 
Indian  scalps,  irrespective  of  sex  or  age.  And  then,  there  rise  up 
in  history  the  grim  and  grisly  features  of  those  Puritan  clergymen 
who  gloried  in  the  extinction  of  the  Indian,  especially  the  Mathers. 
The  New  Englanders  shot  and  burned  to  death  six  hundred  men, 
women  and  children  of  the  Pequot  tribe  in  one  day.  Concerning 
this  horrible  affair,  the  "learned  and  pious  Rev.  Cotton  Mather" 
wrote:  "Many  of  them  were  broiled  unto  death  in  the  avenging 
flames;"  while  Increase  Mather  wrote  exultingly  concerning  the 
same  slaughter  of  women  and  children:  "It  was  supposed  that 
no  less  than  500  or  600  Pequot  souls  were  brought  down  to  hell 
that  day."  Thus  did  these  "great  New  England  divines  and 
theologians"  glory  in  the  slaughter  of  the  Indians,  irrespective  of 
age  or  sex.  Thus  were  these  clergymen  "inspired  to  prayers  of 
thankfulness  and  praise."     (For  the  Puritan's  Indian  policy,  see 


Sylvester's  "Indian  Wars  of  New  England,"  Vol.  1,  pages  97  to 
99,  156  to  162,  169  and  170,  293  and  313.) 

Many  school  books  contain  pictures  of  the  Puritans  going  to 
church  with  guns  on  their  shoulders  to  defend  themselves  from 
the  Indians.  These  pictures  tell  only  a  half  truth,  which  is  often 
as  misleading  as  a  downright  falsehood.  There  should  be  ex- 
planatory notes  at  the  bottom  of  tl^e  pictures  telling  why  it  was 
necessary  for  the  Puritans  to  carry  guns  as  they  went  to  worship 
the  Prince  of  Peace. 

New  England  historians  and  New  England  poets  have  thrown 
a  glamour  around  the  early  history  of  New  England  which  the 
facts  do  not  justify.  The  Puritan,  by  his  barbarous  treatment  of 
the  Indian,  has  left  a  stain  on  the  early  history  of  New  England 
which  no  New  England  historian  and  no  New  England  poet, 
however  friendly  or  however  gifted,  can  ever  efface. 

In  addition  to  its  just  Indian  policy,  New  Sweden  had  many 
other  excellencies  that  stand  out  in  strong  contrast  with  the  early 
history  of  New  England.  With  her,  liberty  of  conscience  was  a 
historical  fact,  and  not  a  mockery  or  a  myth,  as  with  the  "Pilgrim 
Fathers"  of  New  England.  She  laid  down  the  principles  of  liberty 
of  conscience  and  education  of  the  people,  as  the  foundation  of 
her  political  structure,  before  William  Penn  was  born;  and  she 
steadfastly  adhered  to  these  principles  to  the  end  of  her  separate 
and  independent  existence,  giving  them  an  impetus  that  con- 
tributed very  largely  to  their  adoption  as  the  most  cherished  and 
sacred  principles  in  the  structure  of  our  American  Common- 
wealth. No  man  had  his  ears  cut  off,  no  man  had  his  tongue 
bored  through,  no  man  was  hanged  for  not  adhering  to  the 
Lutheran  Church  of  New  Sweden — all  this  in  striking  contrast 
with  the  way  the  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  of  New  England  persecuted 
those  who  did  not  accept  the  Puritan  type  of  religion.  The 
Lutheran  Swedes  who  landed  on  the  shores  of  the  Delaware  and 
made  the  first  settlements  in  Pennsylvania,  had  far  more  to  do 
with  molding  American  history  than  had  the  "Pilgrim  Fathers" 
of  New  England.  "America,"  says  Woodrow  Wilson,  "did  not 
come  out  of  New  England."  Well  for  us  that  America  did  not 
take  on  the  stamp  of  the  bigotry  and  intolerance  of  the  "Pilgrim 
Fathers"  of  New  England,  but  took  on  the  stamp  of  liberty  of 
conscience  of  the  Lutheran  Swedes  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  history  of  the  beginnings  in  Pennsylvania  is  as  much  more 
glorious  than  the  history  of  the  beginnings  in  New  England  as  the 
light  of  the  sun  is  more  glorious  than  the  light  of  a  candle.    The 


Swedes  on  the  Delaware  deserve  monuments  of  marble  and  bronze, 
medals  of  silver  and  gold;  but  their  best  monument  is  the  best 
love  of  the  best  American  hearts,  and  the  truest  impression  of 
their  image  is  in  the  improved  condition  of  mankind,  which  came 
about  as  the  fruits  of  the  immortal  principles  to  which  they 

The  Coming  of  William  Penn 

After  the  conquest  of  New  Sweden,  in  the  autumn  of  1655,  the 
Dutch  continued  their  rule  on  the  Delaware  until  the  autumn  of 
1664,  when  English  rule  began  on  this  stream.  Charles  II 
granted  to  his  brother  James,  Duke  of  York,  the  territory  em- 
bracing the  states  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  and,  by  a  later 
grant,  the  state  of  Delaware.  The  Dutch  colony  on  the  Dela- 
ware yielded  to  the  Duke  of  York  without  bloodshed.  On  March 
4th,  1681,  Charles  II  afhxed  his  signature  to  William  Penn's 
charter  for  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania.  As  the  great  founder 
of  the  Province  was  on  his  way  to  the  shores  of  this  Western 
World  to  treat  the  Red  Man  with  justice  and  to  establish  an 
asylum  for  the  persecuted  of  every  sect  and  every  creed,  the 
following  letter  was  written  by  the  "great  New  England  divine 
and  theologian,  "  Cotton  Mather: 

"September  ye  15,  1682. 

To  ye  aged  and  beloved  Mr.  Jolui  Higginson: 

There  is  now  at  sea  a  ship  called  the  Welcome,  which  has  on 
board  an  hundred  or  more  of  the  heretics  and  malignants  called 
Quakers,  W.  Penn,  who  is  the  chief  scamp,  at  the  head  of  them. 

The  general  court  has  accordingly  given  secret  orders  to 
Master  Malachi  Huscott  of  the  brig  Porpoise  to  waylay  the  said 
Welcome  slyly,  as  near  the  Cape  of  Cod  as  may  be,  and  make 
captive  the  said  Penn  and  his  ungodly  crew,  so  that  the  Lord  may 
be  glorified  and  not  mocked  on  the  soil  of  this  new  country  with 
the  heathen  worship  of  these  people.  Much  spoil  can  be  made 
by  selling  the  whole  lot  to  Barbados,  where  slaves  fetch  good 
prices  in  rum  and  sugar,  and  we  shall  not  only  do  the  Lord  great 
service  by  punishing  the  wicked  but  we  shall  make  great  good 
for  his  Minister  and  people. 

Master  Huscott  feels  hopeful  and  I  will  set  down  the  news 
when  the  ship  comes  back. 

Yours  in  ye  bowels  of  Christ, 



The  Indian  Policy  of  William  Penn 

William  Penn  did  not  set  foot  upon  the  soil  of  his  Province 
until  the  29th  day  of  October,  1682 ;  but,  after  maturing  his  plans 
for  the  new  colony  during  the  summer  of  1681,  he  appointed  his 
cousin,  William  Markham,  to  be  his  deputy  governor.  Markham 
left  England  in  the  spring  of  1682,  and  arrived  at  New  York  about 
the  middle  of  June  of  that  year.  He  then  proceeded  to  Upland, 
or  Chester,  Pennsylvania,  and,  no  doubt,  presented  his  creden- 
tials to  the  justices  and  announced  to  them  and  the  settlers  that 
once  more  a  change  of  government  had  been  decreed. 

William  Penn  decided  to  follow  the  advice  of  the  Bishop  of 
London  and  the  example  of  the  Swedes,  and  purchase  from  the 
Indians  inhabiting  his  Province  whatever  lands,  within  the 
bounds  of  the  same,  might  from  time  to  time,  become  occupied 
by  his  colonists.  The  first  Indian  deed  of  record  was  a  purchase 
of  lands  in  Bucks  County,  made  by  Deputy  Governor  Markham 
for  William  Penn,  dated  the  15th  day  of  July,  1682.  The  native 
grantors  were  fourteen  Delaware  chiefs  or  "sachemakers,"  bear- 
ing the  following  names:  Idauahon,  leanottowe,  Idquoquequon, 
Sahoppe  for  himself  and  Okonikon,  Merkekowon,  Orecton  for 
Nannacussey,  Shaurwawghon,  Swanpisse,  Nahoosey,  Tomak- 
hickon,  Westkekitt  and  Tohawsis. 

Markham  paid  the  Indians  for  this  purchase:  350  fathoms  of 
wampum,  20  fathoms  of  "stroudwaters,"  20  white  blankets,  20 
guns,  20  coats,  40  shirts,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  40  hose,  40  axes,  2 
barrels  of  powder,  60  fathoms  of  "dufihelds,"  20  kettles,  200  bars 
of  lead,  200  knives,  200  small  glasses,  12  pairs  of  shoes,  40  copper 
boxes,  40  tobacco  tongs,  2  small  barrels  of  pipes;  40  pairs  of  scis- 
sors, 40  combs,  20  pounds  of  red  lead,  100  awls,  two  handfuls  of 
fish  hooks,  two  handfuls  of  needles,  40  pounds  of  shot,  10  bundles 
of  beads,  10  small  saws,  12  drawing  knives,  2  ankers  of  tobacco, 
2  ankers  of  rum,  2  ankers  of  cider,  2  ankers  of  beer,  and  300 
guilders  in  money, — a  formidable  list,  indeed,  and  all  very  accept- 
able to  the  Indians. 

William  Penn  Purchases  Land  from  Tamanend 

On  June  23rd,  1683,  William  Penn,  at  a  meeting  with  Taman- 
end and  a  number  of  other  Delaware  chiefs  at  Shakamaxon,  with- 
in the  limits  of  Philadelphia,  purchased  two  dififerent  tracts  of 
land  from  the  Indians.    The  first  deed  was  from  Tamanend,  who 


made  "his  mark"  to  the  same,  being  a  snake  coiled.  This  deed 
conveyed  all  of  Tamanend's  lands  "lying  betwixt  the  Pem- 
mapecka  [Pennypack]  and  Nessaminehs  [Neshaminy]  Creeks, 
and  all  along  Nessaminehs  Creek."  The  consideration  was  "so 
many  guns,  shoes,  stockings,  looking  glasses,  blankets,  and  other 
goods  as  the  said  William  Penn  shall  please  to  give." 

On  the  same  date,  (June  23,  1683),  William  Penn  purchased  a 
second  tract  of  land  from  Tamanend,  the  deed  being  signed  by 
Tamanend  and  Metamequan.  It  conveyed  all  the  grantors'  lands 
"lying  betwixt  and  about  Pemmapecka  and  Nessaminehs  Creeks, 
and  all  along  Nessaminehs  Creek."  The  consideration  was  "so 
much  wampum  and  other  goods  as  he,  the  said  William  Penn, 
shall  be  pleased  to  give  unto  us."  However,  there  is  a  receipt 
attached  to  this  deed  for  the  following  articles :  5  pairs  of  stock- 
ings, 20  bars  of  lead,  10  tobacco  boxes,  6  coats,  2  guns,  8  shirts,  2 
kettles,  12  awls,  5  hats,  25  pounds  of  powder,  1  peck  of  pipes,  38 
yards  of  "duffields,"  16  knives,  100  needles,  10  glasses,  5  caps,  15 
combs,  5  hoes,  9  gimlets,  20  fish  hooks,  10  tobacco  tongs,  10  pairs 
of  scissors,  7  half-gills,  6  axes,  2  blankets,  4  handfuls  of  bells,  4 
yards  of  "stroudswaters"  and  20  handfuls  of  wampum. 

Also,  on  the  5th  day  of  July  1697,  "King  Taminy  [Taman- 
end], and  Weheeland,  my  Brother  and  Weheequeckhon  alias 
Andrew,  who  is  to  be  king  after  my  death,  Yaqueekhon  alias 
Nicholas,  and  Quenameckquid  alias  Charles,  my  Sons,"  granted 
to  William  Penn,  who  was  then  in  England,  all  the  lands  "between 
the  Creek  called  Pemmapeck  [Pennypack]  and  the  Creek  called 
Neshaminy,  in  the  said  province  extending  in  length  from  the 
River  Delaware  so  far  as  a  horse  can  travel  in  two  summer  dayes, 
and  to  carry  its  breadth  according  as  the  several  courses  of  the  said 
two  Creeks  will  admit,  and  when  the  said  Creeks  do  so  branch 
that  the  main  branches  or  bodies  thereof  cannot  be  discovered, 
then  the  Tract  of  Land  hereby  granted,  shall  stretch  forth  upon 
a  direct  course  on  each  side  and  so  carry  on  the  full  breadth  to 
the  extent  of  the  length  thereof."  For  copies  of  Tamanend's 
deeds  of  June  23d,  1683  and  July  5th,  1697,  see  Penna.  Archives 
First  Series,  Vol.  I,  pages  62,  64  and  124. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  list  of  articles  which  Penn  gave  in 
exchange  for  the  various  tracts  of  land  purchased  from  Tamanend 
and  his  associate  chiefs,  no  brandy  or  other  strong  liquor  appeared 
It  will  be  recalled  that  in  Markham's  purchase  in  Bucks  County 
on  the  15th  of  July,  1682,  he  gave  the  contracting  sachems,  rum, 
cider  and  beer  as  part  of  the  purchase  price.     Penn,  however. 


was  more  scrupulous  than  his  deputy  governor,  doubtless  having 
realized  more  strongly  than  Markham,  the  injury  done  the 
Indians  by  liquor.  Indeed,  in  the  "Great  Law"  which  Penn  drew 
up  shortly  after  his  arrival,  there  was  a  provision  for  punishing 
any  person  by  fine  of  five  pounds  who  should  "presume  to  sell  or 
exchange  any  rum  or  brandy  or  any  strong  liquors  at  any  time 
to  any  Indian,  within  this  province."  Later  the  Indians  found 
their  appetite  for  strong  liquor  to  be  so  strong  that  they  agreed, 
if  the  colonists  would  sell  them  liquor,  to  submit  to  punishment 
by  the  civil  magistrates  "the  same  as  white  persons." 

Penn's  Treaty  with  Tamanend 

Penn's  memorable  treaty  with  Tamanend  and  other  Delaware 
chiefs,  of  the  Turtle  Clan,  under  the  great  elm  at  Shakamaxon, 
within  the  limits  of  Philadelphia,  is  full  of  romantic  interest. 
Unarmed,  clad  in  his  sombre  Quaker  garb,  he  addressed  the 
Indians  assembled  there,  uttering  the  following  words,  which 
will  be  admired  throughout  the  ages:  "We  meet  on  the  broad 
pathway  of  good  faith  and  good-will ;  no  advantage  shall  be  taken 
on  either  side,  but  all  shall  be  openness  and  love.  We  are  the 
same  as  if  one  man's  body  was  to  be  divided  into  two  parts;  we 
are  of  one  flesh  and  one  blood."  The  reply  of  Tamanend,  is 
equally  noble:  "We  will  live  in  love  with  William  Penn  and  his 
children  as  long  as  the  creeks  and  rivers  run,  and  while  the  sun, 
moon,  and  stars  endure." 

No  authentic  record  has  been  preserved  of  the  "Great  Treaty," 
made  familiar  by  Benjamin  West's  painting  and  Voltaire's  allu- 
sion to  it  "as  the  only  treaty  never  sworn  to  and  never  broken;" 
and  there  has  been  a  lack  of  agreement  among  historians  as  to 
the  time  when  it  took  place.  Many  authorities  claim  that  the 
time  was  in  the  November  days,  shortly  after  Penn  arrived  in  his 
Province.  "Under  the  shelter  of  the  forest,"  says  Bancroft,  "now 
leafless  by  the  frosts  of  autumn,  Penn  proclaimed  to  the  men  of 
the  Algonquin  race,  from  both  banks  of  the  Delaware,  from  the 
borders  of  the  Schuylkill,  and,  it  may  have  been,  even  from  the 
Susquehanna,  the  same  simple  message  of  peace  and  love  which 
George  Fox  had  professed  before  Cromwell,  and  Mary  Fisher  had 
borne  to  the  Grand  Turk." 

Other  authorities,  in  recent  times,  fix  the  time  of  the  treaty 
as  on  the  23rd  day  of  June,  1683,  when  Penn,  as  has  been  seen, 
purchased  the  two  tracts  of  land  from  Tamanend  and  his  associ- 


ates;  in  other  words,  that  the  purchase  of  land  and  the  "Great 
Treaty"  took  place  at  the  same  time  and  at  the  same  place.  More- 
over, a  study  of  West's  painting  of  the  treaty  scene  shows  the 
trees  to  be  in  full  foliage,  thus  not  suggesting  a  late  autumn  or 
winter  day,  as  contended  by  Bancroft,  but  rather  a  day  in  the 
leafy  month  of  June,  Even  if  we  should  not  grant  the  purchase 
of  the  two  tracts  of  land  from  Tamanend  and  others  on  the  23rd 
of  June,  1683,  the  distinction  of  being  the  "Great  Treaty,"  it 
was  most  certainly  a  treaty  of  great  importance  and  entitled  to  a 
prominent  place  in  the  Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 

Says  Jenkins,  in  his  "Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal": 
"In  the  years  following  1683,  far  down  into  the  next  century,  the 
Indians  preserved  the  tradition  of  an  agreement  of  peace  made 
with  Penn,  and  it  was  many  times  recalled  in  the  meetings  held 
with  him  and  his  successors.  Some  of  these  allusions  are  very 
definite.  In  1715,  for  example,  an  important  delegation  of  the 
Lenape  chiefs  came  to  Philadelphia  to  visit  the  Governor.  Sas- 
soonan — afterward  called  Allummapees,  and  for  many  years  the 
principal  chief  of  his  people — was  at  the  head,  and  Opessah,  a 
Shawnee  chief,  accompanied  him.  There  was  'great  ceremony,' 
says  the  Council  record,  over  the  'opening  of  the  calumet.'  Rattles 
were  shaken,  and  songs  were  chanted.  Then  Sassoonan  spoke, 
offering  the  calumet  to  Governor  Gookin,  who  in  his  speech  spoke 
of  'that  firm  Peace  that  was  settled  between  William  Penn,  the 
founder  and  chief  governor  of  this  country,  at  his  first  coming  into 
it,'  to  which  Sassoonan  replied  that  they  had  come  'to  renew  the 
former  bond  of  friendship;  that  William  Penn  had  at  his  first 
coming  made  a  clear  and  open  road  all  the  way  to  the  Indians, 
and  they  desired  the  same  might  be  kept  open  and  that  all  ob- 
structions might  be  removed,'  etc.  In  1720,  Governor  Keith, 
writing  to  the  Iroquois  chiefs  of  New  York,  said :  'When  Govern- 
or Penn  first  settled  this  country  he  made  it  his  first  care  to  culti- 
vate a  strict  alliance  and  friendship  with  all  the  Indians,  and  con- 
descended so  far  as  to  purchase  his  lands  from  them.'  And  in 
March,  1722,  the  Colonial  Authorities,  sending  a  message  to  the 
Senecas,  said:  'William  Penn  made  a  firm  peace  and  league  with 
the  Indians  in  these  parts  near  forty  years  ago,  which  league  has 
often  been  repeated  and  never  broken.'  "  In  fact,  the  "Great 
Treaty"  was  never  broken  until  the  Penn's  Creek  Massacre  of 
October  16, 1755. 

Unhappily,  then,  historians  are  not  able  to  agree  in  stating  the 


exact  date  of  the  "Great  Treaty"  under  the  historic  elm  on  the 
banks  of  the  Delaware, — a  treaty  that  occupies  a  high  and  glorious 
place  in  the  Indian  history  and  traditions  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Nation.  Though  the  historian  labors  in  vain  to  establish  the 
date,  the  fact  of  the  treaty  remains  as  inspiring  to  us  of  the 
present  day  as  it  was  to  the  historians,  painters,  and  poets  of  the 

On  August  16th,  1683,  William  Penn  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the 
Free  Society  of  Traders,  in  which  he  describes  a  council  that  he 
had  with  the  Indians, — possibly  the  "Great  Treaty": 

"I  have  had  occasion  to  be  in  council  with  them  (the  Indians) 
upon  treaties  for  land,  and  to  adjust  the  terms  of  trade.  Their 
order  is  thus:  The  King  sits  in  the  middle  of  an  half  moon,  and 
hath  his  council,  the  old  and  wise,  on  each  hand;  behind  them  or 
at  a  little  distance,  sit  the  younger  fry  in  the  same  figure  .  .  . 
When  the  purchase  was  agreed,  great  promises  passed  between  us 
of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the  Indians  and 
English  must  live  in  love  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  give  light; 
which  done,  another  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians  in  the  name  of 
all  the  Sachamakers  or  Kings,  first  to  tell  them  what  was  done; 
next  to  charge  and  command  them  to  love  the  Christians,  and 
particularly  live  in  peace  with  me,  and  the  people  under  my 
Government;  that  many  Governors  had  been  on  the  River,  but 
that  no  Governor  had  come  himself  to  live  and  stay  here  before; 
and  having  now  such  an  one  that  treated  them  well,  they  should 
never  do  him  or  his  any  wrong.  At  every  sentence  of  which  they 
shouted  and  said  Amen  in  their  way." 

The  "Great  Treaty"  was  preserved  by  the  head  chiefs  of  the 
Turtle  Clan  of  Delawares  for  generations.  Chief  Killbuck  is  said 
to  have  lost  the  historic  document  when,  on  March  24th,  1782, 
he  fled  to  Fort  Pitt  to  escape  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Scotch- 
Irish  settlers  who  attacked  him  and  other  friendly  Delawares  on 
Smoky  Island,  also  called  Killbuck's  Island,  in  the  Ohio  River, 
near  the  fort. 


The  great  Delaware  chief,  Tamanend,  (Tammany,  etc.)  from 
whom  William  Penn  and  his  agents  purchased  lands  and  with 
whom  Penn  made  the  "Great  Treaty,"  was  head  chief  of  the 
Unami  or  Turtle  Clan  of  Delawares  from  before  1683  until  1697 
and,  perhaps,  later.  He  is  referred  to  in  the  Colonial  Records  of 
Pennsylvania  as  "King"  of  the  Delawares,  owing  to  the  fact  that 


the  head  chief  of  the  Turtle  Clan  always  presided  at  the  councils 
of  the  three  clans  composing  the  Delaware  nation.  Heckewelder 
thus  describes  Tamanend : 

"The  name  of  Tamanend  is  held  in  the  highest  veneration  by 
all  the  Indians.  Of  all  the  chiefs  and  great  men  which  the  Lenape 
nation  ever  had,  he  stands  foremost  on  the  list.  But,  although 
many  fabulous  stories  are  circulated  about  him  among  the  whites, 
but  little  of  his  real  history  is  known.  The  misfortunes  which 
have  befallen  some  of  the  most  beloved  and  esteemed  personages 
among  the  Indians  since  the  Europeans  came  among  them,  pre- 
vent the  survivors  from  indulging  in  the  pleasure  of  recalling  to 
mind  the  memory  of  their  virtues.  No  white  man  who  regards 
their  feeling,  will  introduce  such  subjects  in  conversation  with 
them.  All  we  know,  therefore,  of  Tamanend  is  that  he  was  an 
ancient  Delaware  chief  who  never  had  an  equal.  He  was,  in  the 
highest  degree,  endowed  with  wisdom,  virtue,  prudence,  charity, 
affability,  meekness,  hospitality;  in  short  with  every  good  and 
noble  qualification  that  a  human  being  may  possess.  He  was 
supposed  to  have  had  intercourse  with  the  great  and  good  Spirit; 
for  he  was  a  stranger  to  everything  that  is  bad.  The  fame  of 
this  great  man  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who  fabricated 
numerous  legends  concerning  him,  which  I  never  heard,  however, 
from  the  mouth  of  an  Indian,  and,  therefore,  believe  to  be 
fabulous.  In  the  Revolutionary  War,  his  enthusiastic  admirers 
dubbed  him  a  saint  and  he  was  established  under  the  name  of 
Saint  Tammany,  the  Patron  Saint  of  America.  His  name  was 
inserted  in  some  calendars  and  his  festival  celebrated  on  the  first 
day  of  May  in  every  year." 

Heckewelder  then  describes  the  celebrations  in  honor  of  Saint 
Tammany.  They  were  conducted  along  Indian  lines,  and  in- 
cluded the  smoking  of  the  calumet  and  Indian  dances  in  the  open 
air.  "Tammany  Societies"  in  the  early  part  of  our  history  as  a 
nation,  were  organized  in  several  American  cities. 

Tamanend 's  last  appearance  in  recorded  history  was  when  he, 
his  brother  and  sons,  conveyed  the  lands  to  William  Penn  on  July 
5th,  1697.  But  three  years  prior  thereto,  or  on  July  6th,  1694,  he 
appeared  at  a  council  at  Philadelphia,  a  number  of  other  Delaware 
chiefs  accompanying  the  venerable  sachem.  At  this  council,  he 
thus  expressed  his  friendly  feelings  for  the  colonists,  in  a  speech 
addressed  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Markham:  "We  and  the 
Christians  of  this  river  [Delaware]  have  always  had  a  free  road- 
way to  one  another,  and  although  sometimes  a  tree  has  fallen 


across  the  road,  yet  we  have  still  removed  it  again,  and  kept  the 
path  clean ;  and  we  design  to  continue  the  old  friendship  that  has 
been  between  us  and  you." 

Tamanend  died  before  July,  1701,  but  the  date  of  his  death  is 
not  known.  All  that  is  mortal  of  this  great  and  good  chieftain 
reposes  in  the  soil  of  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Neshamminy, — 
the  region  which  he  and  his  associate  chiefs  conveyed  to  "Mi- 
quon,"  or  "Brother  Onas,"  as  the  Indians  affectionately  called 
William  Penn.  His  grave  is  believed  to  be  in  "Tammany  Burial 
Ground,"  near  Chalfonte,  Bucks  County. 

Penn's  Two  Sojourns  in  his  Province 

William  Penn  remained  in  his  Province  until  June  12th,  1684, 
on  which  date  he  sailed  for  England.  Before  leaving,  he  provided 
for  the  administration  of  the  government  of  the  Province,  lodging 
the  executive  power  with  the  Provincial  Council.  During  the 
spring  or  summer  of  1683,  he  had  visited  the  interior  of  the  Pro- 
vince, going  as  far  as  the  Susquehanna  and  holding  many  friendly 
conferences  with  the  Indians  of  the  interior. 

William  Penn  returned  to  Pennsylvania  in  December,  1699, 
after  an  absence  of  fifteen  years ;  and  he  remained  in  his  Province 
until  the  autumn  of  1701,  when  he  left  finally,  arriving  in  England 
about  the  middle  of  December  of  that  year.  During  his  second 
sojourn  in  Pennsylvania,  he  made  his  home  in  his  commodious 
Manor  House,  at  Pennsbury,  in  Falls  Township,  Bucks  County, 
about  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia.  The  erection  of  the  man- 
sion had  been  started  during  his  absence  and  was  completed  by 
him  after  his  return.  Here  he  received  many  visits  from  different 
Indian  chiefs,  a  room  in  the  mansion  having  been  set  apart  for 
Indian  conferences. 

During  Penn's  second  sojourn  in  his  Province,  he  endeavored 
to  obtain  additional  legislation  placing  restrictions  on  the  inter- 
course with  the  Indians,  in  order  to  protect  them  from  the  arts  of 
the  whites  and  the  ravages  of  the  rum  trafific.  He  also  endeavored 
to  have  the  natives  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of  Christianity.  In 
order  to  improve  the  temporal  condition  of  the  natives,  he  held 
frequent  conferences  at  his  manor  house  with  various  sachems; 
and  frequently  visited  them  in  their  forest  homes,  participating  in 
their  festivals.  When  they  visited  him  at  Pennsbury,  it  is  said 
that  he  joined  with  them  in  their  sports  and  games,  ate  hominy, 
venison,  and  roasted  acorns  with  them,  and  matched  them  in 


strength  and  agility.    It  is  recorded  that  nineteen  Indian  treaties 
were  concluded  and  conferences  held  at  Pennsbury. 

Penn's  Treaty  with  the  Susquehannas,  Shawnees,  Conoys 
and  Five  Nations 

After  the  close  of  King  William's  war,  the  governor  of  New 
York  made  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Five  Nations;  and  at 
William  Penn's  suggestion  it  was  extended  to  the  other  English 
colonies.  On  April  23rd,  1701,  Penn  entered  into  "Articles  of 
Agreement,"  or  a  treaty  at  Philadelphia,  with  the  Susquehannas, 
Minquas,  or  Conestogas,  the  Shawnees,  the  Ganawese,  Conoys,  or 
Piscataways,  the  latter  then  dwelling  on  the  northern  bank  of  the 
Potomac,  and  the  Five  Nations.  In  this  treaty  the  Susquehannas 
were  represented  by  Connodaghtoh,  their  "King,"  and  three  chiefs 
of  the  same;  the  Shawnees  were  represented  by  Opessah,  or 
Wopaththa,  their  "King,"  and  two  other  chiefs;  the  Conoys, 
Ganawese,  or  Piscataways,  were  represented  by  four  of  their 
chiefs;  and  the  Five  Nations  were  represented  by  Ahoakassongh, 
"brother  to  the  emperor  or  great  king  of  the  Onondagas." 

We  are  now  ready  to  state  the  provisions  of  the  treaty.  After 
first  reciting  the  good  understanding  that  had  prevailed  between 
William  Penn  and  his  lieutenants,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  vari- 
ous Indian  nations  inhabiting  his  Province,  on  the  other  hand, 
since  his  first  arrival  in  Pennsylvania,  and  expressing  that  there 
should  be  forever  a  hrm  and  lasting  peace  between  Penn  and  his 
successors  and  the  various  Indian  chiefs  of  his  Province,  the  treaty 
provided  as  follows: 

First.  That  the  said  "kings  and  chiefs"  and  the  various  In- 
dians under  their  authority  should,  at  no  time,  hurt,  injure  or  de- 
fraud any  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  of  Penn ;  and  that  Penn  and 
his  successors  should  not  sufifer  any  injury  to  be  done  the  Indians 
by  any  of  his  colonists. 

Second.  That  the  Indians  should,  at  all  times,  behave  them- 
selves in  a  sober  manner  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Colony  where 
they  lived  near  or  among  the  Christian  Inhabitants  thereof;  and 
that  they  should  have  the  full  and  free  privileges  and  immunities 
of  the  laws  of  the  Colony  of  Penn  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
whites,  and  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  crown  of  England 
in  the  Province. 

Third.     That  none  of  the  Indians  should,  at  any  time,  aid. 


assist  or  abet  any  other  nation,  whether  of  Indians  or  others,  that 
would  at  any  time  not  be  in  amity  with  the  king  of  England. 

Fourth.  That,  if  at  any  time,  the  Indians  should  hear  from 
evil-minded  persons  or  sowers  of  sedition  any  unkind  reports  of 
the  English,  representing  that  the  English  had  evil  designs  against 
the  Indians,  in  such  case  the  Indians  should  send  notice  thereof  to 
Penn  or  his  successors,  and  not  give  credence  to  such  reports  until 
fully  satisfied  concerning  the  truth  of  the  same.  Penn  agreed  that 
he  and  his  successors  should  at  all  times  act  in  the  same  manner 
toward  the  Indians. 

Fifth.  That  the  Indians  should  not  suffer  any  strange  nations 
of  Indians  to  settle  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Susquehanna  or 
about  the  Potomac,  except  those  that  were  already  seated  there, 
nor  bring  any  other  Indians  into  any  part  of  the  Province  without 
the  permission  of  Penn  or  his  successors. 

Sixth.  Penn,  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  abuses  that  were 
too  frequently  connected  with  the  fur  trade  with  the  Indians, 
agreed  on  the  part  of  himself  and  his  successors,  that  no  one  should 
be  permitted  to  trade  with  the  Indians  without  first  securing  a 
license  under  the  Governor's  hand  and  seal;  and  the  Indians 
agreed,  on  their  part,  not  to  permit  any  person  whatsoever  to  buy 
or  sell,  or  have  any  trade  with  them,  without  first  having  a  license 
so  to  do. 

Seventh.  The  Indians  agreed  not  to  sell  or  dispose  of  any  of 
their  skins  or  furs  to  any  person  whatsoever  outside  of  the  Pro- 
vince; and  Penn  bound  himself  and  his  successors  to  furnish  the 
Indians  with  all  kinds  of  necessary  goods  for  their  use,  at  reason- 
able rates. 

Eighth.  The  Conoys,  Ganawese,  or  Piscataways,  should  have 
leave  of  Penn  and  his  successors  to  settle  on  any  part  of  the  Poto- 
mac River  within  the  bounds  of  Penn's  Province.  (At  this  time, 
the  vexed  question  as  to  the  boundary  line  between  Pennsylvania 
and  Maryland  was  unsettled.) 

Ninth.  The  Susquehannas,  or  Conestogas,  as  a  part  of  these 
articles  of  agreement,  absolutely  ratified  and  confirmed  the  sale  of 
lands  lying  near  and  about  the  Susquehanna,  formerly  conveyed 
to  William  Penn,  by  deed  of  Governor  Dongan  of  New  York,  and 
later  confirmed  by  the  deed  of  the  Conestogas,  dated  the  13th  day 
of  September,  in  the  year  1700.  The  Susquehannas  also  agreed 
to  be,  at  all  times,  ready  further  to  confirm  and  make  good  the 
said  sale,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  same,  and  that  they  would 
be  answerable  to  Penn  and  his  successors  for  the  good  behavior 


of  the  Conoys  or  Ganawese,  and  for  their  performing  of  their 
several  agreements  which  were  a  part  of  this  treaty. 

Tenth.  In  the  last  item  of  the  agreement,  Penn  promised,  for 
himself  and  his  successors,  that  they  would,  at  all  times,  show 
themselves  true  friends  and  brothers  to  all  of  the  Indians  by  assist- 
ing them  with  the  best  of  their  "advices,  directions  and  counsel," 
and  would,  in  all  things  just  and  reasonable,  befriend  them;  and 
the  chiefs  promised,  for  themselves  and  their  successors,  to  behave 
themselves  according  to  the  tenor  of  the  agreement,  and  to  submit 
to  the  laws  of  the  Province  in  the  same  manner  as  "the  English 
and  other  Christians  therein  do."  The  agreement  was  then  con- 
cluded by  the  exchange  of  skins  and  furs,  on  the  part  of  the  In- 
dians, and  goods  and  merchandise,  on  the  part  of  Penn. 

At  about  the  time  of  making  this  historic  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna,  William  Penn  had  journied  into 
the  interior  of  his  Province,  and  conferred  with  the  Conestogas  at 
Conestoga,  their  principal  town,  in  Lancaster  County,  the  Cones- 
togas  being  responsible  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  Shawnees  in 
their  vicinity,  as  was  pointed  out  in  Chapter  II.  Penn  wrote  to 
James  Logan,  in  June,  1701,  of  his  visit  to  the  Conestoga  region, 
as  follows :  "We  were  entertained  right  nobly  at  the  Indian  King's 
palace  at  Conestoga."  At  that  time,  Penn  intended  the  founding 
of  a  "great  city"  in  the  Conestoga  region,  on  the  Susquehanna. 

At  the  time  of  this  treaty,  most  of  the  Conoy  were  living  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  Potomac,  though  some  had  already  entered 
Pennsylvania  as  early  as  1698  or  1699,  as  stated  in  Chapter  II. 
Some  years  after  the  treaty,  or  in  the  summer  of  1705,  the  Dela- 
ware chief,  Manangy,  living  on  the  Schuylkill,  interviewed  Gov- 
ernor John  Evans,  at  Philadelphia,  explaining  that  the  Conoy, 
"settled  in  this  Province  near  the  head  of  the  Potomac,  being  now 
reduced  by  sickness  to  a  small  number,  and  desirous  to  quit  their 
present  habitation  where  they  settled  about  five  years  ago  with 
the  Proprietor's  consent,  the  Conestoga  Indians  then  becoming 
guarantees  of  a  treaty  of  friendship,  made  between  them,  and 
showing  a  belt  of  wampum  they  had  sent  to  the  Schuylkill  Indians 
to  engage  their  friendship  and  consent  that  they  might  settle 
amongst  them  near  Tulpehocken,  request  of  the  Governor  that 
they  may  be  permitted  to  settle  in  the  said  place."  The  Governor 
then  permitted  the  Conoy  to  settle  in  the  valley  of  the  Tulpe- 
hocken, Manangy  and  his  band  on  the  Schuylkill  guaranteeing 
their  good  behavior. 


The  historic  Treaty  or  Articles  of  Agreement  of  April  23d,  1701 
should  have  a  high  and  glorious  place  in  the  history  of  Penn- 
sylvania. The  articles  are  recorded  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  2, 
pages  15  to  18;  also  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  1,  pages  144  to  147.  The 
treaty  was  carefully  preserved  by  the  Shawnees  for  many 
decades.  On  November  12th,  1764,  when  Colonel  Henry  Bouquet 
was  holding  conferences  with  Nimwha,  Red  Hawk,  Cornstalk 
and  other  Shawnee  chiefs,  on  the  Muskingum,  relative  to  the 
part  this  tribe  had  taken  in  Pontiac's  War,  Red  Hawk  produced 
this  historic  document  and  three  messages  or  letters  from  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  of  different  dates,  and  said: 

"Now,  Brother,  I  beg  we,  who  are  warriors,  may  forget  our 
disputes,  and  renew  the  friendship  which  appears  by  these  papers 
to  have  subsisted  between  our  fathers." 

Indians  Bid  Farewell  to  William  Penn 

Shortly  before  embarking  for  England,  in  the  autumn  of  1701, 
William  Penn  assembled  a  large  company  of  the  Delawares  at  his 
manor  house  at  Pennsbury  to  review  and  confirm  the  covenants 
of  peace  and  good  will,  which  he  had  formerly  made  with  them. 
The  meeting  was  held  in  the  great  hall  of  the  manor  house.  The 
sachems  assured  him  that  they  had  never  broken  a  covenant 
"made  with  their  hearts  and  not  with  their  heads."  After  the 
business  of  the  conference  had  been  transacted,  Penn  made  them 
many  presents  of  coats  and  other  articles,  and  then  the  Indians 
retired  into  the  courtyard  of  the  mansion  to  complete  their 

By  some  authorities  it  is  said  that  Queen  Allaquippa,  of  the 
Senecas,  with  her  husband  and  infant  visited  William  Penn  at 
New  Castle,  Delaware,  shortly  before  he  sailed  for  England  the 
last  time.  These  authorities  say  that  Queen  Allaquippa's  infant 
was  Canachquasy,  the  great  peace  apostle  among  the  Delawares 
during  the  early  days  of  the  French  and  Indian  War.  In  this 
connection,  we  point  out  that,  in  the  minutes  of  a  meeting  of  the 
Provincial  Council,  August  22nd,  1755,  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6, 
pages  588  and  589),  Canachquasy  is  referred  to  as  "the  son  of 
old  Allaguipas,  whose  mother  was  now  alive  and  living  near 
Ray's  Town";  also  that  George  Croghan  wrote  from  Aughwick, 
December  23d,  1754,  (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  218),  that, 
"Alequeapy,  ye  old  quine,  is  dead  and  Left  several  children."  It 
seems  quite  likely,  therefore,  that  Canachquasy  was  the  son  of 


the  Iroquois  chief,  Allaguipas,  whose  name  was  similar  in  sound 
to  that  of  Queen  Allaquippa. 

Likewise,  Oretyagh,  with  a  number  of  the  sachems  of  the 
Conestogas  and  Shawnees,  came  to  Philadelphia  shortly  before 
Penn's  final  departure  for  England,  to  take  leave  of  their  beloved 
"Brother  Onas."  At  this  conference,  which  was  held  on  October 
7th,  1701,  Penn  informed  the  chiefs  that  it  was  likely  the  last  inter- 
view that  he  would  ever  have  with  them ;  that  he  had  ever  loved 
and  been  kind  to  them  and  ever  would  continue  so  to  be,  not 
through  political  designs  or  for  a  selfish  interest,  but  out  of  real 
affection.  He  desired  them,  in  his  absence  to  cultivate  friendship 
with  those  whom  he  would  leave  in  authority,  so  that  the  bond  of 
friendship  already  formed  might  grow  the  stronger  throughout 
the  passing  years.  He  also  informed  them  that  the  Assembly 
was  at  that  time  enacting  a  law,  according  to  their  desire,  to  pre- 
vent their  being  abused  by  the  selling  of  rum  among  them,  with 
which  Oretyagh,  in  the  name  of  the  rest,  expressed  great  satis- 
faction, and  desired  that  the  law  might  speedily  and  efifectually 
be  put  into  execution.  Oretyagh  said  that  his  people  had  long 
suffered  from  the  ravages  of  the  rum  traffic,  and  that  he  now 
hoped  for  redress,  believing  that  they  would  have  no  reason  for 
complaint  of  this  matter  in  the  future. 

Penn  early  saw  the  degradation  which  the  Indians'  unquench- 
able thirst  for  strong  drink  wrought  among  them,  and  he  did  all 
in  his  power  to  remedy  this  matter.  He  said  that  it  made  his 
heart  sick  to  note  the  deterioration  of  character  and  the  degrada- 
tion which  the  strong  liquor  and  vices  of  the  white  man  wrought 
among  the  Indians  during  his  short  stay  in  the  Province. 

Finally,  at  this  leavetaking,  Penn  requested  the  Indians  that, 
if  any  of  his  colonists  should  ever  transgress  the  law  and  agree- 
ment, which  he  and  his  governor  had  entered  into  with  them,  they 
should  at  once  inform  the  government  of  his  Province,  so  that 
the  offenders  might  be  prosecuted.  This  they  promised  to  observe 
faithfully,  and  that,  if  any  rum  were  brought  among  them,  they 
would  not  buy  it,  but  send  the  person  who  brought  it  back  with  it 
again.  Then,  informing  the  chiefs  that  he  had  charged  the  mem- 
bers of  his  Council  that  they  should,  in  all  respects,  be  kind  and 
just  to  the  Indians  in  every  manner  as  he  had  been,  and  making 
them  presents,  he  bade  them  adieu  never  to  meet  them  again. 

Well  would  it  have  been  for  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania,  if 
Penn's  successors  had  always  emulated  his  example,  and  the 
example  of  the  Swedes,  in  dealing  with  the  Indians — if  his  sue- 


cessors  had  been  imbued  with  his  kindly  spirit,  and  had  treated 
the  natives  with  justice.  He  died  on  the  30th  of  July,  1718,  at 
Ruscombe,  near  Tywford,  in  Buckinghamshire,  England,  at  the 
age  of  seventy-four;  and  when  his  great  heart  was  cold  and  still 
in  death,  the  Red  Man  of  the  Pennsylvania  forests  lost  his  truest 
friend.  During  Penn's  life  there  were  no  serious  troubles  between 
his  colony  and  the  Indian,  and  no  actual  warfare,  as  we  shall  see, 
for  some  years  thereafter;  but,  less  than  a  generation  after  this 
great  apostle  of  the  rights  of  man  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  the 
Delawares,  who  had  welcomed  him  so  kindly,  and  the  Shawnees, 
rose  in  revolt,  after  a  long  series  of  wrongs,  and  spread  terror, 
devastation,  and  death  throughout  the  Pennsylvania  settlements. 
Says  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo:  "The  memory  of  William  Penn 
lingered  in  the  wigwams  of  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Ohio  until 
the  last  red  man  of  this  generation  had  passed  away;  and  then  the 
tradition  of  him  was  handed  down  to  the  generations  which  fol- 
lowed until  today,  when  it  still  lingers,  like  a  peaceful  benediction, 
among  the  Delaware  and  Shawnee  on  the  sweeping  plains  of 


Principal  Indian  Events  From 
1701  to  1754 

As  stated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  WilHam  Penn  left  his 
^/~\Province  in  the  autumn  of  1701  never  to  return.  For  many 
years  after  his  departure,  there  was  much  uneasiness  among  the 
Indians  of  the  lower  Susquehanna  due  to  the  following  facts: 
(1)  The  Iroquois  regarded  the  Shawnees  as  enemies  because  of 
the  latter's  alliance  with  the  Susquehannas  or  Conestogas.  (2) 
The  Iroquois  made  the  villages  of  the  Conoys  on  the  lower  Sus- 
quehanna their  stopping  places  while  going  to  and  returning  from 
the  Carolinas  in  their  war  against  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees. 
(3)  The  boundary  dispute  between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland 
caused  friction  between  the  white  traders  of  the  Cones  toga  region, 
and  led  to  open  hostility  of  the  people  of  Maryland  to  the  Sus- 
quehannas, Shawnees,  Conoys  and  other  Indians  of  this  region. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council,  held  on  May  9,  1704 
and  reported  in  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  2,  page  138, 
Edward  Farmer  reported  to  Governor  John  Evans  that  "Carolina 
Indians"  (most  likely  Catawbas),  to  the  number  of  forty,  had 
recently  made  a  raid  into  the  Conestoga  region  in  revenge  for  the 
capture  of  one  of  their  number  by  the  Iroquois  the  year  before. 
Farmer,  who  had  received  his  information  from  Nicole  Godin,  a 
trader  at  Conestoga,  further  advised  the  Governor  that  the 
"Carolina  Indians"  declared  that  for  many  years  they  had  been 
attacked  by  Indians  from  the  northward,  "whom  they  had  always 
hitherto  taken  to  be  those  of  Canada,  but  now  found  who  they 
were,  viz:  ye  Senecas  &  those  Potomock  &  Conestogoe,  &  that 
they  were  Resolved  to  be  Revenged,  &  to  that  end  three  nations 
had  Joyned  &  would  shortly  come  up  &  either  destroy  or  be 
destroyed  by  them."  Two  weeks  later  Peter  Bezallion,  a  French 
trader  in  the  Conestoga  region,  reported  to  the  Provincial  Council 
that  he  had  heard  that  the  Five  Nations  were  coming  into  the 
Province  to  carry  off  the  Shawnees  settled  near  Conestoga  and 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  83 

those  settled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Lehigh,  "they  being  colonies  of 
a  nation  that  were  their  enemies." 

Council  with  Conestogas,  Shawnees,  and  Conoys 

On  the  sixth  and  seventh  of  June,  1706,  a  council  was  held  at 
Philadelphia  between  Governor  John  Evans  and  "the  chiefs  of 
the  Conestogas,  Shawnees,  and  Ganawese,  or  Conoys,"  con- 
cerning public  affairs  relating  to  these  tribes.  Indian  Harry,  of  the 
Conestogas,  was  the  interpreter.  In  the  minutes  of  the  council, 
the  Colonial  Records  do  not  specifically  state  that  Opessah  was 
present,  but,  being  the  head  of  the  Shawnees  at  Pequea,  there  is 
no  doubt  that  he  attended  the  council.  This  council  opened  with 
Secretary  James  Logan's  account  of  his  journey  to  the  Conestogas 
and  Conoy  during  the  preceding  October  and  the  treaty  which  was 
then  held  with  the  Conoy  at  their  town  (Connejaghera,  Cone- 
joholo,  Dekanoagah)  near  the  site  of  Washington  Borough, 
Lancaster  County,  by  the  terms  of  which  treaty,  the  Conoy  were 
assured  that  they  would  be  safe  in  Penn's  Province.  The  Conoy 
explained  to  James  Logan,  at  the  time  of  his  visit,  that  they  had 
had  much  trouble  with  the  Virginians,  and,  considering  it  not  safe 
to  dwell  in  their  old  abode  on  the  Potomac,  had  come  within  the 
bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  where  they  hoped  to  dwell  in  peace. 

At  the  meeting  at  Conestoga,  in  October,  1705,  Secretary  Logan 
reminded  the  assembled  chiefs  that  "Governor  W.  Penn,  since 
first  he  came  into  this  Countrey,  with  all  those  under  him,  had 
always  inviolably  maintain'd  a  perfect  Friendship  with  all  the 
natives  of  this  Countrey,  that  he  found  Possess'd  of  it  at  his  first 
arrival"  and  that  "when  he  was  last  in  the  Countrey  he  visited 
those  of  that  place  Conestoga,  and  his  son  upon  his  arrival  did 
the  same,  in  order  to  cultivate  the  ancient  friendship:"  and 
complaint  was  also  made  that  John  Hans  Steelman  was  building 
a  trading  house  at  Conestoga,  much  to  the  annoyance  of  Penn- 
sylvania, as  Steelman  was  represented  to  be  a  Marylander,  and 
had  no  license  to  trade  with  the  Indians  of  Penn's  Province.  The 
chiefs  informed  Logan  that  they  did  not  encourage  Steelman's 

During  this  council  at  Philadelphia,  Andaggy-Junguagh,  chief 
of  the  Conestogas,  laid  before  Governor  Evans  a  very  large  belt 
of  wampum,  which  he  said  was  a  pledge  of  peace  formerly 
delivered  by  the  Onondagas  to  the  Nanticokes  when  the  Ononda- 
gas  had  subjugated  this  tribe.    He  explained  that  the  Nanticokes, 


being  lately  under  some  apprehension  of  danger  from  the  Five 
Nations,  some  of  them  had,  in  the  spring  of  1706,  come  to  the 
region  of  the  Conestogas,  and  had  brought  this  belt  with  them,  as 
well  as  another  belt,  which,  the  chief  explained,  he  left  at  his 
village  in  Lancaster  County.  He  further  advised  the  Governor 
that  the  Five  Nations,  of  whom  the  Onondagas,  as  has  been  seen, 
were  a  member,  were  presently  expected  to  send  deputies  to 
receive  the  tribute  of  the  Nanticokes;  that  he  had  brought  this 
belt  to  Philadelphia  in  order  that  the  Colonial  Authorities  might 
be  able  to  show  it  to  any  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  might  come 
to  Philadelphia,  as  evidence  to  them  that  peace  had  been  made. 
The  Provincial  Council,  after  considering  the  matter,  concluded 
to  keep  the  belt  according  to  the  proposal  of  the  Conestogas;  and 
the  Conestogas  promised  to  retain  the  other  belt  at  their  chief 
town,  to  be  shown  to  the  Five  Nations  if  any  of  their  deputies 
should  come  to  Conestoga. 

The  remaining  time  of  the  council  was  taken  up  by  explaining 
to  the  chiefs  of  these  three  nations  the  laws  which  had  been  re- 
cently enacted  regulating  the  intercourse  between  the  Province 
and  these  Indians.  Evans  explained  to  the  chiefs  that  a  law  had 
recently  been  enacted  providing  that  no  person  should  trade  with 
them  but  such  as  should  first  have  a  license  from  the  Governor 
under  his  hand  and  seal.  The  chiefs  requested  the  Governor  that 
only  two  traders  be  licensed,  but  Evans  explained  that  the  fewer 
the  number  of  traders  the  more  likely  it  would  be  that  the  Indians 
would  be  imposed  upon.  They  then  desired  of  the  Governor 
that  he  would  not  permit  the  traders  to  go  beyond  their  towns  and 
meet  the  Indians  returning  from  hunting,  explaining  that  it  had 
been  the  traders'  custom  to  meet  the  Indians  returning  from  their 
hunt,  when  they  were  loaded  with  furs  and  peltries,  make  them 
drunk,  and  get  all  of  the  fruits  of  their  hunt  before  they  returned 
to  their  wives  and  families.  The  Governor  agreed  to  this  proposal 
and  told  the  chiefs  that  their  people  should  have  no  dealings  with 
the  traders,  except  at  their  own  villages,  and  that  he  would  in- 
struct the  traders  not  to  go  any  farther  into  the  Susquehanna 
region  than  the  principal  Indian  towns,  and  to  do  no  trading 
whatever,  except  in  those  places.  Liberal  presents  were  then 
given  the  chiefs,  and  the  council  adjourned. 

The  minutes  of  this  important  council  are  found  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania Colonial  Records,  Vol.  2,  pages  244  to  248. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council  on  the  31st  of  August, 
1706,  it  was  decided  that  Governor  Evans  should  visit  Conestoga 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  85 

and  the  region  round  about  it,  for  the  purpose  of  further  strength- 
ening the  bond  of  friendship  between  the  Indians  and  the  Colony. 
The  Governor  accordingly  journeyed  to  this  region  early  in  Sep- 
tember, where  he  was  well  received  by  the  Conestogas,  Shawnees 
and  Conoys;  but  his  visit  was  the  cause  of  much  scandal  on  ac- 
count of  his  actions  while  there. 

Governor  Evans'  Journey  to  the  Susquehanna  Region 

The  French,  as  early  as  1707,  had  their  emissaries  among  the 
Conestogas  under  the  guise  of  traders,  miners  or  colonists  in  an 
effort  to  draw  them  away  from  their  allegiance  to  the  English. 
Likewise,  the  colony  of  Maryland  was  pushing  her  pioneers  over 
the  boundary,  in  an  effort  to  forestall  the  claims  of  William  Penn 
by  actual  settlement. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1707,  Governor  Evans,  accompanied  by 
Colonel  John  French,  William  Tonge,  and  several  other  Friends, 
and  four  servants,  made  a  journey  among  the  Susquehanna  In- 
dians, upon  receiving  a  message  from  the  Conestogas  that  the 
Nanticokes,  who  now  had  been  tributaries  of  the  Five  Nations  for 
twenty-seven  years,  intended  journeying  to  the  Onondagas  in 
New  York.  He  visited  the  following  places :  Pequea,  Dekanoagah 
Conestoga,  and  Paxtang,  near  Harrisburg. 

At  Pequea,  the  Governor  and  his  party  were  received  by  the 
Shawnees  with  a  discharge  of  firearms,  and  a  conference  was  held, 
on  June  30th,  with  Opessah,  in  which  the  chief  told  the  Governor 
that  he  and  his  people  were  "happy  to  live  in  a  country  at  peace, 
and  not  as  in  those  parts  where  we  formerly  lived,  for  then,  upon 
returning  from  hunting,  we  found  our  town  surprised,  and  our 
women  and  children  taken  prisoners  by  our  enemies."  While  the 
Governor  was  at  Pequea,  several  Shawnees  from  the  South  came 
to  settle  there,  and  were  permitted  to  do  so  by  Opessah,  with  the 
Governor's  consent. 

At  Dekanoagah,  the  Governor  was  present  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Shawnees,  Conoys,  and  Nanticokes  from  seven  of  the  surrounding 
towns.  After  having  satisfied  himself  that  the  Nanticokes  were 
a  well  meaning  people,  the  Governor  guaranteed  them  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  Governor,  having  received  information  at  Pequea  that  a 
Frenchman,  named  Nicole,  was  holding  forth  among  the  Indians 
at  Paxtang,  about  whom  he  had  received  many  complaints,  and 
having  advised  the  chief  at  Paxtang  of  his  intention  to  seize  this 


French  trader,  captured  Nicole,  after  much  difficulty,  and,  having 
mounted  him  on  a  horse  with  his  legs  tied,  conveyed  him  through 
Tulpehocken  and  Manatawney,  to  Philadelphia,  and  lodged  him 
in  jail. 

The  report  of  Governor  Evans'  trip  is  recorded  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania Colonial  Records,  Vol.  2,  pages  386  to  390. 

Troubles  Between  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  Indians 
Continue — Great  Conferences  at  Conestoga 

As  was  pointed  out  in  Chapter  II,  the  Tuscaroras  began  their 
migration  from  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia  to  the  territory  of  the 
Five  Nations  in  New  York,  in  1712  or  1713,  and  were  formally 
admitted,  in  1722,  as  a  constituent  part  of  the  Iroquois  Con- 
federation. While  the  Tuscaroras  were  still  living  in  their 
southern  home,  they  were  bitter  enemies  of  the  Catawbas,  and 
their  hatred  did  not  abate  upon  their  removing  to  New  York. 
Almost  every  summer  after  1713,  roving  bands  of  the  Tuscaroras 
and  other  members  of  the  Five  Nations,  followed  the  mountain 
valleys  through  Pennsylvania  to  the  South,  on  their  way  to  attack 
the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees;  and  many  Conestogas  joined  these 
war  parties.  Some  destruction  was  done  by  these  bands  within 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  but  presently  the  Colonial  Au- 
thorities adopted  the  method  of  having  the  farmers,  whose  crops . 
were  injured,  place  their  bill  in  the  hands  of  the  nearest  justice  of 
the  peace,  who  would,  in  turn,  forward  it  to  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil; and,  at  the  next  conference  with  the  Indians,  the  Council 
would  deduct  the  amount  of  the  bill  from  the  present  given  to  the 
Indians  at  that  conference.  This  method  made  Pennsylvania 
practically  free  from  ravages  wrought  by  these  bands.  The  colony 
of  Virginia,  however,  did  not  fare  so  well,  and  both  lives  and 
property  were  destroyed  by  these  bands  of  warriors  from  the 

These  war  parties  of  the  Iroquois  frequently  made  Conestoga 
their  stopping  place  on  their  way  to  and  return  from  the  territory 
of  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees,  and  many  a  captive  Catawba 
and  Cherokee  was  tortured  to  death  at  Conestoga.  Finally  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  made  between  the  Conestogas  and  Catawbas, 
on  August  31st,  1715,  but  this  did  not  put  a  stop  to  the  expeditions 
of  the  Iroquois  against  the  Southern  Indians. 

In  June,  1717,  Governor  William  Keith  received  a  message 
from  the  Conestoga  chief,  Civility,  and  several  other  chiefs  of  the 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  87 

Conestoga  region,  desiring  him  to  visit  them  without  delay  to 
consult  about  affairs  of  great  importance.  The  Governor,  ac- 
cordingly, journeyed  to  Conestoga,  in  July,  where  he  met  the 
chiefs  of  the  Conestogas,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  Conoys,  and 
inquired  of  them  the  cause  of  their  alarm.  He  ascertained  that 
about  two  months  previously  a  young  Delaware,  son  of  a  chief, 
had  been  killed  on  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Potomac  by  a  party 
of  Virginians  accompanied  by  some  Indians.  These  latter  were 
no  doubt  Catawbas,  who,  at  that  time,  were  at  peace  with 
Virginia.  At  this  meeting  at  Conestoga,  Governor  Keith  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  Indians  that  many  complaints  had  been 
made  by  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  concerning  the  destruction 
caused  by  the  war  parties  of  the  Iroquois  against  the  Catawbas; 
and  he  reminded  them  of  the  fact  that,  although  divided  into 
different  colonies,  the  English  were  one  people;  that  to  injure  or 
make  war  upon  one  body  of  them  was  to  make  war  upon  all,  and 
that  the  Indians,  therefore,  must  never  molest  or  trouble  any  of 
the  English  colonists,  nor  make  war  upon  any  Indians  who  were 
in  friendship  with,  or  under  the  protection  of,  the  English. 

At  this  conference,  Keith  stressed  the  fact  that  recently  a  band 
of  Senecas  had  attacked  some  Catawbas  near  Fort  Christian, 
in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  killing  six  and  capturing  a  woman;  and 
he  called  upon  the  Indians  of  the  Conestoga  region  to  explain 
their  connection  with  this  insult  to  Virginia.  The  Shawnee  chief 
told  the  Governor  that  six  young  men  of  this  tribe  had  accom- 
panied the  party  of  Senecas  who  made  the  attack  upon  the  Cataw- 
bas, but  explained  that  none  of  the  six  were  present  at  the  time 
and  place  of  this  conference,  "their  settlements  being  much  higher 
up  the  Susquehanna  River."  The  chief  further  stated  that  the 
six  Shawnees  declared,  upon  their  return,  that  they  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  attack  upon  the  Catawbas. 

Governor  Keith  closed  the  conference  with  the  following  stipu- 
lations, quoted  from  the  minutes  of  the  conference: 

"1st.  That  he  expected  their  strict  observance  of  all  former 
contracts  of  friendship  made  between  them  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  Pennsylvania. 

"2dly.  That  they  must  never  molest  or  disturb  any  of  the 
English  Governments,  nor  make  war  upon  any  Indians  whatso- 
ever who  are  in  friendship  with  and  under  the  protection  of  the 

"3dly.     That,  in  all  cases  of  suspicion  or  danger,  they  must 


advise  and  consult  with  this  Government  before  they  undertook 
or  determined  any  thing. 

"4thly.  That,  if  through  accident  any  mischief  of  any  sort 
should  happen  to  be  done  by  the  Indians  to  the  English,  or  by  the 
English  to  them,  then  both  parties  should  meet  with  hearty  in- 
tention of  good  will  to  obtain  an  acknowledgment  of  the  mistake, 
as  well  as  to  give  or  receive  reasonable  satisfaction. 

"5thly.  That,  upon  these  terms  and  conditions,  the  Governor 
did,  in  the  name  of  their  great  and  good  friend,  William  Penn, 
take  them  and  their  people  under  the  same  protection,  and  in  the 
same  friendship  with  this  Government,  as  William  Penn  himself 
had  formerly  done,  or  could  do  now  if  he  was  here  present. 

"And  the  Governor  hereupon  did  promise,  on  his  part,  to 
encourage  them  in  peace,  and  to  nourish  and  support  them  like  a 
true  friend  and  brother. 

"To  all  which  the  several  chiefs  and  their  great  men  presently 
assented,  it  being  agreed,  that,  in  testimony  thereof,  they  should 
rise  up  and  take  the  Governor  by  the  hand,  which  accordingly 
they  did  with  all  possible  marks  of  friendship  in  their  countenance 
and  behaviour." 

The  chiefs  taking  part  in  these  councils  at  Conestoga,  in  July, 
1717,  represented  the  Conestogas  or  Susquehannas,  the  Dela- 
wares,  the  Shawnees  and  the  Conoys.  Peter  Bezallion  was  the 
interpreter.  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  conferences,  the  reader 
is  referred  to  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  3,  pages 
19  to  25. 

In  1719,  great  difficulties  arose  concerning  the  hunting  grounds 
of  the  Northern  and  the  Southern  Indians.  The  Iroquois  sent 
out  many  war  parties,  which  stopped  at  Conestoga  on  their  way 
south,  and  were  joined  by  many  of  the  Conestogas.  These  raids 
into  the  Shenandoah  Valley  brought  many  white  settlers  of 
Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  into  hostility  to  the  Iroquois;  for  these 
colonies  were  then  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Catawbas  and 
Cherokees,  against  whom  the  raids  were  directed.  In  fact,  a 
general  uprising  of  the  settlers  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  was 
imminent.  The  Iroquois  conducted  their  warfare  on  the  Southern 
Indians  with  great  brutality,  torturing  many  captives  to  death 
at  Conestoga  and  villages  on  the  Susquehanna. 

On  receiving  a  letter  from  Civility  and  other  chiefs  at  Cones- 
toga advising  that  some  of  their  Indians  had  been  killed  by  the 
Southern  Indians,  Governor  Keith  sent  Colonel  John  French  to 
Conestoga,  where  a  council  was  held  on  June  28th,  1719,  with 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  89 

Civility  and  Queen  Canatowa  of  the  Conestogas,  "Wightomina, 
King  of  the  Delawares,  Sevana,  King  of  the  Shawnees,"  who  suc- 
ceeded Opessah  at  Pequea,  and  "Winninchack,  King  of  the  Cana- 
wages"  [Conoys].  In  the  name  of  Governor  Keith,  Colonel 
French  made  the  following  demands  of  Civility  and  the  other 
chiefs:  That  they  should  not  receive  the  war  parties  of  the 
Tuscaroras,  or  any  other  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations,  if  coming  to 
their  towns  on  their  way  to  or  return  from  the  South;  and  that 
they  would  have  to  answer  to  the  Colonial  Authorities,  if  any 
prisoner  were  tortured  by  them.  It  appeared,  however,  that  the 
warriors  of  the  Five  Nations,  on  their  way  southward,  practically 
forced  the  young  men  of  the  Conestogas,  Shawnees,  and  Conoy  to 
accompany  them.  As  the  conquerors  of  these  tribes,  the  Iroquois 
demanded  their  allegiance  and  help.  The  chiefs  promised  faith- 
fully to  obey  the  commands  of  Governor  Keith,  but  the  war  went 

James  Logan,  Secretary  of  the  Provincial  Council,  on  June  27, 
1720,  held  a  conference  at  Conestoga  with  Civility  and  chiefs  of 
the  Shawnees,  Delawares,  and  Conoy,  in  an  attempt  to  dissuade 
these  Indians  from  making  raids  into  Virginia.  Not  long  before, 
ten  Iroquois  and  two  Shawnees  had  been  killed  by  the  Southern 
Indians  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  Conestoga.  At 
this  conference,  Logan  learned  that  the  Pequea  Shawnees  could 
not  be  restrained  from  assisting  the  Iroquois,  inasmuch  as  since 
the  departure  of  Opessah,  no  one  could  control  them.  True,  the 
Conestogas  were  answerable  for  the  behavior  of  these  Shawnees, 
but  Civility  advised  Logan  that  he  "had  only  the  name  without 
any  authority,  and  could  do  nothing."  Moreover,  it  was  difficult 
for  Logan  to  impress  upon  the  minds  of  these  Indians  the  fact 
that  the  English  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  not  at  war  with 
the  English  of  Pennsylvania.  They  could  not  see  why  the  Indians 
in  friendship  with  Pennsylvania  should  not  go  to  war  against  the 
Virginians,  just  as  the  Iroquois  went  to  war  against  the  Indians 
of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas. 

At  the  close  of  the  conference.  Civility  told  Logan  privately 
that  the  Five  Nations,  especially  the  Cayugas,  were  much  dis- 
satisfied because  of  the  large  settlements  the  English  were  making 
on  the  Susquehanna,  and  that  the  Iroquois  claimed  a  property 
right  in  those  lands.  As  to  the  Iroquois'  claim  to  a  property  right 
in  the  Susquehanna  lands,  Logan  told  Civility  that  the  Indians 
well  knew  that  the  Iroquois  had  long  before  conveyed  those  lands 
to  the  Governor  of  New  York,  and  that  William  Penn  had  pru- 


chased  this  right,  as  will  be  pointed  out  later  in  this  chapter. 
Civility  acknowledged  this  fact. 

Realizing  the  awful  consequences  of  a  general  war  between  the 
Iroquois  and  their  allies,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Southern  In- 
dians on  the  other,  involving  the  settlers  of  the  South,  Governor 
Keith,  in  the  spring  of  1721,  visited  Governor  Spotswood  of 
Virginia  with  whom  he  framed  an  agreement,  by  the  terms  of 
which  the  tributary  Indians  of  Virginia  would  not,  in  the  future, 
pass  the  Potomac  nor  "the  high  ridge  of  mountains  extending 
along  the  back  of  Virginia;  provided  that  the  Indians  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  Potomac  and  to  the  westward  of  those  mountains" 
would  observe  the  same  limits. 

Governor  Keith,  accompanied  by  seventy  armed  horsemen, 
visited  Conestoga  on  July  5th,  1721,  where  he  conferred,  at 
Civility's  lodge,  not  only  with  the  Conestogas  but  also  with  four 
deputies  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  had  recently  arrived  there, 
telling  the  spokesman  of  the  Five  Nations,  Ghesoant,  that, 
"whereas  the  English  from  a  very  small  beginning  had  now  be- 
come a  great  people  in  the  Western  World,  far  exceeding  the  num- 
ber of  all  the  Indians,  which  increase  was  the  fruit  of  peace 
among  themselves,  the  Indians  continued  to  make  war  upon  one 
another  and  were  destroying  one  another,  as  if  it  was  their  pur- 
pose that  none  of  them  should  be  left  alive."  He  called  attention 
to  the  suffering  that  their  wars  caused  to  the  women  and  children 
at  home,  and,  in  various  ways,  tried  to  mollify  their  warlike 
passions,  but  stated  that,  if  they  were  determined  to  continue 
warfare,  they  must,  in  journeying  to  and  from  the  South,  take 
another  path  lying  farther  to  the  west,  and  not  pass  through  the 
settled  parts  of  the  Province.  The  result  of  the  conference  was 
the  ratifying  by  the  Conestogas  and  Five  Nations  of  the  agree- 
ment arranged  by  Governor  Keith  and  Governor  Spotswood  as 
to  the  limits  of  the  hunting  grounds  of  the  Virginia  and  the  Penn- 
sylvania Indians.  Keith  closed  the  conference  by  giving  Ghesoant 
a  gold  coronation  medal  of  George,  the  First,  which  he  asked  him 
to  take  as  a  token  of  friendship  to  the  greatest  chief  of  the  Five 
Nations,  Kannygoodk.  Thus,  happily,  the  immediate  danger  of 
a  general  Indian  uprising  was  averted. 

This  was  the  most  important  Indian  treaty  ever  held  at  Con- 
estoga. Its  details  are  recorded  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial 
Records,  Vol,  3,  pages  121  to  130.  Later,  troubles  came  on  apace 
between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Southern  Indians,  but  the  Iroquois 
abandoned  the  Susquehanna  route  to  the  South,   taking  the 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  91 

Warrior's  Path,  which  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Old  Town  (Opes- 
sah's  Town),  and,  still  later,  when  white  settlers  occupied  the 
valley  along  Warrior  Ridge,  a  trail  farther  westward,  crossing 
the  counties  of  Westmoreland  and  Fayette. 

Sassoonan's  Deed  of  Release 

In  the  autumn  of  1718,  Sassoonan  and  several  other  chiefs  of 
the  Delawares  came  to  Philadelphia,  claiming  that  they  had  not 
been  paid  for  their  lands.  Then,  James  Logan,  secretary  of  the 
Provincial  Council,  produced  to  them,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Council,  a  number  of  deeds,  and  convinced  Sassoonan  and  his 
brother  chiefs  that  they  were  mistaken  in  their  contention.  Ac- 
cordingly, Sassoonan  and  six  other  chiefs  executed  a  release  on 
the  17th  day  of  September,  1718,  by  the  terms  of  which  they 
acknowledged  that  their  ancestors  had  conveyed  to  William 
Penn,  in  fee,  all  the  land  and  had  been  paid  for  the  same.  By  the 
same  instrument  these  Indians  released  all  the  land  "between  the 
Delaware  and  the  Susquehanna  from  Duck  Creek  [in  Delaware] 
to  the  mountains  [the  South  Mountain]  on  this  side  of  Lechay 
[by  the  Lehigh  River]." 

At  the  time  of  executing  this  deed  of  release,  Sassoonan  was 
living  at  Paxtang,  and  adjacent  parts;  but  it  is  probable  that 
shortly  thereafter  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury), 
which  became  his  home  for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

Tawena  and  Springettsbury  Manor 

Tawena,  a  chief  of  the  Conestogas,  claims  our  remembrance  on 
account  of  his  connection  with  the  survey  of  Springettsbury 
Manor,  in  June,  1722.  At  that  time,  the  boundary  line  between 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  was  still  in  dispute,  and  Maryland 
settlers  were  encroaching  on  territory  claimed  by  Pennsylvania. 
In  order  to  secure  a  right  and  title  to  the  lands,  in  Pennsylvania 
upon  which  these  settlers  had  encroached,  Governor  William 
Keith,  before  he  went  to  attend  the  Albany  treaty,  or  conference, 
of  September,  1722,  conceived  the. idea  of  obtaining  permission 
of  the  Indians  along  the  lower  Susquehanna  to  lay  off  a  large 
manor,  and  accordingly  went  to  Conestoga,  where,  on  June  15th 
and  16th  of  that  year,  he  held  a  conference  with  the  Conestoga, 
Shawnee  and  Conoy  chiefs,  telling  them  of  the  encroachments  of 
the  Marylanders  in  what  is  now  York  County,  and  suggesting 


the  plan  to  take  up  a  large  tract  of  land  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  for  Springett  Penn,  grandson  of  the  founder  of  th*> 
Province.  Keith  spoke  at  great  length  and  with  great  earnestness. 
He  told  the  Indians  that  the  grandson  had  the  same  kind  of  heart 
as  his  grandfather  had,  and  that  he  would  be  glad  to  give  the 
Indians  a  part  of  the  land  for  their  use  and  occupation.  He 
further  said  that  the  land  should  be  marked  with  Springett  Penn's 
name  upon  the  trees,  so  that  the  Maryland  people  would  then 
keep  off,  and  that  such  marking  would  prevent  all  white  persons 
from  settling  near  enough  the  Indians  to  disturb  them. 

Owing  to  the  love  of  these  Indians  for  William  Penn,  Governor 
Keith  won  his  point.  They  replied  through  Tawena,  agreeing  to 
give  up  the  land,  but  requesting  that  the  Governor  take  up  the 
matter  further  with  the  Cayugas  when  he  would  attend  the 
Albany  conference.  However,  they  requested  that  the  land  be 
surveyed  at  once.  The  warrant  was  made  out,  and  John  French, 
Francis  Worley  and  James  Mitchell  surveyed  the  tract  on  June 
20th  and  21st.  It  was  named  Springettsbury  Manor,  and  con- 
tained 75,520  acres,  according  to  the  survey.  The  boundary 
line  began  opposite  the  mouth  of  Conestoga  Creek,  and  ran  south- 
west ten  miles,  thence  northwest  twelve  miles  to  a  point  north  of 
the  present  city  of  York,  thence  northeast  to  the  Susquehanna 
River,  thence  along  this  stream  to  the  place  of  beginning.  The 
Marylanders  paid  no  attention  to  the  survey.  The  Manor  was 
surveyed  again,  in  1768. 

The  warrant  and  survey  were  not  returned  to  the  land  office, 
and  the  entire  transaction  appears  to  have  been  done  under  the 
private  seal  of  Governor  Keith.  Nor  was  any  actual  purchase 
made  from  the  Indians,  at  the  conference  of  June  15th  and  16th, 
1722.  Springett  Penn  held  whatever  title  he  had  in  trust  for  the 

The  Threatened  Uprising  of  1728 

On  May  6,  1728,  Governor  Gordon  advised  the  Provincial 
Council  that  he  had  recently  received  a  letter  from  John  Wright, 
a  trader,  at  Conestoga,  stating  that  two  Conestogas  had  been 
murdered  by  several  of  the  Shawnees  in  that  neighborhood,  and 
that  the  Conestogas  seemed  to  be  preparing  to  declare  war  on  the 
Shawnees,  in  retaliation.  The  Governor  also  advised  the  Council, 
at  this  time,  that  he  had  received  a  petition  signed  by  a  great 
number  of  the  settlers  in  the  back  parts  of  Lancaster  County, 
setting  forth  that  they  were  under  great  apprehension  of  being 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  93 

attacked  by  the  Indians,  and  that  many  families  had  left  their 
homes  through  fear  of  an  Indian  uprising.  Wright  further  in- 
formed the  Governor,  in  his  letter,  that  the  Shawnees  had  brought 
the  Shawnee  murders  as  far  as  Peter  Chartier's  house,  at  which 
place  the  party  engaged  in  much  drinking,  and,  through  the 
connivance  of  Chartier,  the  two  Shawnee  murderers  escaped.  It 
is  not  surprising  that  Chartier  let  the  murderers  escape,  as  he  him- 
self was  a  half  blood  Shawnee.  He  was  at  that  time  trading  at 
Pequea  Creek.  His  action  so  incensed  the  Conestogas  that  they 
threatened  to  destroy  all  the  Shawnees  in  that  region. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  that  the  murder  of  the  Conestogas 
occurred,  the  settlers  along  the  valley  of  the  Schuylkill  became 
much  alarmed  for  their  safety  from  another  quarter.  Kako- 
watcheky,  who  was  the  head  of  the  Shawnees  living  at  Pecho- 
quealin,  in  what  is  now  lower  Smithfield  Township,  Monroe 
County,  claimed  that  he  had  learned  that  the  Flatheads,  or 
Catawbas,  from  North  Carolina,  had  entered  Pennsylvania  with 
the  intention  of  striking  the  Indians  along  the  Susquehanna;  and 
he,  accordingly,  led  eleven  warriors  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  this 
rumor,  who,  when  they  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dur- 
ham Iron  Works,  near  Manatawny,  in  the  northern  part  of  Berks 
County,  their  provisions  failed,  and  they  forced  the  settlers  to 
give  them  food  and  drink.  The  settlers  did  not  know  these 
Indians,  and  believing  the  chief  of  the  band  to  be  a  Spanish 
Indian,  they  were  in  great  terror;  families  fled  from  their  planta- 
tions and  women  and  children  suffered  greatly  from  exposure, 
as  the  weather  was  raw  and  cold.  There  seems  to  be  little  doubt 
that  Kakowatcheky  was  leading  this  band  to  Paxtang  to  assist 
the  Shawnees  of  that  place,  who  had  been  threatened  by  the 
Conestogas  on  account  of  the  above  mentioned  murder  of  the 
two  Conestogas. 

A  band  of  about  twenty  settlers  took  up  arms  and  approached 
the  invaders,  sending  two  of  their  number  to  treat  with  the  chief, 
who,  instead  of  receiving  them  civilly,  brandished  his  sword,  and 
commanded  his  men  to  fire,  which  they  did,  and  wounded  two  of 
the  settlers.  The  settlers  thereupon  returned  the  fire,  upon  which 
the  chief  fell,  but  afterwards  got  up  and  ran  into  the  woods,  leav- 
ing his  gun  behind  him.  The  identity  of  this  Indian  band  was  not 
known  until  May  20th,  when  two  traders  from  Pechoquealin, 
John  Smith  and  Nicholas  Schonhoven,  came  to  Governor  Gordon 
and  delivered  to  him  a  message  from  Kakowatcheky,  explaining 
the  unfortunate  affair,  sending  his  regrets,  and  asking  the  Gover- 


nor  for  the  return  of  the  gun  which  he  dropped  when  wounded. 
The  Governor,  then,  accompanied  by  many  citizens  of  Phila- 
delphia,went  to  the  troubled  district,  and  personally  pleaded  with 
those  settlers  who  had  left  their  plantations  to  return.  He  found 
them  so  excited  that  they  seemed  ready  to  kill  Indians  of  both 
sexes,  but  finally  succeeded  in  pacifying  them. 

The  Governor  was  about  ready  to  return  home  when  he 
received  the  melancholy  news  from  Samuel  Nut  that  an  Indian 
man  and  two  women  were  cruelly  murdered,  on  May  20th,  at 
Cucussea,  then  in  Chester  County,  by  John  and  Walter  Winters, 
without  any  provocation  whatever,  and  two  Indian  girls  badly 
wounded ;  upon  which  a  hue  was  immediately  issued  in  an  effort 
to  apprehend  the  murderers.  It  appeared  from  investigation 
that,  on  the  day  of  this  murder,  an  Indian  man,  two  women,  and 
two  girls,  appeared  at  John  Roberts'  house,  and  that  their  neigh- 
bors noticing  this,  rallied  to  their  defense,  shot  the  man  and  one 
of  the  women,  beat  out  the  brains  of  the  other  woman,  and 
wounded  the  girls,  their  excuse  being  that  the  Indian  had  put  an 
arrow  into  his  bow,  and  that  they,  having  heard  reports  that  some 
settlers  had  been  killed  by  Indians,  believed  that  the  settlers 
might  lawfully  kill  any  Indian  they  could  find. 

The  murderers  were  apprehended  and  placed  in  jail  at  Chester, 
for  trial.  A  message  was  then  sent  to  Sassoonan,  Opekasset,  and 
Manawkyhickon,  acquainting  them  with  the  unhappy  affair  and 
requesting  them  to  come  to  Conestoga,  where  a  treaty  would  be 
held  with  Chief  Civility  and  the  other  Indians  at  that  place.  The 
Provincial  Council  being  apprehensive  that  this  barbarous  mur- 
der would  stir  up  the  Indians  to  take  revenge  on  the  settlers,  a 
commission  was  appointed  to  get  the  inhabitants  together  and 
put  them  in  a  state  to  defend  themselves.  This  commission  con- 
sisted of  John  Pawling,  Marcus  Hulings,  and  Mordecai  Lincoln, 
the  great-great-grandfather  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  whose  home 
was  about  ten  miles  east  of  the  present  town  of  Reading.  Hav- 
ing sent  Kakowatcheky  the  gun  he  had  dropped,  as  well  as  the 
tomahawks  dropped  by  his  eleven  warriors  when  they  fled  from 
the  band  of  twenty  settlers,  as  related  above,  together  with  a 
request  that  he  warn  the  Indians  under  his  authority  to  be  more 
careful  in  the  future,  the  Governor,  accompanied  by  thirty  resi- 
dents of  Philadelphia,  met  the  Indians  at  a  council  at  Conestoga 
on  the  26th  of  May,  where  he  conferred  with  Civility  and  other 
Conestoga,  Shawnee,  Conoy,  and  Delaware  chiefs,  made  them 
many  presents,  and  promised  to  punish  the  two  murderers,  if 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  95 

found  guilty.  John  and  Walter  Winters  were  subsequently  tried, 
found  guilty,  and  hanged  for  the  murder  of  the  Indian  man  and 
two  women. 

At  this  point,  the  author  desires  to  say  that,  in  no  work  on 
Abraham  Lincoln  or  his  ancestry,  has  he  been  able  to  find  a 
reference  to  the  fact  that  the  Great  Emancipator's  ancestor, 
Mordecai  Lincoln,  was  a  man  of  such  ability  and  prominence  as 
to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Provincial  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  as  one  of  the  three  members  of  the  important  com- 
mission whose  duty  it  was  to  place  the  Province  in  a  state  of 
defense  during  the  threatened  Indian  uprising  in  1728,  For  the 
account  of  Mordecai  Lincoln's  appointment,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  3,  page  304. 

Sassoonan  and  the  Tulpehocken  Lands 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council,  held  on  June  5th,  1728 
and  reported  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  3, 
pages  318  to  321,  the  great  Delaware  chief,  Sassoonan,  or  Al- 
lummapees,  then  residing  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury),  complained 
that  the  Palatines  (immigrants  from  Germany)  were  settling  on 
lands  in  the  valley  of  the  Tulpehocken,  in  Berks  and  Lebanon 
Counties,  which,  he  claimed,  had  not  been  purchased  from  the 
Indians.  These  particular  Palatines  had  first  settled  in  the 
Schoharie  Valley  in  New  York,  where  they  endured  much  suf- 
fering. When  Governor  Keith  attended  the  Albany  Conference, 
the  hardships  of  these  Germans  were  brought  to  his  attention; 
whereupon  his  interest  and  sympathy  were  aroused,  and  he 
offered  them  a  home  in  Pennsylvania.  The  next  year  (1723) 
some  of  these  Palatines  emigrated  from  New  York  to  the  Tulpe- 
hocken Valley,  but  a  much  greater  number,  about  fifty  families, 
came  in  1727.  They  descended  the  Susquehanna  to  the  mouth  of 
Swatara  Creek,  in  Dauphin  County.  Ascending  this  stream  and 
crossing  the  divide  between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Schuylkill, 
they  entered  the  fertile  and  charming  valley  of  the  Tulpehocken. 
They  had  scarcely  erected  their  rude  cabins  and  commenced  to 
plant  their  little  patches  of  corn  in  the  clearings  in  the  wilderness, 
when  the  Indians  of  the  neighborhood  informed  them  that  this 
land  had  never  been  purchased  by  the  Pennsylvania  Govern- 
ment. The  Indians  were  much  surprised  that  these  settlers 
should  be  permitted  to  take  up  their  abode  on  unpurchased  land. 


"Surely,"  said  they,  "if  Brother  Onas  were  living,  such  things 
would  never  happen." 

At  this  conference,  Sassoonan  said  that  he  could  not  have  be- 
lieved that  these  lands  were  settled  upon,  if  he  had  not  gone  there 
and  seen  the  settlements  with  his  own  eyes.  In  the  minutes  of  the 
conference,  we  read:  "He  (Sassoonan)  said  he  was  grown  old 
and  was  troubled  to  see  the  Christians  settle  on  lands  that  the 
Indians  had  never  been  paid  for;  they  had  settled  on  his  lands  for 
which  he  had  never  received  anything.  That  he  is  now  an  old 
man,  and  must  soon  die;  that  his  children  may  wonder  to  see  all 
their  father's  lands  gone  from  them  without  his  receiving  any- 
thing for  them;  that  the  Christians  now  make  their  settlements 
very  near  them  (the  Indians);  and  they  shall  have  no  place  of 
their  own  left  to  live  on ;  that  this  may  occasion  a  difference  be- 
tween their  children  and  us,  and  he  would  willingly  prevent  any 
misunderstanding  that  may  happen." 

Governor  Gordon  suggested  to  Sassoonan  that  possibly  the 
lands  in  dispute  had  been  included  in  some  of  the  other  purchases; 
but  Sassoonan  and  his  brother  chiefs  replied  that  no  lands  had 
ever  been  sold  northwest  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  then  called  the 
Lehigh  Hills.  This  conference  did  not  succeed  in  settling  the 
matter  of  these  settlements  in  the  Tulpehocken  Valley.  The 
matter  dragged  along  until  1732,  when  Sassoonan,  Elalapis, 
Ohopamen,  Pesqueetamen,  Mayemoe,  Partridge,  and  Tepakoas- 
set,  on  behalf  of  themselves  and  all  other  Indians  having  a  right 
in  the  lands,  in  consideration  of  20  brass  kettles,  20  fine  guns,  50 
tomahawks,  60  pairs  of  scissors,  24  looking  glasses,  20  gallons  of 
rum,  and  various  other  articles  so  acceptable  to  the  Indians,  con- 
veyed unto  John  Penn,  Thomas  Penn,  and  Richard  Penn,  pro- 
prietors of  the  Province,  all  those  lands  "situate,  lying  and  being 
on  the  River  Schuylkill  and  the  branches  thereof,  between  the 
mountains  called  Lechaig  (Lehigh)  to  the  south,  and  the  hills  or 
mountains,  called  Keekachtanemin,  on  the  north,  and  between 
the  branches  of  the  Delaware  River  on  the  east,  and  the  waters 
falling  into  the  Susquehanna  River  on  the  west," — a  grant  which 
embraced  the  valley  of  the  Tulpehocken.  (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  1, 
pages  344  to  346.) 

Sassoonan  was  head  chief  of  the  Turtle  Clan  of  Delawares  from 
a  date  prior  to  June  14th,  1715  until  his  death  in  the  autumn  of 
1747.  By  some  very  high  authorities,  it  is  claimed  that  he  was  a 
son  of  Tamanend  and,  as  a  little  boy,  was  with  his  father  at  the 
"Great    Treaty"    at    Shackamaxon.      These    authorities    make 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  07 

Sassoonan  identical  with  "Weheequeckhon,  alias  Andrew,"  who 
as  stated  in  Chapter  II,  joined  with  his  father,  Tamanend,  his 
two  brothers,  and  his  uncle,  in  conveying  to  William  Penn,  on 
the  fifth  day  of  July,  1697,  certain  lands  between  the  Pennypack 
and  Neshaminy  Creeks,  and  whom  Tamanend  describes  in  the 
deed,  as,  "my  son  who  is  to  be  king  after  my  death." 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council,  held  in  August,  1731, 
and  reported  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  3,  pages 
404  to  406,  the  frequent  complaints  made  by  the  Indians  on  ac- 
count of  the  large  quantities  of  rum  being  carried  to  them  by  the 
traders,  were  taken  up.  The  Council's  attention  was  called  to  the 
fact  that  the  pernicious  liquor  traffic  had  recently  caused  a  very 
unhappy  incident  in  the  family  of  Sassoonan.  In  a  fit  of  drunken- 
ness, he  had  killed  his  nephew,  (some  authorities  say  his  cousin) 
Shackatawlin,  at  their  dwelling  place  at  Shamokin,  now  Sunbury. 
Sassoonan's  grief  over  the  unhappy  incident  was  so  great  that  it 
almost  cost  him  his  life.  It  was  at  this  meeting  of  the  Provincial 
Council  that  the  great  Shikellamy,  who  accompanied  Sassoonan, 
issued  an  ultimatum  to  the  Colonial  Authorities  that,  if  the 
liquor  traffic  among  the  Indians  were  not  better  regulated,  friend- 
ly relations  between  Pennsylvania  and  the  powerful  Confedera- 
tion of  the  Six  Nations  would  cease. 

At  Shamokin,  on  the  banks  of  the  beautiful  Susquehanna,  in 
the  autumnal  days  of  1747,  the  aged  Sassoonan,  who  had  done 
so  much  to  preserve  the  friendship  that  William  Penn  established 
with  the  Indians,  yielded  up  his  soul  to  the  Great  Spirit.  Great 
changes  in  the  relations  between  the  Delawares  and  the  Colony 
had  taken  place  during  the  span  of  his  life,  and  still  greater 
changes  were  destined  to  come.  In  life's  morning  and  noontide, 
he  beheld  the  Delawares  contented  and  happy  in  the  bond  of  affec- 
tion between  them  and  "Onas;"  yet,  before  the  night  had  come, 
his  dim  eyes  saw  on  the  horizon  the  gathering  clouds  of  the  storm 
that,  in  the  autumn  of  1755,  broke  with  fury  upon  the  land  of 
his  birth. 

Efforts  to  Have  the  Shawnees  Return  and 
the  Treaty  of  1732 

As  has  been  seen  in  a  former  chapter,  the  abuses  of  the  liquor 
traffic  among  the  Shawnees  were  among  the  causes  which  forced  a 
large  number  of  this  tribe  to  migrate  from  the  Susquehanna  to 
the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  valleys  several  years  prior  to  1730,  when 


French  emissaries,  coming  from  Canada,  seized  upon  this  op- 
portunity to  alienate  the  Shawnees  from  the  Enghsh  interest. 
Therefore,  Governor  Gordon  at  a  council  held  at  Philadelphia  on 
August  16th,  1731,  decided  to  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Secretary 
James  Logan  that  a  treaty  be  arranged  with  the  Six  Nations  "to 
renew  and  maintain  the  same  good-will  and  friendship  for  the 
Five  Nations  which  the  Honorable  William  Penn  always  expressed 
to  them  in  his  lifetime,"  and  to  prevail  upon  the  Six  Nations  to 
assist  in  holding  the  Shawnees  in  their  allegiance  to  the  English. 
Accordingly,  at  this  same  conference,  it  was  decided  to  send 
Shikellamy,  "a  trusty,  good  man  and  a  great  lover  of  the  Eng- 
lish" to  Onondaga,  the  capital  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  invite  them 
to  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia  to  arrange  a  treaty. 

In  keeping  with  Pennsylvania's  efforts  to  retain  the  friendship 
of  the  Shawnees  on  the  Allegheny,  Governor  Gordon  sent  them  a 
message  in  December,  1731,  reminding  them  of  the  benefits  they 
had  received  from  William  Penn  and  his  successors,  while  they 
lived  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Province,  to  which  message 
Neucheconneh  and  other  Shawnee  chiefs  on  the  Allegheny,  re- 
plied in  their  letter  to  the  Governor,  of  June,  1732,  giving  the 
reasons  why  they  had  removed  from  the  Susquehanna. 

In  the  autumn  of  1731,  a  tract  of  land,  called  the  "Manor  of 
Conodoguinet"  and  located  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna 
between  Conodoguinet  and  Yellow  Breeches  Creeks,  was  set  aside 
for  the  Shawnees  in  an  effort  to  induce  those  of  this  tribe  who  had 
gone  to  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  to  return  to  the  Susquehanna. 
Peter  Chartier  conveyed  this  information  to  the  Shawnees  on  the 
Ohio,  but  they  still  refused  to  return  to  the  eastern  part  of  the 

Shikellamy  returned  to  Philadelphia  from  his  journey  to 
Onondaga,  on  December  10th,  1731,  accompanied  by  a  Cayuga 
chief  named  Cehachquely,  and  Conrad  Weiser  and  John  Scull  as 
interpreters.  He  reported  that  the  Six  Nations  were  very  much 
pleased  to  hear  from  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  but  that,  as 
winter  was  now  coming  on  and  their  chiefs  were  too  old  to  make 
such  a  fatiguing  journey  in  the  winter  time,  they  would  come  to 
Philadelphia  in  the  spring  to  meet  the  Governor  and  enter  into 
a  treaty. 

On  his  way  to  meet  the  Governor  at  this  time,  Shikellamy 
stopped  at  the  home  of  Conrad  Weiser,  near  Womelsdorf,  in  the 
present  county  of  Berks,  took  him  along  to  Philadelphia  and 
introduced  him  to  Governor  Gordon  as  "an  adopted  son  of  the 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  99 

Mohawk  Nation;"  and  as  this  conference  (December  10,  1731,)  is 
Weiser's  first  connection  with  the  Indian  affairs  of  Pennsylvania, 
it  will  be  well  to  pause  long  enough,  at  this  point,  to  give  a  short 
sketch  of  the  history  of  this  noted  man  of  the  frontier,  who  later 
had  so  much  to  do  with  bringing  about  the  ascendency  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  in  the  Western  World. 

This  sturdy  German  was  born  at  Afsteadt,  in  Herrenberg,  near 
Wurtemberg,  Germany,  in  1696.  At  the  age  of  thirteen,  he  ac- 
companied his  father  to  America,  and,  for  several  years,  assisted 
him  in  making  tar  and  raising  hemp  on  Livingston  Manor,  New 
York.  The  Weiser  family  spent  the  winter  of  1713  and  1714  with 
several  of  the  Iroquois  at  Schenectady,  New  York,  where  Conrad 
doubtless  secured  his  first  lessons  in  the  Iroquois  tongue.  In  the 
spring  of  1714,  he  accompanied  his  father  to  the  Schoharie  Valley, 
where  they  endured  much  hardship  in  company  with  the  other 
Palatines  in  that  valley.  When  he  was  seventeen  years  old, 
young  Weiser  went  to  live  with  Quagnant,  a  prominent  Iroquois 
chief,  who,  taking  a  great  fancy  to  Conrad,  requested  the  father 
that  the  young  man  might  dwell  with  him  for  a  time.  He  re- 
mained with  the  Iroquois  chief  for  eight  months,  learning  the 
Iroquois  language  and  customs  thoroughly,  and  was  adopted  by 

In  1729,  Conrad  Weiser  and  his  young  wife  went  from  New 
York  to  the  Tulpehocken  Valley,  Pennsylvania,  where,  as  has 
been  related,  a  number  of  Palatines  from  the  Schoharie  Valley  had 
settled,  in  1727.  The  young  couple  built  their  home  about  one 
mile  east  of  Womelsdorf,  Berks  County,  where  Weiser  continued 
to  reside  until  a  few  years  before  his  death,  when  he  removed  to 
Reading.  It  is  said  that  while  on  a  hunting  trip  he  met  the  great 
Iroquois  chief,  Shikellamy,  the  vice-gerent  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who  was  well  pleased  with  Weiser  on  account  of  his  being  able  to 
speak  the  Iroquois  tongue,  and  they  became  fast  friends. 

While  visiting  his  old  home  near  Womelsdorf,  he  died  July 
13,  1760,  much  lamented  by  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  as  well  as 
by  the  Indians.  Said  a  great  Iroquois  chieftain,  commenting  on 
the  death  of  Weiser:    "We  are  at  a  loss,  and  sit  in  darkness." 

If  all  white  men  had  been  as  just  to  the  Indians  as  was  this 
sturdy  German,  the  history  of  the  advance  of  civilization  in 
America  undoubtedly  would  not  contain  so  many  bloody  chapters. 
Conrad  Weiser's  home  is  still  standing,  and  in  the  orchard  above 
the  house,  rests  all  that  is  mortal  of  this  distinguished  frontiers- 
man; while  beside  him  are  the  graves  of  several  Indian  chiefs. 


Having  loved  him  in  life,  they  wished  to  repose  beside  him  in 
death.  A  beautiful  monument  has  been  erected  to  his  memory 
in  the  "Conrad  Weiser  Memorial  Park,"  near  Womelsdorf,  hav- 
ing thereon  the  words  which  George  Washington  uttered  concern- 
ing him,  while  standing  at  his  grave,  in  1793: 

"Posterity  Will  Not  Forget  His  Services."* 

The  Six  Nations,  no  doubt  mistrusting  the  motives  of  the 
English,  failed  to  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia  in  the  spring  of 
1732,  as  they  had  promised  Shikellamy.  In  the  meantime, 
traders  in  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  reported  that  the 
French  were  rapidly  gaining  the  friendship  of  the  Shawnees  in  the 
Ohio  Valley;  that  these  Indians  complained  bitterly  about  the 
great  quantities  of  rum  brought  to  them  by  the  English  traders ; 
and  that  they  would  have  declared  war  against  the  English,  on 
this  account,  save  for  the  influence  of  Peter  Chartier.  The 
Shawnees  said,  furthermore,  that  it  had  been  only  five  years  since 
the  Six  Nations  themselves  had  endeavored  to  persuade  the  Ohio 
Indians  to  declare  war  on  the  English.  In  view  of  these  facts, 
there  was  much  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  Provincial  Council  of 
Pennsylvania,  over  the  failure  of  the  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations 
to  make  their  appearance  in  Philadelphia  in  the  spring  of  1732. 

Finally,  on  August  18th,  1732  the  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations 
arrived,  consisting  of  a  number  of  Oneida,  Cayuga,  and  Onondaga 
chiefs,  among  whom  was  the  celebrated  Shikellamy.  A  few  days' 
time  being  given  the  chiefs  in  which  to  refresh  themselves  after 
their  long  and  toilsome  journey,  the  famous  treaty  of  August  23rd 
to  September  2nd,  1732,  was  entered  into  between  the  Six  Nations 
and  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania. 

We  have  stated  that  Secretary  James  Logan  suggested  this 
treaty;  but  Logan's  knowledge  of  the  influence  and  importance  of 
the  Six  Nations  and  their  power  over  the  Shawnees,  Delawares 
and  other  tributary  tribes,  was  gotten  from  Conrad  Weiser.  Not 
until  the  coming  of  Weiser  did  the  Colony  fully  realize  the  im- 
portance of  this  powerful  confederation. 

The  deputies  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  arrived  in  Philadelphia 
some  days  before  the  opening  of  the  conference,  as  we  have  seen, 
were  chiefs  of  only  the  Oneida,  Cayuga,  and  Onondaga  tribes;  but 
they  claimed  that  they  were  authorized  to  speak  for  the  other 
members  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation.  In  the  early  stages  of 
the  conference,  complaints  were  made,  possibly  by  members  of 
the  Assembly,  against  the  private  nature  of  the  council;  and 
Conrad  Weiser,  the  interpreter,  was  selected  to  interview  the 

*  Weiser  was  the  grandfather  of  the  Lutheran  clergyman  and  noted  Revolutionary  General, 
Peter  Muhlenberg,  about  whom  the  poet,  Read,  wrote  "The  Rising  of  1776." 

ABOVE — Monument  to  Conrad  Weiser,  Indian  Interpreter  of  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  Conrad  Weiser  Memorial  Park,  near  Womelsdorf,  Berks  County,  Pa. 

BELOW^Home  of  Conrad  Weiser,  in  Conrad  Weiser  Memorial  Park,  erected  about  1732. 
Here  the  famous  clergyman,  Rev.  Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg,  D.  D.,  founder  of  the  Lutheran 
Church  in  America,  for  whom  Muhlenberg  College,  at  Allentown,  Pa.,  is  named,  wooed  and  won 
Weiser's  daughter,  Anna. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  101 

Iroquois  deputies  to  learn  their  pleasure  in  the  matter.  The  chiefs 
replied  that  they  were  content  to  continue  in  secret  session,  but 
were  willing  to  deal  in  a  more  public  manner,  if  such  was  desired. 
Thomas  Penn,  son  of  the  founder  of  the  Colony,  having  lately 
arrived  in  Philadelphia,  spoke  for  the  Province.  He  called  the 
attention  of  the  chiefs  to  the  policy  which  his  father  had  pursued 
in  dealing  with  the  Indians,  and  assured  them  that  he  came  to 
the  Province  with  a  desire  and  design  to  follow  in  the  footsteps 
of  his  parent.  He  then  asked  the  Iroquois  deputies  how  their 
Confederation  stood  toward  the  French,  their  former  enemies. 
He  inquired  how  the  French  behaved  toward  the  Six  Nations, 
and  how  all  the  other  nations  of  Indians  to  the  northward  or  the 
westward  were  affected  toward  the  Iroquois. 

The  Iroquois  deputies  replied  through  their  speaker,  Heta- 
quantagechty,  that  they  had  no  great  faith  in  the  governor  of 
Canada,  or  the  French,  who  had  deceived  them.  "The  Six 
Nations,"  said  they,  "are  not  afraid  of  the  French.  They  are 
always  willing  to  go  and  hear  what  they  have  to  propose.  Peace 
had  been  made  with  the  French.  A  tree  had  been  planted  big 
enough  to  shelter  them  both.  Under  this  tree,  a  hole  had  been 
dug,  and  the  hatchets  had  been  buried  therein.  Nevertheless,  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  thought  that  the  French  charged  too 
much  for  their  goods,  and,  for  this  reason,  they  recommended 
their  people  to  trade  with  the  English,  who  would  sell  cheaper 
than  the  French."  The  deputies  confided  to  the  Governor  that, 
when  representatives  of  the  Six  Nations  were  at  Montreal,  in 
1727,  the  governor  of  Canada  told  them  that  he  intended  to  make 
war  upon  Corlear  (the  term  applied  to  the  governors  of  New 
York),  and  that  he  desired  the  Six  Nations  to  remain  neutral.  On 
this  occasion,  one  of  the  chiefs  answered,  saying:  "Onontejo  [the 
Indian  name  for  the  governor  of  Canada],  you  are  very  proud. 
You  are  not  wise  to  make  war  with  Corlear,  and  to  propose 
neutrality  to  us.  Corlear  is  our  brother;  he  came  to  us  when  he 
was  very  little  and  a  child.  We  suckled  him  at  our  breasts;  we 
have  nursed  him  and  taken  care  of  him  till  he  is  grown  up  to  be  a 
man.  He  is  our  brother  and  of  the  same  blood.  He  and  we  have 
but  one  ear  to  hear  with,  one  eye  to  see  with,  and  one  mouth  to 
speak  with.  We  will  not  forsake  him  nor  see  any  man  make  war 
upon  him  without  assisting.  We  shall  join  him,  and,  if  we  fight 
with  you,  we  may  have  our  own  father,  Onontejo,  to  bury  in  the 
ground.  We  would  not  have  you  force  us  to  this,  but  be  wise  and 
live  in  peace." 


The  Iroquois  deputies  were  told,  through  Conrad  Weiser,  that 
the  Shawnees  who  were  settled  to  the  southward,  being  made  un- 
easy by  their  neighbors,  had  come  up  to  Conestoga  about  thirty- 
five  years  before,  and  desired  leave  of  the  Conestoga  Indians 
located  at  that  place,  to  settle  in  the  neighborhood;  that  the 
Conestogas  applied  to  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  that  the 
Shawnees  might  be  permitted  to  settle  there,  and  that  they  would 
become  answerable  for  their  good  behavior;  that  William  Penn, 
shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  Shawnees,  agreed  to  their  settle- 
ment, and  the  Shawnees  thereupon  came  under  the  protection  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Colony;  that,  from  that  time,  greater  numbers 
of  the  Shawnee  Indians  followed,  settling  upon  the  Susquehanna 
and  the  Delaware.  The  deputies  were  further  told  that  the 
Colony  of  Pennsylvania  had  held  several  treaties  with  the  Shaw- 
nets,  treating  them  from  their  first  coming  as  "our  own  Indians," 
but  that  some  of  their  young  men,  four  or  five  years  previously, 
being  afraid  of  the  Six  Nations,  had  removed  to  the  Allegheny 
Valley,  and  put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  French, 
who  had  received  them  as  children;  that  the  Colony  had  sent  a 
message  asking  them  to  return,  and  to  encourage  them,  had  laid 
out  a  large  tract  of  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna  near 
Paxtang,  and  desired,  by  all  means,  that  they  would  return  to 
that  place. 

The  Iroquois  answered  that  they  never  had  intended  to  harm 
the  Shawnees,  and  that,  as  they  were  coming  on  their  way  to 
Philadelphia,  they  had  spoken  with  Kakowatcheky,  their  (the 
Shawnees')  old  chief,  then  at  Wyoming,  and  told  him  that  he 
should  not  "look  to  Ohio,  but  turn  his  face  to  us."  They  had  met 
Sassoonan,  too,  the  old  chief  of  the  Delawares,  then  at  Shamokin, 
and  told  him  that  the  Delawares,  too,  should  not  settle  in  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny  valleys,  upon  which  Sassoonan  had  sent 
messengers  to  the  Delawares  lately  gone  to  the  Ohio  and  Alle- 
gheny Valleys,  requiring  them  to  return.  It  will  be  remembered 
that,  in  the  times  of  which  we  are  writing,  and  for  a  long  period 
thereafter,  the  Allegheny  River  was  considered  simply  as  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  Ohio,  and  was  generally  called  the  Ohio. 

The  deputies  were  then  told  that,  as  they  were  the  chiefs  of 
all  the  northern  Indians  in  the  Province,  and  the  Shawnees  had 
been  under  their  protection,  they  should  oblige  them  to  return 
nearer  the  Pennsylvania  settlements;  whereupon  the  chiefs  asked 
if  the  Six  Nations  should  do  this  themselves,  or  join  with  the 
Authorities  of  Pennsylvania.    They  were  told  that  it  was  the  de- 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  103 

sire  of  the  Pennsylvania  Colony  that  the  Six  Nations  should  join 
with  the  Colonial  Authorities  in  efforts  to  have  the  Shawnees 

The  representatives  of  the  Six  Nations  told  the  Governor  that 
they  believed  that  they  could  bring  the  Shawnees  back,  if  Penn- 
sylvania would  prohibit  her  traders  from  going  to  the  Allegheny 
Valley,  explaining  that,  as  long  as  the  Shawnees  were  supplied  at 
that  place  with  such  goods  as  they  needed,  they  would  be  more 
unwilling  to  remove.  It  was  finally  agreed  that  Pennsylvania 
would  remove  such  traders,  and  that  the  Six  Nations  would  see 
that  the  French  traders  in  the  Ohio  region  were  also  removed. 

The  main  purpose  of  this  treaty  was  to  secure  the  aid  of  the 
Six  Nations  in  efforts  to  bring  the  Shawnees  from  the  Allegheny 
Valley;  but  it  contained  other  provisions,  notably  the  one  obligat- 
ing the  Six  Nations  to  "forbid  all  their  warriors,  who  are  often  too 
unruly,  to  come  amongst  or  near  the  English  settlements,  and 
especially  that  they  never,  on  any  account,  rob,  hurt,  or  molest 
any  English  subjects  whatsoever,  either  to  the  Southward  or  else- 

The  Iroquois  delegation  having  requested  that,  in  their  future 
dealings  with  Pennsylvania,  Conrad  Weiser  should  continue  to  be 
the  interpreter,  this  request  was  granted,  and  the  conference  came 
to  an  end  by  the  giving  of  many  presents  to  the  deputies,  among 
which  were  six  japanned  and  gilt  guns,  which  were  to  be  delivered 
one  to  each  chief  of  the  Six  Nations.  These  guns  were  the  gift  of 
Thomas  Penn,  which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  England  for 
this  purpose. 

A  full  account  of  the  Treaty  of  1732,  the  first  treaty  to  bring 
the  powerful  Confederation  of  the  Six  Nations  into  definite  rela- 
tions with  Pennsylvania,  is  found  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial 
Records,  Vol.  3,  pages  435  to  452.  The  Six  Nations  were  faithful 
to  their  promise,  in  this  treaty,  to  induce  the  Shawnees  of  the 
Allegheny  Valley  to  take  up  their  abode  in  the  Valley  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna. They  used  every  means  short  of  war,  to  accomplish 
this  result,  but  in  vain. 

One  of  the  efforts  of  the  Six  Nations  to  induce  the  Shawnees  of 
the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  valleys  to  return  to  the  eastern  part  of 
the  Province  is  recorded  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  3,  pages  607  to 
609.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council,  September  10th, 
1735,  Hetaquantagechty,  a  Seneca  chief,  and  Shikellamy  gave 
the  Council  a  report  concerning  a  mission  the  Six  Nations  had 
sent  to  the  Hathawekela  or  Asswikales  Clan  of  Shawnees,  urging 


them  to  take  up  their  abode  near  the  Susquehanna.  Heta- 
quantagechty  said  that  a  great  chief  of  the  Iroquois,  named 
Sagohandechty,  who  Hved  on  the  Allegheny  went  with  other 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  in  1 734  to  prevail  upon  the  Shawnees  to 
return.  Sagohandechty  pressed  the  Shawnees  so  closely  to  return 
that  they  took  a  great  dislike  to  him,  and  some  months  after  the 
other  chiefs  had  returned,  they  cruelly  murdered  him.  Heta- 
quantagetchty  said  that  this  murder  had  been  committed  by 
the  Asswikales,  who  then  fled  southward,  and  as  he  supposed  had 
returned  "to  the  place  from  whence  they  first  came,  which  is  below 
Carolina."  Hetaquantagechty  described  them  as  "one  tribe  of 
those  Shawnees  who  had  never  behaved  themselves  as  they 
ought,"  The  Asswikales  were  probably  the  first  Shawnees  to 
settle  in  Western  Pennsylvania  within  historic  times,  coming  by 
way  of  Old  Town,  Maryland,  to  Bedford,  and  then  westward. 
Sewickley  Creek,  in  Westmoreland  County,  Sewickley  Town,  at 
the  mouth  of  that  creek,  and  another  placed  called  Sewickley  Old 
Town,  which  some  authorities  locate  on  the  Allegheny  River  some 
miles  below  Chartier's  Old  Town,  (Tarentum),  were  their  places 
of  residence. 

The  Treaty  of  1736 

At  the  instigation  of  Shikellamy  and  Conrad  Weiser,  the 
Colonial  Authorities  of  Pennsylvania  were  very  anxious  to  have 
the  treaty  of  August,  1732,  confirmed  by  deputies  representing  all 
the  members  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation,  and  Conrad  Weiser 
was  directed  to  employ  his  influence  with  Shikellamy  to  the  end 
that  these  two  mediators  between  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Great  Council  of  the  Six  Nations  might  bring  about  a  conference 
that  would  represent  every  member  of  that  great  Confederation. 
The  summers  came  and  went,  and  still  the  promised  visit  of  the 
Iroquois  was  deferred.  Finally,  at  a  conference  of  Delaware  and 
Conestoga  chiefs,  among  whom  were  Sassoonan,  representing  the 
Delawares,  and  Civility,  representing  the  Conestogas,  held  at 
Philadelphia  on  August  20,  1736,  an  appeal  was  made  to  them  to 
explain  why  the  Iroquois  did  not  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia, 
as  they  had  promised.  Sassoonan  said  that  he  knew  nothing 
particularly  of  the  Iroquois;  that  he  had  been  in  expectation  to 
see  them  for  three  years  past,  but  understood  that  they  had  been 
detained  by  nations  that  came  to  treat  with  them.  He  further 
stated  that  he  expected  that  they  would  be  on  hand  the  next 
spring.    The  Provincial  Council  made  a  very  liberal  present  to 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  105 

the  Delawares  and  Conestogas  on  the  occasion  of  this  conference, 
accompanying  it  with  the  special  request  that  they  make  an  effort 
to  ascertain  from  the  Six  Nations  why  they  had  not  sent  their 
deputies  as  they  promised  the  preceding  year,  or  at  least  to  send 
a  message  stating  the  reasons  for  their  delay. 

This  present  to  the  Delawares  had  the  desired  effect,  and  in 
less  than  six  weeks  thereafter,  Conrad  Weiser  sent  word  to  the 
Provincial  Council  from  his  home  near  Womelsdorf ,  in  the  Tulpe- 
hocken  Valley,  that  he  had  received  intelligence  that  one  hundred 
chiefs,  representing  all  members  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation, 
had  arrived  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury)  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia. 
On  the  27th  of  September,  Weiser  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  accom- 
panied by  this  delegation  of  one  hundred  Iroquois.  At  this  time, 
smallpox  was  raging  in  Philadelphia,  on  account  of  which  Weiser 
took  the  Indians  to  James  Logan's  mansion  at  Stenton,  a  few  miles 
from  the  city  (now  in  the  Twenty-second  Ward,  Philadelphia), 
and  invited  the  provincial  officers  and  proprietors  out  to  meet 
them.  The  Indians  were  greatly  pleased  with  Weiser's  care  for 
their  health,  and  the  esteem  in  which  they  held  him  increased  by 
this  act  of  solicitation  on  his  part.  The  Iroquois  had  told  the 
Colonial  Authorities  at  the  treaty  of  1732  that  Weiser  and  Shikel- 
lamy  were  the  proper  persons  "to  go  between  the  Six  Nations  and 
this  government."  They  said  that  their  bodies  were  to  be  equally 
divided  between  "the  Sons  of  Onas  and  the  Red  Men,  half  to  the 
Indian  and  half  to  the  white  man."  Weiser,  said  they,  was  faith- 
ful, honest,  good,  and  true;  that  he  had  spoken  their  words  for 
them  and  not  his  own. 

The  Iroquois  delegation,  by  far  the  largest  that  ever  appeared 
at  Philadelphia  at  a  treaty,  was  entertained  for  three  nights  at 
Stenton.  The  sessions  of  the  different  conferences  connected 
with  the  making  of  this  treaty  lasted  until  the  25th  of  October. 
They  were  held  in  the  great  meeting  house  at  Fifth  and  Arch 
Streets.  The  Iroquois  deputies  reported  that,  following  the  sug- 
gestion of  the  Provincial  Council  at  the  treaty  of  1732,  they  had 
strengthened  their  confederation  by  entering  into  firm  leagues  of 
friendship  and  alliance  with  other  nations  around  them,  to-wit: 
Onichkaryagoes,  Sissaghees,  Troumurtihagas,  Attawantenies, 
Twechtwese,  and  Oachtaumghs.  All  these  tribes,  said  the  depu- 
ties, had  promised  to  acknowledge  the  Iroquois  as  their  elder 
brother  and  to  act  in  concert  with  them. 

The  Iroquois  deputies  made  the  request  that  the  Pennsylvania 
traders  be  removed  from  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  country,  but  the 


Provincial  Council  politely  refused  this  request,  arguing  that  its 
Indians  there  could  not  live  without  being  supplied  with  goods, 
and  that,  if  the  Pennsylvania  traders  did  not  supply  them  with 
goods  others  from  Maryland  and  Virginia  would.  The  Iroquois 
also  asked  that  no  strong  drink  be  sold  at  Allegheny  by  the 
traders.  This  petition  was  evaded.  James  Logan,  President  of 
the  Council,  upon  which  the  administration  of  the  government 
devolved  since  the  death  of  Governor  Gordon,  on  August  5th, 
1736,  rebuked  the  Indians  for  not  controlling  their  appetite  for 
rum.  "All  of  us  here,"  said  he,  "and  all  you  see  of  any  credit  in 
this  place,  can  every  day  have  as  much  rum  of  their  own  to  drink  as 
they  please,  and  yet  scarce  one  of  us  will  take  a  dram,  at  least 
not  one  man  will,  on  any  account,  be  drunk,  no,  not  if  he  were 
hired  to  it  with  great  sums  of  money." 

But  the  most  important  part  of  this  treaty  was  the  execution 
and  delivery  of  two  deeds  by  the  Iroquois  to  the  Proprietaries  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania — a  momentous  transaction  brought 
about  by  that  astute  Iroquois  statesman,  Shikellamy,  assisted  by 
Conrad  Weiser. 

The  first  was  a  deed  to  all  the  lands  on  both  sides  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, extending  as  far  east  as  the  heads  of  the  streams  run- 
ning into  the  Susquehanna,  as  far  west  "as  the  setting  of  the  sun" 
(afterwards  interpreted  by  the  Indians  to  mean  as  far  as  the  crest 
of  the  Allegheny  Mountains),  as  far  south  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Susquehanna,  and  as  far  north  as  the  Blue,  Kittatinny,  or  Endless 

The  following  is  the  interesting  history  of  these  Susquehanna 
lands : 

By  deed  dated  September  10th,  1683,  the  Conestoga  or  Sus- 
quehanna chief,  Kekelappan,  conveyed  to  William  Penn  "that 
half  of  all  my  lands  betwixt  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware, 
which  lieth  on  the  Susquehanna  side."  Then,  on  October  18th, 
1683,  the  Conestoga  chief,  Machaloha,  who  claimed  to  exercise 
authority  over  the  Indians  "on  the  Delaware  River,  Chesapeake 
Bay  and  up  to  ye  falls  of  ye  Susquehanna  River,"  conveyed  to 
Penn  his  right  in  his  lands.  Penn  thought  it  advisable  to  get  the 
consent  of  the  Five  Nations  to  his  possession  of  these  lands,  no 
doubt  knowing  that  the  Five  Nations  had  conquered  the  Sus- 
quehannas.  Accordingly  he  sent  agents  to  confer  with  the  Iro- 
quois chiefs  in  New  York,  and  also  wrote  acting  Governor  Brock- 
holls  of  New  York,  "about  some  Susquehanna  land  on  ye  back  of 
us,  where  I  intend  a  colony  forthwith."    About  the  time  of  his 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  107 

writing  Governor  Brockholls,  Governor  Thomas  Dongan  dis- 
placed Brockholls,  Governor  Dongan  persuaded  some  of  the 
Iroquois  chiefs  to  give  him  a  deed  for  these  same  lands.  This  he 
did,  in  order  to  get  the  matter  in  his  own  hands.  Then,  in  the 
late  autumn  of  1683,  he  wrote  Penn,  advising  him  of  the  pur- 
chase and  saying  that  he  and  Penn  would  not  "fall  out"  over  the 
matter.  Thus  the  matter  stood  until  January  13th,  1696,  on 
which  date  Penn  got  a  deed  of  lease  and  release  from  Dongan  for 
the  lands.  In  order  to  get  indisputable  title  to  these  lands,  Penn, 
on  September  13th,  1700,  concluded  a  treaty  with  Oretyagh  and 
Andaggy-Junkquagh,  chiefs  of  the  Susquehannas  or  Conestogas, 
by  the  terms  of  which  they  ratified  Dongan's  deed  to  Penn.  This 
sale  was  further  confirmed  in  the  "Articles  of  Agreement"  of 
April  23d,  1701,  between  Penn  and  the  Five  Nations,  Susque- 
hannas, Shawnees  and  Conoys.  However,  the  Iroquois  contended 
that  they  had  deeded  the  Susquehanna  lands  to  Dongan  simply 
in  trust  and  did  not  release  any  control  over  or  rights  in  the  same. 
At  the  time  of  this  treaty  of  1736,  the  Colonial  Authorities  of 
Pennsylvania  were  impressed  by  Conrad  Weiser  with  the  power 
and  influence  of  the  Six  Nations,  and,  accordingly,  did  not  dis- 
pute with  their  deputies  when  they  claimed  indemnity  for  all  the 
Susquehanna  lands  south  and  east  of  the  Blue  Mountains. 

The  consideration  of  the  deed  for  these  lands,  dated  October 
11th,  1736,  was  500  pounds  of  powder,  600  pounds  of  lead,  45 
guns,  100  blankets,  200  yards  of  cloth,  100  shirts,  40  hats,  40 
pairs  of  shoes  and  buckles,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  100  hatchets, 
500  knives,  100  hoes,  100  tobacco  tongs,  100  scissors,  500  awls, 
120  combs  2000  needles,  1000  flints,  20  looking  glasses,  2  pounds 
of  Vermillion,  100  tin  pots,  25  gallons  of  rum,  200  pounds  of 
tobacco,  1000  pipes,  and  24  dozens  of  garters.  That  part  of  these 
goods  which  represented  the  consideration  for  the  lands  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  was  delivered,  but  that  which  rep- 
resented the  consideration  for  the  lands  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  was,  at  the  Indians'  desire,  retained,  and  was  finally 
delivered  in  1742. 

Shikellamy  and  twenty-two  other  chiefs  of  the  Onondagas, 
Senecas,  Oneidas,  Tuscaroras  and  Cayugas,  all  the  allied  tribes 
of  the  great  Iroquois  Confederation,  except  the  Mohawks,  signed 
this  deed,  a  copy  of  which  is  recorded  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Archives,  Vol.  1,  pages  494  to  498. 

The  sale  of  the  Susquehanna  lands  greatly  off'ended  the 
Shawnees.     When  this  tribe  came  to  Pennsylvania,  they  were 


given  permission  by  the  Iroquois  to  live  on  these  lands.  There- 
fore, when  the  Shawnees  learned  of  the  treaty  of  1736,  they  sent 
one  hundred  and  thirty  of  their  leaders  with  a  belt  to  the  French, 
saying;  "Our  lands  have  been  sold  from  under  our  feet;  may  we 
come  and  live  with  you?"  The  French  readily  consented,  and 
ofTered  to  come  and  meet  them  with  provisions.  This  informa- 
tion came  from  the  Mohawks,  who  received  no  share  of  the  ar- 
ticles given  for  the  lands.  Indeed,  this  sale  of  the  Susquehanna 
lands  had  much  to  do  with  bringing  about  finally  the  total 
alienation  of  the  Shawnees  from  the  English  cause.  Conrad 
Weiser,  the  advisor  of  the  Pennsylvania  authorities,  had  a  great 
love  and  admiration  for  the  Iroquois,  but  little  or  no  respect  for 
the  Shawnees,  and  it  was  his  opinion  that  the  Province  would 
establish  a  dangerous  precedent,  if  it  were  to  recognize  the  claims 
of  the  Shawnees  to  these  lands,  inasmuch  as  they  were  only  so- 
journers on  the  same. 

But  the  sale  of  the  Susquehanna  lands  involved  Maryland  and 
Virginia,  which  colonies  had  never  paid  the  Iroquois  for  the  lands 
in  their  dominions  to  which  the  Iroquois  claimed  title  as  the 
conquerors  of  the  tribes  formerly  owing  them.  As  we  shall  see, 
this  matter  was  adjusted  at  the  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1744  by  the 
purchase  of  these  lands  by  Maryland  and  Virginia. 

On  October  25th,  just  two  weeks  after  the  signing  of  the  deed 
of  the  Susquehanna  lands,  when  most  of  the  influential  deputies 
of  the  Iroquois  had  left  Philadelphia,  and  after  those  who  re- 
mained had  been  drinking  heavily,  another  deed  was  drawn  up 
embracing  all  the  Six  Nations'  claim  to  lands  within  Pennsylvania 
"beginning  eastward  on  the  River  Delaware,  as  far  northward  as 
the  ridge  or  chain  of  Endless  Mountains  as  they  cross  ye  country 
of  Pennsylvania,  from  eastward  to  the  West."  This  deed  estab- 
lished a  precedent  for  an  Iroquois  claim  to  all  the  lands  owned  by 
the  Delaware  Indians,  and  was  the  cause,  as  we  shall  see,  of 
greatly  embittering  the  Delawares. 

Shikellamy  was  one  of  the  signers  of  this  deed  to  the  Delaware 
lands,  which,  in  addition  to  conveying  the  lands  of  the  Dela- 
wares, contained  the  solemn  promise  that  at  no  time  would  the 
Six  Nations  sell  any  lands  within  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania 
to  any  person  or  persons,  Indians  or  white  men,  except  to  "the 
said  Wm.  Penn's  Children."  For  copy  of  the  deed,  see  Pennsyl- 
vania Archives,  Vol.  1,  pages  498  and  499. 

It  is  clear  that,  while  William  Penn  recognized  the  claim  of 
the  Six  Nations  to  the  lands  of  the  Susquehannas  or  Conestogas, 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  109 

yet  he  never  recognized  any  claim  on  the  part  of  the  Six  Nations 
to  the  lands  of  the  Delawares;  and,  prior  to  this  treaty  of  1736,  it 
cannot  be  found  that  the  Iroquois  themselves  ever  made  any 
claim  to  the  lands  of  the  Delawares,  although  of  course,  they  had 
exercised  an  overlordship  over  them,  "declaring  them  women  and 
forbidding  them  to  make  war,"  It  is  very  probable  that,  at  the 
time  of  making  the  Iroquois  deed  for  the  Delaware  lands,  no  one 
realized  what  the  outcome  of  such  a  deed  would  be.  It  was  an 
indirect  way  of  denying  to  the  Delaware  Indians  all  title  to  their 
lands.  The  Iroquois  had  promised  that  in  the  future  they  would 
never  sell  any  land  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania  to  anyone 
except  Penn's  heirs,  and,  probably,  the  chief  purpose  in  securing 
this  deed  was  to  place  this  promise  of  the  Six  Nations  perma- 
nently in  writing. 

This  action  in  purchasing  the  Delaware  lands  from  the  Iro- 
quois marked  a  great  change  in  the  Indian  policy  of  Pennsylvania 
— a  change  brought  about  by  Shikellamy  and  Conrad  Weiser. 
Weiser  interpreted  the  deed  to  the  Iroquois,  and  they  were  evi- 
dently aware  that  they  had  gained  a  most  important  point;  that, 
henceforth,  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  would  be  a  sponsor  for 
their  claims  on  the  Delaware  River;  and  that  all  the  ancient  dis- 
putes with  the  Delawares  in  this  matter  were  settled.  Further- 
more, by  this  action,  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  had  taken  sides 
in  the  age-long  quarrel  between  the  Iroquois  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  Delawares  on  the  other.  William  Penn  had  refused  to  take 
sides  in  any  Indian  differences,  but  his  sons  were  more  bent  on 
personal  profit  than  on  public  justice  and  public  security. 

From  the  date  of  this  purchase,  it  was  no  longer  possible  for 
the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  to  treat  the  Delawares  as  formerly. 
The  Six  Nations  had  been  recognized  as  the  favorite  people  and 
the  Delawares,  the  affectionate  friends  of  William  Penn,  as  under- 
lings. The  Delawares  had  already  been  offended  through  the 
long  delay  in  purchasing  from  them  the  Tulpehocken  lands,  which 
had  been  settled  many  years  before  the  Colony  got  an  Indian  title 
for  the  same.  Now,  in  purchasing  their  lands  from  the  Iroquois, 
the  Colony  started  that  long  series  of  events  with  the  Delawares, 
which  resulted  in  the  bloodiest  invasion  in  colonial  history — an 
invasion  which  drenched  Pennsylvania  in  blood  from  1755  to 
1764;  but  at  the  same  time,  while  thus  bringing  upon  herself  a 
Delaware  and  Shawnee  war,  she  escaped  a  Six  Nation  war,  which 
no  doubt  would  have  been  much  more  serious  in  its  consequences. 

The  two  deeds  gotten  from  the  Iroquois  at  the  Treaty  of  1736 


embraced  the  counties  of  York,  Adams,  and  Cumberland,  that 
part  of  FrankHn,  Dauphin,  and  Lebanon  southeast  of  the  Blue  or 
Kittatinny  Mountains, and  that  part  of  Berks,  Lehigh,  and  North- 
ampton not  already  possessed. 

For  a  full  account  of  the  Treaty  of  1736,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  4,  pages  79  to  95. 

During  the  spring  following  the  treaty  of  1736,  Conrad  Weiser, 
at  the  solicitation  of  Governor  Gooch  of  Virginia,  was  sent  by  the 
Colonial  Authorities  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  central  seat  of  the 
Six  Nations  at  Onondaga,  New  York,  in  an  effort  to  arrange  a 
peace  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Catawbas,  Cherokees  and 
allied  tribes  of  the  South.  On  this  terrible  journey  through  the 
deep  snows  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  Weiser  was  accom- 
panied by  a  neighbor,  named  Stoffel  Stump,  Shikellamy  and  an 
Onondaga  Indian,  named  Owisgera.  The  Iroquois  agreed  to  an 
armistice  of  one  year.  Weiser's  account  of  his  mission  is  found 
in  Vol.  1  of  the  Collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  valuable  documents 
relating  to  the  early  history  of  the  Keystone  State. 

"The  Walking  Purchase" 

While  the  Six  Nations  at  the  treaty  held  at  Philadelphia  in 
October,  1736,  just  described,  went  on  record  in  declaring  that  the 
Delaware  nation  had  no  lands  to  sell,  yet  the  Colonial  Authorities 
of  Pennsylvania  depended  for  quiet  enjoyment  upon  the  old 
deeds  from  the  Delawares  to  William  Penn  and  his  heirs,  men- 
tioned in  an  earlier  chapter.  In  1734,  Thomas  Penn,  son  of  the 
founder  of  the  Colony,  claimed  to  have  found  a  copy  of  a  certain 
deed  from  the  Delaware  chiefs,  Mayhkeerickkishsho,  Taugh- 
houghsey,  and  Sayhoppy,  to  his  father,  dated  August  30,  1686, 
calling  for  a  dimension  "as  far  as  a  man  can  go  in  a  day  and  a  half" 
and  thence  to  the  Delaware  River  and  down  the  courses  of  the 
same.  The  original  of  this  deed,  Thomas  Penn  claimed,  had  been 
lost  for  many  years.  The  alleged  description  set  forth  in  the 
original  deed  was  as  follows : 

"All  those  lands  lying  and  being  in  the  province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, beginning  upon  a  line  formerly  laid  out  from  a  corner 
spruce  tree,  by  the  river  Delaware,  and  from  thence  running  along 
the  ledge  or  the  foot  of  the  mountains  west  northwest  (west  south- 
west) to  a  corner  white  oak  marked  with  the  letter  P.  standing  by 
the  Indian  path  that  leadeth  to  an  Indian  town  called  Playwiskey, 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  111 

and  from  thence  extending  westward  to  Neshaminy  Creek,  from 
which  said  Hne,  the  said  tract  or  tracts  thereby  granted  doth  ex- 
tend itself  back  into  the  woods,  as  far  as  a  man  can  go  in  one  day 
and  a  half,  and  bounded  on  the  westerly  side  with  the  creek  called 
Neshaminy,  or  the  most  westerly  branch  thereof,  and  from  thence 
by  a  line  to  the  utmost  extent  of  said  creek  one  day  and  a  half's 
journey  to  the  aforesaid  river  Delaware,  and  thence  down  the 
several  courses  of  the  said  river  to  the  first  mentioned  spruce 

The  Delaware  town,  Playwiskey,  or  Playwickey,  was  the  resi- 
dence of  the  great  Delaware  chief,  Tamanend,  or  Tammany,  and 
was  located  about  two  and  a  half  miles  west  of  the  present  town 
of  Langhorne,  Bucks  County.    A  monument  now  marks  its  site. 

The  dimension  set  forth  in  the  foregoing  alleged  deed  was 
never  "walked"  in  the  lifetime  of  William  Penn.  Thomas  Penn 
and  the  other  Colonial  Authorities  were  anxious  that  the  lands 
described  in  the  alleged  deed  should  be  measured  without  further 
delay.  Some  of  the  Delawares  did  not  wish  the  line  measured, 
but,  on  August  25,  1737,  the  more  influential  chiefs  of  the  Munsee 
Clan,  among  whom  were  "King  Nutimus"  and  Manawkyhickon, 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  Thomas  Penn  by  the  terms  of  which 
they  agreed  that  the  land  should  be  measured  by  a  walk  according 
to  the  provisions  of  the  deed.  This  agreement  of  August  25th  was 
virtually  a  deed  of  release  of  the  lands  claimed  to  have  been 
granted  by  the  deed  of  August  30,  1686.  We  shall  now  see  how 
well  Thomas  Penn  and  his  associates  were  prepared  for  the  "walk" 
and  how  it  was  accomplished : 

The  19th  day  of  September,  1737,  was  the  day  appointed  for 
the  "walk."  It  was  agreed  that  the  starting  point  should  be  a 
chestnut  tree  standing  a  little  above  the  present  site  of  Wrights- 
town,  Bucks  County.  Timothy  Smith,  the  sheriff  of  Bucks  Coun- 
ty, and  Benjamin  Eastburn,  the  surveyor-general,  supervised  the 
so-called  walk.  The  persons  employed  by  the  Colonial  Authori- 
ties to  perform  the  walk,  after  the  Proprietaries  had  advertised 
for  the  most  expert  walkers  in  the  Province,  were  athletes  famous 
for  their  abilities  as  fast  walkers;  and,  as  an  inducement  for  their 
making  this  walk  a  supreme  test  of  their  abilities,  a  compensation 
of  five  pounds  in  money  and  500  acres  of  land  was  offered  the 
one  who  could  go  the  longest  distance  in  the  allotted  time.  Their 
names  were  Edward  Marshall,  a  native  of  Bucks  County,  a  noted 
chain  carrier,  hunter  and  backwoodsman;  James  Yates,  a  native 
of  the  same  county,  a  tall  and  agile  man,  with  much  speed  of  foot; 


and  Solomon  Jennings  also  a  man  of  remarkable  physique.  These 
men  had  been  hunted  out  by  the  Proprietaries'  agents  as  the 
fastest  backwoodsmen  in  the  Province,  and  as  a  preliminary 
measure,  they  had  been  taken  over  the  ground  before,  spending 
some  nine  days,  during  which  their  route  was  marked  off  by 
blazing  the  trees  and  clearing  away  the  brush. 

At  sunrise  on  the  day  appointed,  these  three  athletes,  accom- 
panied by  a  number  of  Indians  and  some  white  persons,  some  of 
whom  carried  refreshments  for  them,  started  from  the  chestnut 
tree  above  Wrightstown;  and,  at  first,  they  walked  moderately, 
but  before  long  they  set  such  a  pace  that  the  Indians  frequently 
called  upon  them  to  walk  and  not  run.  The  remonstrance  of  the 
Indians  producing  no  effect,  most  of  them  left  in  anger  and  dis- 
gust, asserting  that  they  were  basely  cheated.  By  previous  ar- 
rangement, a  number  of  white  people  were  collected  about  twenty 
miles  from  the  starting  point,  to  see  the  "walkers"  pass.  Yates 
was  much  in  the  lead,  and  was  accompanied  by  several  persons 
on  horseback;  next  came  Jennings,  but  out  of  sight;  and  lastly, 
Marshall,  proceeding  in  an  apparently  careless  manner,  eating  a 
biscuit  and  swinging  a  hatchet  from  hand  to  hand,  evidently  to 
balance  the  motion  of  his  body.  The  above  mentioned  body  of 
whites  bet  strongly  in  favor  of  Yates.  Jennings  and  two  of  the 
Indians  who  accompanied  him  were  exhausted  before  the  end  of 
the  first  day,  and  were  unable  to  keep  up  with  the  other  two. 
Jennings  never  thereafter  recovered  his  health.  However,  Yates 
and  Marshall  kept  on,  and,  at  sunset,  had  arrived  at  the  north 
side  of  the  Blue  Mountains. 

At  sunrise  of  the  next  day,  Yates  and  Marshall  started  again, 
but,  when  crossing  a  stream  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  Yates 
fell  into  the  water,  and  Marshall  turned  back  and  supported  him 
until  some  of  the  attendants  came  up,  and  then  continued  on  his 
way  alone.  Yates  was  stricken  with  blindness  and  lived  only 
three  days.  At  noon  Marshall  threw  himself  full  length  upon  the 
ground  and  grasped  a  sapling  which  stood  on  a  spur  of  the  Second 
or  Broad  Mountain,  near  Mauch  Chunk,  Carbon  County,  which 
was  then  declared  to  mark  the  distance  that  a  man  could  travel 
on  foot  in  a  day  and  a  half — estimated  to  be  about  sixty-five 
miles  from  the  starting  point.  Thus,  one  man  out  of  three  covered 
this  distance,  and  lived. 

In  the  agreement  with  Thomas  Penn  to  have  the  bounds  of 
the  alleged  deed  made  by  a  walk,  the  Delawares  believed  that  as 
far  as  a  man  could  go  in  a  day  and  a  half  would  not  extend  beyond 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  113 

the  Lehigh  Hills,  or  about  thirty  miles  from  the  place  of  begin- 
ning; but  the  crafty  and  unprincipled  Colonial  Authorities  had 
laid  their  plans  to  extend  the  walk  to  such  a  point  as  to  include 
the  land  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware  and  also  farther  up  that 
river,  it  being  their  desire  to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  possession  of 
that  desirable  tract  of  land  along  the  Delaware  River  above  the 
Blue  Mountains,  called  the  "Minisink  Lands."  Having,  as  we 
have  seen,  reached  a  point  more  than  thirty  miles  farther  to  the 
northwestward  than  the  Delawares  had  anticipated,  the  Colonial 
Authorities  now  proceeded  to  draw  a  line  from  the  end  of  the 
walk  to  the  Delaware  River.  The  alleged  deed  did  not  describe 
the  course  that  the  line  should  take  from  the  end  of  the  walk  to 
the  river;  but  any  fair-minded  person  would  assume  that  it 
should  follow  the  shortest  distance  between  these  two  places. 
However,  the  agent  of  the  Proprietaries,  instead  of  running  the 
line  by  the  nearest  course  to  the  Delaware,  ran  it  northeastward 
across  the  country  so  as  to  strike  the  river  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Lackawaxen,  which  flows  into  the  Delaware  River  in  the  northern 
part  of  Pike  County.  The  extent  of  this  line  was  sixty-six  miles. 
The  territory  as  thus  measured  was  in  the  shape  of  a  great  triangle 
whose  base  was  the  Delaware  River  and  whose  apex  was  the  end 
of  the  walk,  and  included  the  northern  part  of  Bucks,  almost  all 
of  Northampton,  and  a  portion  of  Pike,  Carbon,  and  Monroe 
Counties.  This  fraudulent  measurement  thus  took  in  all  the 
Minisink  Lands  and  many  thousand  acres  more  than  if  the  line 
had  been  run  by  the  nearest  course  from  the  end  of  the  walk  to 
the  Delaware. 

Delawares  Driven  from  Lands  of  "Walking  Purchase" 

When  the  settlers  began  to  move  upon  the  lands  covered  by 
the  Walking  Purchase  of  1737,  which  they  did  soon  after  the 
"walk"  was  made,  King  Nutimus  and  several  of  the  other  Dela- 
ware chiefs  who  had  signed  the  treaty  or  deed  of  release  of  1737, 
were  not  willing  to  quit  the  lands  or  to  permit  the  new  settlers  to 
remain  in  quiet  possession.  Indeed,  they  remonstrated  freely 
and  declared  their  intention  to  remain  in  possession,  even  if  they 
should  have  to  use  force  of  arms. 

In  the  spring  of  1741,  a  message  was  sent  by  the  Colonial 
Authorities  to  the  Six  Nations,  requesting  them  to  come  down  and 
force  the  Delawares  of  the  Munsee  Clan  to  quit  these  lands.  The 
Six  Nations  complied  and  sent  their  deputies  to  Philadelphia, 


where  this  and  other  matters  were  taken  up  in  the  treaty  of  July, 
1 742,  to  be  described  presently.  At  this  treaty.  Governor  Thomas 
called  the  attention  of  Canassatego,  the  speaker  of  the  Iroquois 
delegation,  to  the  fact  that  a  number  of  the  Delaware  Indians, 
residing  on  the  Minisink  lands  above  the  mouth  of  the  Lehigh 
River,  had  refused  to  surrender  peaceful  possession  of  the  territory 
secured  to  the  Colony  by  the  Walking  Purchase.  However,  the 
Governor  did  not  tell  Canassatego  that,  when  John  and  Thomas 
Penn  were  persuading  the  Delawares  to  confirm  the  deeds  covered 
by  the  Walking  Purchase,  they  had  promised  these  Indians 
that  the  said  papers  "would  not  cause  the  removal  of  any  Indians 
then  living  on  the  Minisink  Lands."  These  Delawares  had  re- 
quested that  they  be  permitted  to  remain  on  their  settlements, 
though  within  the  bounds  of  the  Walking  Purchase,  without  being 
molested,  and  their  request  was  granted.  Later,  on  August  24, 
1737,  just  the  day  before  the  Delaware  chiefs  signed  the  deed,  or 
treaty,  confirming  the  alleged  deed  of  August  30,  1786,  the  assur- 
ances given  the  Delawares  by  John  and  Thomas  Penn  were  re- 
peated and  confirmed  at  a  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council  at 

Canassatego,  unaware  of  the  assurances  given  the  Delawares, 
replied  as  follows: 

"You  informed  us  of  the  misbehavior  of  our  cousins,  the  Dela- 
wares, with  respect  to  their  continuing  to  claim  and  refusing  to 
remove  from  some  land  on  the  River  Delaware,  notwithstanding 
their  ancestors  had  sold  it  by  deed  under  their  hands  and  seals  to 
the  Proprietors  for  a  valuable  consideration,  upwards  of  fifty 
years  ago,  and  notwithstanding  that  they  themselves  had  about 
five  years  ago,  after  a  long  and  full  examination,  ratified  that 
deed  of  their  ancestors,  and  given  a  fresh  one  under  their  hands 
and  seals;  and  then  you  requested  us  to  remove  them,  enforcing 
your  request  with  a  string  of  wampum.  Afterwards  you  laid  on 
the  table,  by  Conrad  Weiser,  our  own  letters,  some  of  our  cousins* 
letters,  and  the  several  writings  to  prove  the  charge  against  our 
cousins,  with  a  draught  of  the  land  in  dispute.  We  now  tell  you 
that  we  have  perused  all  these  several  papers.  We  see  with  our 
own  eyes  that  they  [the  Delawares]  have  been  a  very  unruly 
people,  and  are  altogether  in  the  wrong  in  their  dealings  with  you. 
We  have  concluded  to  remove  them,  and  oblige  them  to  go  over 
the  River  Delaware,  and  to  quit  all  claim  to  any  lands  on  this 
side  for  the  future,  since  they  have  received  pay  for  them,  and  it 
has  gone  through  their  guts  long  ago.    To  confirm  to  you  that  we 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  115 

will  see  your  request  executed,  we  lay  down  this  string  of  wampum 
in  return  for  yours." 

Attending  the  treaty  were  some  Delawares  from  the  Sunbury 
region,  headed  by  Sassoonan,  and  a  delegation  from  the  Forks  of 
the  Delaware,  headed  by  Nutimus.  As  soon  as  Canassatego 
finished  the  foregoing  speech,  taking  a  belt  of  wampum  in  his 
hand,  he  turned  to  the  Delawares,  and  delivered  the  following 
humiliating  address: 

"COUSINS: — Let  this  belt  of  wampum  serve  to  chastise  you; 
you  ought  to  be  taken  by  the  hair  of  the  head  and  shaked  severely 
till  you  recover  your  senses  and  become  sober;  you  don't  know 
what  ground  you  are  standing  on,  or  what  you  are  doing.  Our 
Brother  Onas'  case  is  very  just  and  plain,  and  his  intentions  to 
preserve  friendship;  on  the  other  hand  your  cause  is  bad;  your 
head  far  from  being  upright,  you  are  maliciously  bent  to  break 
the  chain  of  friendship  with  our  Brother  Onas.  We  have  seen 
with  our  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  your  ancestors  above  fifty 
years  ago  for  this  very  land,  and  a  release  signed  not  many  years 
since  by  some  of  yourselves  and  chiefs  now  living  to  the  number 
of  fifteen  or  upwards. 

"But  how  came  you  to  take  upon  you  to  sell  land  at  all?  We 
conquered  you ;  we  made  women  of  you ;  you  know  you  are  women 
and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women.  Nor  is  it  fit  that  you 
should  have  the  power  of  selling  land,  since  you  would  abuse  it. 
This  land  that  you  claim  is  gone  through  your  guts.  You  have 
been  furnished  with  clothes  and  meat  and  drink  by  the  goods  paid 
you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it  again  like  children,  as  you  are. 
But  what  makes  you  sell  land  in  the  dark?  Did  you  ever  tell  us 
that  you  had  sold  this  land?  Did  we  ever  receive  any  part,  even 
the  value  of  a  pipe  shank  for  it? 

"You  have  told  us  a  blind  story  that  you  sent  a  messenger  to 
inform  us  of  the  sale,  but  he  never  came  amongst  us,  nor  we  never 
heard  anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and  very 
different  from  the  conduct  which  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  their 
sales  of  land.  On  such  occasions,  they  give  public  notice  and  in- 
vite all  the  Indians  of  their  united  nations,  but  we  find  that  you 
are  none  of  our  blood.  You  act  a  dishonest  part,  not  only  in  this, 
but  in  other  matters.  Your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  re- 
ports about  our  brethren  .  .  .  And  for  all  these  reasons  we 
charge  you  to  remove  instantly;  we  don't  give  you  liberty  to 
think  about  it.  You  are  women;  take  the  advice  of  a  wise  man, 
and  remove  immediately.    You  may  return  to  the  other  side  of 


the  Delaware,  where  you  came  from,  but  we  don't  know  whether, 
considering  how  you  have  demeaned  yourselves,  you  will  be  per- 
mitted to  live  there,  or  whether  you  have  not  swallowed  that  land 
down  your  throats,  as  well  as  the  land  on  this  side.  We,  therefore, 
assign  you  two  places  to  go,— either  to  Wyoming  or  Shamokin. 
You  may  go  to  either  of  these  places,  and  then  we  shall  have  you 
more  under  our  eye,  and  shall  see  how  you  behave.  Don't  de- 
liberate, but  remove  away,  and  take  this  belt  of  wampum." 

Canassatego  spoke  with  the  air  of  a  conqueror  and  one  having 
authority;  and  both  the  manner  of  the  delivery  of  his  speech  and 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  received  by  the  trembling  Delawares, 
would  indicate  that  the  Six  Nations  must  have  been  right  in  their 
contention  that  they  gained  the  ascendency  over  the  Delawares, 
not  by  artifice,  as  the  Delawares  told  Heckewelder,  but  by  force  of 
arms,  some  authorities  asserting  that,  when  the  Iroquois  con- 
quered the  Susquehannas  in  1675,  this  conquest  carried  with  it 
the  subjugation  of  the  Delawares,  inasmuch  as  the  Susquehannas 
were  overlords  of  the  Delawares.  "When  this  terrible  sentence 
was  ended,"  says  Watson,  "it  is  said  that  the  unfeeling  political 
philosopher  [Canassatego]  walked  forward,  and,  taking  strong 
hold  of  the  long  hair  of  King  Nutimus,  of  the  Delawares,  led  him 
to  the  door  and  forcibly  sent  him  out  of  the  room,  and  stood 
there  while  all  the  trembling  inferiors  followed  him.  He  then 
walked  back  to  his  place  like  another  Cato,  and  calmly  pro- 
ceeded to  another  subject  as  if  nothing  happened.  The  poor  fel- 
lows [Nutimus  and  his  company],  in  great  and  silent  grief,  went 
directly  home,  collected  their  families  and  goods,  and,  burning 
their  cabins  to  signify  they  were  never  to  return,  marched  reluc- 
tantly to  their  new  homes." 

Shortly  after  the  treaty  of  1742,  the  Delawares  of  the  Munsee 
Clan  left  the  bounds  of  the  "Walking  Purchase"  and  the  beauti- 
ful river  bearing  their  name,  and  began  their  march  toward  the 
setting  sun.  The  greater  part  of  them,  under  Nutimus  settled  on 
the  site  of  Wilkes-Barre,  opposite  Wyoming  Town,  and  at  "Niske- 
beckon,"  on  the  left  bank  of  the  North  Branch  of  the  Susque- 
hanna, not  far  from  the  mouth  of  Nescopeck  Creek,  in  Luzerne 
County.  The  town  which  they  established  near  the  mouth  of 
Nescopeck  Creek  was  called  "Nutimy's  Town."  Others  went  to 
the  region  around  Sunbury;  and  others  took  up  their  abode  on 
the  Juniata,  near  Lewistown,  Mifflin  County.  Later  all  went  to 
the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  with  their  wrongs  rankling 
in  their  bosoms.     Furthermore,  these  Delawares  of  the  Munsee 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  117 

or  Wolf  Clan  went  to  the  valleys  of  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio  at  a 
critical  time, — when  the  French  were  coming  into  the  same 
valleys,  asserting  their  claim  to  the  region  drained  by  these 
beautiful  rivers,  a  claim  based  on  the  explorations  of  La  Salle  and 
the  heroic  Jesuit  Missionaries,  those  true  Knights  of  the  Cross,  to 
whom  any  one  who  correctly  writes  the  early  history  of  the 
region  between  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  Allegheny  Moun- 
tains must  needs  pay  a  high  tribute  of  esteem.  The  French 
sympathized  with  the  wronged  Delawares.  It  is  no  wonder,  then, 
that  the  Delawares  joined  the  French  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  and  brought  upon  defenseless  Pennsylvania  the  bloodiest 
Indian  invasion  in  American  history. 

The  term  "Walking  Purchase"  is  a  term  of  derision.  This 
fraudulent  purchase  has  been  called  "the  disgrace  of  the  Col- 
onies." It  was  the  subject  of  much  discussion  between  the 
Quaker  and  Proprietary  parties  as  being  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  the  alienation  of  the  Delawares  and  of  their  taking  up  arms 
against  the  Colony  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  until  the 
charge  of  "fraud"  was  withdrawn  and  the  Delawares  were  recon- 
ciled through  the  influence  of  the  Moravian  missionary.  Christian 
Frederick  Post,  at  the  treaty  at  Easton,  in  the  summer  of  1758. 
Says  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo,  in  his  recent  great  work,  "Pennsyl- 
vania— A  History" :  "It  matters  little  whether  the  Delaware  were 
influenced  by  the  Quakers  to  complain  of  the  'fraud,'  or  whether 
they  themselves  felt  that  they  had  been  cheated,  the  fact  still 
remains  that  the  'Walking  Purchase'  directly  and  indirectly,  led 
to  the  gravest  of  consequences,  so  far  as  the  warlike  Munsee  Clan 
of  the  Delaware  was  concerned." 

In  connection  with  the  removal  of  the  Delawares  from  the 
bounds  of  the  Walking  Purchase,  is  the  case  of  Captain  John  and 
Tatemy,  two  worthy  Delaware  chiefs  who  had  always  been  warm 
friends  of  the  white  man.  In  November,  1742,  they  petitioned 
Governor  Thomas,  setting  forth  that  they  had  embraced  Christi- 
anity, and  desired  to  live  where  they  were,  near  the  English.  The 
Governor  sent  for  them,  and  they  appeared  before  the  Provincial 
Council.  Captain  John  did  not  own  any  ground,  but  advised  the 
Governor,  if  permitted  to  live  among  the  English,  he  would  buy 
some.  Tatemy  owned  three  hundred  acres  of  land,  granted  him 
by  the  Proprietaries;  and  he  said  he  simply  wanted  to  spend  the 
remaining  years  of  his  life  on  his  own  plantation  in  peace  with  all 
men.  The  Governor  ordered  that  Canassatego's  speech  be  read  to 
these  poor  Indians,  refused  their  petition,  and  told  them  they 


would  have  to  secure  the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations,  the  con- 
querors of  the  Delawares.  Evidently  the  Six  Nations  made  no 
objections,  as  Tatemy  continued  to  live  on  his  tract  near  Stocker- 
town,  Northampton  County,  until  his  death,  which  took  place 
about  1761.  His  house  was  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  region. 
Here  he  was  visited  by  Count  Zinzendorf,  in  1742.  He  attended 
many  important  councils  with  the  Colonial  Authorities.  As  we 
shall  see  later  in  this  volume,  his  son,  William,  was  mortally 
wounded  while  on  his  way  to  attend  the  Easton  conference  of 
July  and  August,  1757. 

The  Shawnee  Treaty  of  1739 

The  Colonial  Authorities  of  Pennsylvania,  realizing  that  the 
Shawnees  were  rapidly  being  won  over  by  the  French,  induced 
Kakowatcheky,  of  Wyoming,  Kishacoquillas  of  the  Juniata,  and 
Neucheconneh  and  Tamenebuck,  of  the  Allegheny,  and  other 
Shawnee  chiefs,  whose  settlements  were  scattered  from  Wyoming 
and  Great  Island  (Lock  Haven)  to  the  Allegheny,  to  come  to  a 
conference,  or  treaty,  at  Philadelphia  on  July  27th  to  August  1st, 
1739.  At  this  conference  the  Conestoga  and  Shawnee  agreement 
with  William  Penn,  dated  April  23rd,  1701,  was  brought  to  the 
attention  of  the  chiefs;  and  they  were  told  that  the  Colonial 
Authorities  thought  it  proper  to  remind  them  of  this  solemn  en- 
gagement which  their  ancestors  had  entered  into  with  Penn,  inas- 
much as  the  said  Authorities  knew  that  the  emissaries  of  the 
French  were  endeavoring  to  prevail  upon  the  Shawnees  to  re- 
nounce their  agreement  with  the  Colony.  In  other  words,  the 
Governor  and  Provincial  Council  put  the  plain  question  of  the 
Shawnees'  loyalty  to  past  agreements  with  Pennsylvania.  The 
chiefs  desired  that  their  reply  be  postponed  until  the  following  day, 
explaining  that  "it  was  their  custom  to  speak  or  transact  business 
of  importance  only  whilst  the  sun  was  rising,  and  not  when  it  was 
declining."  In  the  morning,  they  showed  that  all  past  agree- 
ments had  been  kept  by  them  quite  as  faithfully  as  by  the  white 
men.  And  since  Pennsylvania  had,  about  a  year  previously, 
promised  to  issue  an  order  forbidding  the  sale  of  any  more  rum 
among  them,  they  had  sent  one  of  their  young  men  to  the  French, 
as  an  agent  to  induce  them  'for  all  time,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  sale 
of  rum,  brandy,  and  wine.'  "  The  result  of  the  conference  was 
that  the  Shawnees,  with  the  full  understanding  that  the  rum 
traffic  was  to  be  stopped,  promised  not  to  join  any  other  nation. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  119 


and  confirmed  the  old  Conestoga  and  Shawnee  agreement  or 
treaty  of  April  23rd,  1701.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  4,  pages  336  to 

The  Treaty  of  1742 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  Treaty  of  1742  in  connection 
with  Canassatego's  ordering  the  Delawares  of  the  Munsee  Clan 
from  the  bounds  of  the  Walking  Purchase.  For  a  full  account  of 
this  treaty,  see  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  4,  pages 
559  to  586. 

This  treaty  of  July,  1742,  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  paying 
the  Iroquois  for  that  part  of  the  land  purchased  from  them  by 
Pennsylvania  at  the  treaty  of  1736  which  lay  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna River.  Shikellamy  and  the  other  deputies  of  the  Six 
Nations  were  expected  to  arrive  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  1742, 
but  it  was  not  until  June  30th  that  the  deputies,  representing  all 
tribes  of  the  Confederation,  except  the  Senecas  and  the  Mohawks, 
arrived  at  Philadelphia,  empowered  to  receive  the  pay  for  the 
lands  west  of  the  Susquehanna.  The  Senecas  were  not  present  at 
this  treaty,  because  of  a  great  famine  among  them ;  nor  were  the 
Mohawks,  because  they  were  not  considered  to  have  any  claims 
upon  the  Susquehanna  lands.  The  sessions  of  the  treaty  began 
on  July  2nd.  The  three  remaining  nations  of  the  Iroquois  con- 
federacy, early  in  the  conference,  received  the  goods  in  payment 
of  that  part  of  the  Susquehanna  lands  lying  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna River,  comprising  the  counties  of  York,  Cumberland, 
Adams,  and  most  of  Franklin. 

Soon  after  the  goods  in  payment  of  the  Susquehanna  lands 
were  divided,  the  Iroquois  deputies  expressed  their  dissatisfaction 
with  the  amount,  although  admitting  that  it  was  as  agreed  upon. 
They  said  they  felt  sure  that,  if  the  sons  of  William  Penn,  who 
were  then  in  England,  were  present,  they  would  agree  to  giving  a 
large  amount  out  of  pity  for  the  Indians  on  account  of  their  pov- 
erty and  wretchedness.  Through  their  chief  speaker,  Canassatego 
an  Onondago  chieftain,  they  begged  Governor  Thomas,  inasmuch 
as  he  had  the  keys  to  the  Proprietors'  chest,  to  open  the  same  and 
take  out  a  little  more  for  them.  Governor  Thomas  replied  that 
the  Proprietors  had  gone  to  England  and  taken  the  keys  with 
them;  whereupon,  the  Indians,  as  an  additional  reason  for  their 
request,  called  attention  to  the  increasing  value  of  the  lands  sold, 
and  also  to  the  fact  that  the  whites  were  daily  settling  on  Indian 
lands  that  had  not  been  sold.    They  called  attention  to  the  fact 


that,  at  the  last  treaty  with  the  Colony,  the  Iroquois  had  com- 
plained about  the  whites  settling  on  unsold  lands,  and  that  the 
Governor,  at  that  time,  agreed  to  remedy  this  wrong. 

Said  Canassatego:  "Land  is  everlasting,  and  the  few  things 
we  receive  for  it  are  soon  worn  out  and  gone;  for  the  future,  we 
will  sell  no  lands  but  when  Brother  Onas  [meaning  the  sons  of 
William  Penn]  is  in  the  country,  and  we  will  know  beforehand  the 
quality  of  goods  we  are  to  receive.  Besides,  we  are  not  well  used 
with  respect  to  the  lands  still  unsold  by  us.  Your  people  daily 
settle  on  these  lands  and  spoil  our  hunting.  We  must  insist  on 
your  removing  them,  as  you  know  they  have  no  right  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  Kittochtinny  Hills  [Kittatinny,  or  Blue  Mountains]. 
In  particular,  we  renew  our  complaints  against  some  people  who 
are  settled  at  Juniata,  a  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  all  along 
the  banks  of  that  river  as  far  as  Mahaniay,  and  desire  that  they 
be  forwith  made  to  go  off  the  land,  for  they  do  great  damage  to 
our  cousins,  the  Delawares." 

Canassatego  further  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Maryland 
and  Virginia  had  not  paid  the  Iroquois  for  lands  within  their 
bounds  upon  which  the  whites  were  settling,  and  that,  at  the 
treaty  of  1736,  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  had  promised  to  use 
his  influence  with  Maryland  and  Virginia  in  their  behalf  in  regard 
to  this  matter.  "This  affair,"  said  Canassatego,  "was  recom- 
mended to  you  by  our  chiefs  at  our  last  treaty  and  you  then,  at 
our  earnest  desire,  promised  to  write  a  letter  to  that  person  who 
has  authority  over  those  people,  and  to  procure  us  an  answer.  As 
we  have  never  heard  from  you  on  this  head,  we  want  to  know  what 
you  have  done  in  it.  If  you  have  not  done  anything,  we  now  re- 
new our  request,  and  desire  you  will  inform  the  person  whose 
people  are  seated  on  our  lands  that  that  country  [western  Mary- 
land and  Virginia]  belongs  to  us  by  right  of  conquest,  we  having 
bought  it  with  our  blood,  and  taken  it  from  our  enemies  in  fair 
war."  Canassatego  threatened  that,  if  Maryland  and  Virginia 
did  not  pay  for  these  lands,  the  Iroquois  would  enforce  payment 
in  their  own  way. 

Governor  Thomas  replied  that  he  had  ordered  the  magistrates 
of  Lancaster  County  to  drive  off  the  squatters  from  the  Juniata 
lands,  and  was  not  aware  that  any  had  stayed.  The  Indians  in- 
terrupted, and  said  that  the  persons  who  had  been  sent  to  remove 
the  squatters,  did  not  do  their  duty;  that,  instead  of  removing 
them  from  the  Juniata  lands,  they  were  in  league  with  the  squat- 
ters, and  had  made  large  surveys  for  themselves.    The  earnest 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  121 

arguments  of  Canassatego  had  the  desired  effect.  The  Provincial 
Council  decided  to  add  to  the  value  of  the  goods  a  present  of  three 
hundred  pounds. 

The  Governor  advised  Canassatego  that,  shortly  after  the 
treaty  of  1736,  James  Logan,  President  of  the  Council,  had  written 
the  Governor  of  Maryland  about  the  lands,  but  received  no  reply. 
Now  the  Governor  promised  to  intercede  with  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, and,  if  possible,  to  secure  payment  for  the  lands  of  the  Iro- 
quois upon  which  the  whites  of  those  colonies  were  settling.  He 
also  renewed  his  promise  to  remove  the  squatters  from  the 
Juniata  Valley. 

The  squatters  in  the  Juniata  Valley  were  Germans.  True  to 
his  promise  to  Canassatego,  Governor  Thomas  had  these  persons 
removed  the  following  year.  But  the  squatters  in  the  Big  Cove, 
Little  Cove,  Big  Connoloways,  Little  Connoloways,  and  the 
majority  of  those  in  Path  Valley  and  Sherman's  Valley  were 
Scotch-Irish.  These  dwellers  on  lands  not  yet  purchased  from 
the  Indians  were  not  removed  until  May  1750,  when  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Morris,  after  the  organization  of  Cumberland  County, 
in  that  year,  sent  Richard  Peters,  George  Croghan,  Conrad 
Weiser,  James  Galbraith  and  others  with  the  under-sheriff  of 
Cumberland  County,  to  remove  all  persons  who  had  settled  north 
of  the  Blue  or  Kittatinny  Mountains.  Some  of  the  cabins  of  these 
intruders  were  burned  after  the  families  had  moved  out,  so  as  to 
prevent  settlements  in  the  future.  It  is  thus  that  Burnt  Cabins, 
in  the  north  eastern  part  of  Fulton  County,  got  its  name.  Among 
the  settlers  removed  on  this  occasion  was  Simon  Girty,  the  elder, 
father  of  Simon,  Jr.,  Thomas,  George  and  James  Girty.  A 
sketch  of  the  Girtys  will  appear  later  in  this  volume.  In  1752, 
Governor  Hamilton  directed  Andrew  Montour  to  take  up  his 
residence  in  what  is  now  Perry  County  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting settlements  being  made  on  lands  not  purchased  from  the 

The  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1744 

Hardly  had  the  Iroquois  deputies  returned  home  from  the 
treaty  of  1742  when  fresh  troubles  started  between  the  Confed- 
eration of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees  of 
the  South.  These  troubles  involved  Virginia,  as  some  Iroquois 
were  killed  by  Virginia  settlers  while  on  their  way  to  attack  the 
Catawbas.  Learning  of  these  matters,  the  Provincial  Council 
of  Pennsylvania  sent  Conrad  Weiser  to  Shamokin  to  interview 


Shikellamy.  Weiser  held  conferences  with  this  great  Iroquois 
vice-gerent  on  February  4th  and  April  9th,  1743.  About  this 
time,  Governor  Gooch  of  Virginia  sent  word  to  Governor  Thomas 
of  Pennsylvania  that  Virginia  would  accept  the  latter's  mediation 
with  the  Six  Nations.  The  Pennsylvania  Authorities  then  sent 
Weiser  and  Shikellamy  to  Onondaga  to  arrange  for  a  time  and 
place  of  holding  a  treaty  or  conference  between  the  Six  Nations 
and  Virginia.  The  Great  Council  at  Onondaga  accepted  the  offer 
of  Governor  Thomas  of  Pennsylvania  and  Governor  Gooch  of 
Virginia  for  a  conference  or  treaty  at  Harris  Ferry  (Harrisburg) 
the  next  spring.  Later,  on  account  of  the  inconvenience  of  meet- 
ing at  Harrisburg,  it  was  decided  to  hold  the  treaty  at  Lancaster, 
a  small  town  then  sixteen  years  old. 

At  Onondaga,  the  Iroquois  chief,  Zillawallie,  gave  the  cause  of 
the  war  between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  Catawbas.  Addressing 
Weiser,  he  said;  "We  are  engaged  in  a  great  war  with  the  Cataw- 
bas, which  will  last  to  the  end  of  the  world ;  for  they  molest  us, 
and  speak  contemptuously  of  us,  which  our  warriors  will  not 
bear,  and  they  will  soon  go  to  war  against  them  again.  It  will  be 
in  vain  for  us  to  dissaude  them  from  it." 

On  this  mission  to  Onondaga,  Conrad  Weiser  prevented  a  war 
between  Virginia  and  the  Six  Nations — a  war  which  would  event- 
ually have  involved  the  other  colonies. 

Before  describing  the  Lancaster  Treaty,  we  call  attention  to 
the  fact  that,  scarcely  had  the  treaty  of  1742  been  concluded, 
when  the  Colonial  Authorities  of  Pennsylvania  were  asked  by  the 
Governor  of  Maryland  for  advice  and  assistance  in  that  Colony's 
trouble  with  the  Six  Nations.  It  appeared  that,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  summer  of  1742,  some  Nanticokes  in  Maryland  were  im- 
prisoned, and  that  their  friends,  the  Shawnees  and  Senecas, 
threatened  to  make  trouble  unless  they  were  released.  Governor 
Thomas  of  Pennsylvania  engaged  Conrad  Weiser  to  accompany 
the  Maryland  messenger  to  the  region  of  the  Six  Nations,  as  in- 
terpreter, for  the  purpose  of  inviting  the  Six  Nations  to  a  treaty 
to  be  held  at  Harris'  Ferry  (Harrisburg)  in  the  spring  of  1743.  It 
does  not  appear  that  the  Iroquois  did  any  more  than  simply 
deliberate  on  this  matter;  but  Maryland's  advances  at  least  had 
the  virtue  of  opening  negotiations  at  the  Great  Council  of  the 
Six  Nations  on  the  part  of  that  Colony. 

On  Friday,  June  22nd,  1744,  the  long  expected  delegation  of 
the  Six  Nations  arrived  at  Lancaster  for  the  purpose  of  entering 
into  a  treaty  with  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia.    The 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  123 

delegation  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  forty-two,  and  was 
headed  by  Canassatego.  There  were  many  squaws  and  children 
mounted  on  horseback.  Arriving  in  front  of  the  Court  House,  the 
leaders  of  the  delegation  saluted  the  commissioners  from  Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland,  and  Virginia,  with  a  song.  This  was  an 
invitation  to  the  whites  to  renew  former  treaties  and  to  make 
good  the  one  now  proposed. 

When  the  Maryland  commissioners  came  to  the  Lancaster 
treaty,  they  had  no  intention  whatever  of  recognizing  any  Iro- 
quois claims  to  lands  within  the  bounds  of  their  province,  basing 
their  position  upon  the  following  facts :  (1 )  Maryland  had  bought 
from  the  Minquas,  or  Susquehannas,  in  1652,  all  their  claims  on 
both  sides  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay  as  far  north  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Susquehanna  River.  (2)  The  Minquas,  aided  by  troops  from 
Maryland,  had,  in  1663,  defeated  eight  hundred  Senecas  and 
Cayugas  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation. 

But  the  Iroquois  never  abandoned  their  war  on  the  Minquas 
until  they  overwhelmingly  defeated  this  tribe  in  1675,  when  they 
were  reduced  by  famine  and  Maryland  had  withdrawn  her  al- 
liance. Now,  in  view  of  their  conquest  of  the  Minquas,  the  Six 
Nations  claimed  a  right  to  the  Susquehanna  lands  to  the  head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay. 

The  Maryland  commissioners  receded  from  their  position. 
The  release  for  the  Maryland  lands  was  signed,  on  Monday,  July 
2nd,  at  George  Sanderson's  Inn,  instead  of  at  the  Court  House. 
Conrad  Weiser  signed  in  behalf  of  the  absent  member  of  the  Iro- 
quois Confederation,  (Mohawk),  both  with  his  Indian  name  of 
Tarach-a-wa-gon,  and  that  of  Weiser.  By  his  dexterous  man- 
agement, the  lands  released  were  so  described  as  not  to  give  Mary- 
land a  title  to  lands  claimed  by  Pennsylvania,  the  boundary  dis- 
pute between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  being  at  the  time  still 
pending.  The  release  was  for  all  "lands  lying  two  miles  above  the 
upperm^ost  forks  of  Patowmack  or  Cohongoruton  River,  near 
which  Thomas  Cresap  has  his  hunting  or  trading  cabin,  [at  Old 
Town  fourteen  miles  east  of  Cumberland,  Maryland,]  by  a  line 
north  to  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania.  But,  in  case  such  limits 
shall  not  include  every  settlement  or  inhabitant  of  Maryland,  then 
such  other  lines  and  courses  from  the  said  two  miles  above  the 
forks  to  the  outermost  inhabitants  or  settlements,  as  shall  include 
every  settlement  and  inhabitant  in  Maryland,  and  from  thence 
by  a  north  line  to  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  shall  be  the  limits. 
And,  further,  if  any  people  already  have  or  shall  settle  beyond  the 


lands  now  described  and  bounded,  they  shall  enjoy  the  same  free 
from  any  disturbance  of  us  in  any  manner  whatsoever,  and  we  do 
and  shall  accept  these  people  for  our  Brethren,  and  as  such  will 
always  treat  them."    Thus  was  the  purchase  happily  affected. 

However,  Shikellamy  refused  to  sign  the  deed  of  the  Maryland 
lands,  being  determined  not  to  recognize  that  Maryland  had  any 
land  claims  north  of  the  disputed  boundary  line  between  herself 
and  Pennsylvania. 

The  Virginia  commissioners  had  their  negotiations  with  the 
Iroquois  deputies  in  progress  at  the  same  time  as  Maryland.  They 
found  the  Iroquois  very  determined  not  to  yield  any  part  of  their 
claim  to  the  Virginia  lands.  Said  Tachanoontia,  an  Onondaga 
chieftain:  "We  have  the  right  of  conquest— a  right  too  dearly 
purchased,  and  which  cost  us  too  much  blood  to  give  up  without 
any  reason  at  all."  Finally,  after  much  oratory,  the  Six  Nations 
released  all  their  land  claims  in  Virginia  for  a  consideration  of  two 
hundred  pounds  in  goods  and  two  hundred  pounds  in  gold,  with 
a  written  promise  to  be  given  additional  remuneration  as  the 
settlements  increased  to  the  westward;  and  the  Virginia  com- 
missioners guaranteed  the  Indians  an  open  road  to  the  Catawba 
country,  promising  that  the  people  of  Virginia  would  do  their  part 
if  the  Iroquois  would  perform  theirs.  The  Iroquois  understood 
this  to  mean  that  the  Virginians  would  feed  their  war  parties,  if 
they  (the  Iroquois)  would  not  shoot  the  farmers'  cattle,  chickens, 
etc.,  when  passing  to  and  from  the  Catawba  country. 

"When  the  treaty  was  over,  the  Indians  believed  that  they  had 
established  land  claims  in  Virginia,  that  the  open  road  was  guar- 
anteed, that  their  warriors  were  to  be  fed  while  passing  through 
the  state,  and  that  they  had  sold  land  only  to  the  head-waters  of 
the  streams  feeding  the  Ohio  River.  The  Virginians,  on  the  other 
hand,  believed  that  they  had  extinguished  all  Iroquois  land 
claims  forever  within  the  charter  limits  of  their  colony."  The 
western  bounds  of  the  Virginia  purchase  were  set  forth  as  "the 
setting  sun,"  leading  Virginia  to  believe  that  the  purchase  in- 
cluded the  Ohio  Valley,  but  the  Iroquois  afterwards  explained 
that  by  "the  setting  sun"  was  meant  the  crest  of  the  Allegheny 
Mountains.  It  was  after  the  treaty  that  large  tracts  of  land  were 
granted  the  Ohio  Company;  and  it  was  not  until  the  year  1768 
that  the  Six  Nations,  by  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  New  York, 
relinquished  all  their  rights  to  the  region  on  the  east  and  south 
side  of  the  Ohio,  from  the  Cherokee  River,  in  Tennessee,  to 
Kittanning,  Pennsylvania. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  125 

Pennsylvania,  the  Peacemaker 

In  the  Lancaster  Treaty,  Pennsylvania  was  the  mediator  and 
peacemaker,  inducing  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  lay  aside  their 
opposition  to  Iroquois  land  claims,  and  settle  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Six  Nations.  Thus  the  French 
were  thwarted,  and  the  English  frontier  from  New  England  to 
the  Carolinas  was  protected.  Pennsylvania  also  confirmed  her 
former  treaties  with  the  Iroquois. 

But  while  Pennsylvania  was  acting  as  peacemaker,  she  had 
trouble  of  her  own  to  adjust  with  the  Iroquois  deputies.  On 
April  9th,  1744,  John  (Jack)  Armstrong,  a  trader  on  his  way  to 
the  Allegheny,  and  his  two  servants,  James  Smith  and  Woodward 
Arnold,  were  murdered  at  Jacks  Narrows  (named  for  "Jack" 
Armstrong),  on  the  Juniata,  in  Huntingdon  County,  by  a  Dela- 
ware Indian  named  Musemeelin.  It  appeared  that  Musemeelin 
owed  Armstrong  some  skins,  and  Armstrong  seized  a  horse  and 
rifle  belonging  to  the  Indian  in  lieu  of  the  skins.  Later  Muse- 
meelin met  Armstrong  near  the  Juniata  and  paid  him  all  his  in- 
debtedness except  twenty  shillings,  and  demanded  his  horse,  but 
Armstrong  refused  to  give  the  animal  up  until  the  entire  debt 
was  paid.  Shortly  after  this,  Armstrong  and  his  servants  passed 
the  cabin  of  Musemeelin  on  their  way  to  the  Allegheny,  and 
Musemeelin's  wife  demanded  the  horse,  but  by  this  time  Arm- 
strong had  sold  it  to  James  Berry.  Musemeelin  was  away  on  a 
hunting  trip  at  the  time  his  wife  made  the  demand  on  Armstrong, 
and,  when  he  returned,  she  told  him  about  it.  This  angered  him 
and  he  determined  on  revenge.  Taking  two  young  Indians  with 
him,  Musemeelin  went  to  the  camp  of  Armstrong,  shot  Smith 
who  was  there  alone  and  Arnold  whom  they  found  returning  to 
camp,  and,  meeting  Armstrong,  who  was  sitting  on  an  old  log,  he 
demanded  his  horse.  Armstrong  replied:  "He  will  come  by  and 
by."  "I  want  him  now,"  said  Musemeelin.  "You  shall  have 
him.  Come  to  the  fire  and  let  us  smoke  and  talk  together,"  said 
Armstrong.  As  they  proceeded,  Musemeelin  shot  and  toma- 
hawked him. 

The  matter  was  placed  by  Governor  Thomas  in  the  hands  of 
Shikellamy  at  Shamokin,  who  caused  the  murderers  to  be  appre- 
hended, and,  after  a  hearing,  ordered  two  of  them  to  be  sent  to 
the  Lancaster  jail  to  await  trial.  Conrad  Weiser  was  the  bearer 
of  the  Governor's  message  to  Shikellamy  and  Sassoonan.    While 


Shikellamy's  sons  were  conveying  the  prisoners  to  Lancaster,  the 
friends  of  Musemeelin,  who  was  related  to  some  important  Dela- 
ware chiefs,  induced  Shikellamy's  sons  to  allow  Musemeelin  to 
escape.    The  other  Indian  was  locked  in  jail. 

At  the  Lancaster  treaty,  Governor  Thomas  demanded  of  the 
Iroquois  that  they  command  their  subjects,  the  Delawares,  to 
surrender  Musemeelin  to  the  Provincial  Authorities,  and  the  In- 
dians were  invited  to  Lancaster  to  witness  the  trial.  The  Iro- 
quois deputies  replied  that  the  Provincial  Authorities  should  not 
be  too  much  concerned;  that  three  Indians  had  been  killed  at 
different  times  on  the  Ohio  by  the  whites,  and  the  Iroquois  had 
never  mentioned  anything  concerning  them  to  the  Colony.  How- 
ever, they  stated  that  they  had  severely  reproved  the  Delawares, 
and  would  see  that  the  goods  which  the  murderers  had  stolen  from 
Armstrong  be  restored  to  his  relatives,  and  Musemeelin  be  re- 
turned for  trial,  but  not  as  a  prisoner.  Later  on  August  21st, 
1744,  Shikellamy  brought  the  two  prisoners  to  the  Provincial 
Authorities  at  Philadelphia.  Musemeelin  was  not  convicted.  He 
returned  to  his  wigwam. 

No  Delawares,  the  friends  of  William  Penn,  were  present  at 
the  Lancaster  Treaty,  the  Iroquois  having  forbidden  them  to 

It  is  difficult  to  overstate  the  importance  of  the  Lancaster 
Treaty — in  many  respects  the  most  important  Indian  Council 
ever  held  in  Pennsylvania  up  to  this  time.  War  between  England 
and  France,  King  George's  War,  was  then  raging.  At  the  opening 
of  this  conflict,  the  question  uppermost  in  the  minds,  not  only  of 
the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  but  of 
all  the  colonies,  was,  "What  will  be  the  attitude  of  the  powerful 
Six  Nations?"  The  successful  settling  of  the  disputed  land  claims 
of  the  Iroquois  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  by  this  treaty,  through 
the  mediation  of  Pennsylvania,  with  Weiser  as  mentor,  had  much 
to  do  with  making  possible  the  success  of  Weiser's  future  negotia- 
tions with  the  Onondaga  Council,  negotiations  that  resulted  in 
the  neutrality  of  the  Iroquois  during  King  George's  War.  Had 
not  the  Iroquois  deputies,  at  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster,  promised 
to  inform  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  as  to  the  movements  of 
the  French?  Had  this  great  Confederation  sided  with  the  French, 
the  English  colonies  would  have  been  swept  into  the  sea. 

A  full  account  of  the  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1744  is  found  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  4,  pages  698  to  737. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  121 

Peter  Chartier  Deserts  to  the  French 

Peter  Chartier  was  the  only  son  of  Martin  Chartier,  who  ac- 
companied the  Shawnees,  under  Opessah,  to  Pequea,  Lancaster 
County,  in  1697  or  1698,  and  his  mother  was  a  Shawnee  squaw. 
The  father  was  a  Frenchman,  who  had  Hved  among  this  band  of 
Shawnees  for  many  years  prior  to  their  entering  Pennsylvania, 
and  accompanied  them  in  their  wanderings.  He  set  up  a  trading 
house  at  Pequea  a  few  years  after  the  Shawnees  took  up  their 
abode  there.  At  least,  he  traded  at  Pequea  as  early  as  1707. 
Some  years  later,  he  removed  his  trading  post  to  Dekanoagah, 
which  we  have  seen  was  located  on  or  near  the  present  site  of 
Washington  Borough,  Lancaster  County.    Here  he  died  in  1718. 

Peter  Chartier  is  said  to  have  followed  his  father's  example  by 
marrying  a  Shawnee  squaw.  In  1718,  he  secured  a  warrant  for 
three  hundred  acres  of  land  "where  his  father  is  settled,  on  Sus- 
quehanna river."  For  some  years  he  traded  with  the  Shawnees 
who  had  left  Pequea  and  settled  near  the  site  of  Washington 
Borough  and  at  Paxtang.  Later  he  traded  with  those  members 
of  this  tribe  who  had  settled  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna, 
at  the  mouth  of  Shawnee  (now  Yellow  Breeches)  Creek,  on  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  New  Cumberland,  Cumberland 
County.  We  have  already  seen  how  he,  in  1728,  aided  in  the 
escape  of  the  Shawnees  who  had  murdered  the  two  Conestogas. 
Still  later,  he  is  said  to  have  removed  to  the  valley  of  the  Conoco- 
cheague.  About  1730,  he  commenced  trading  with  the  Shawnees 
on  the  Conemaugh,  and  Kiskiminetas,  and  a  little  later,  on  the 

Chartier's  principal  seat  on  the  Allegheny  was  Chartier's, 
Town,  sometimes  called  Chartier's  Old  Town  and  Neucheconneh's 
Town,  located  near  the  site  of  Tarentum,  Allegheny  County.  No 
doubt  he  and  the  Shawnee  chief,  Neucheconneh  founded  Char- 
tier's Town,  about  1734.  Chartier  carried  on  a  large  trade  with 
the  Shawnees,  and  was  the  trusted  interpreter  in  many  councils 
between  the  Shawnees  and  the  Colonial  Authorities.  However, 
he  yielded  to  French  influence,  and,  in  the  summer  of  1745,  with 
about  four  hundred  Shawnees,  deserted  to  the  French.  He  and 
his  followers  went  from  his  seat  on  the  Allegheny,  thence  down 
the  Allegheny  and  Ohio,  robbing  English  traders  as  they  de- 
scended the  rivers.  At  Logstown,  they  made  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  have  the  aged  Shawnee  chief,  Kakowatcheky,  join 


them.  They  proceeded  on  down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Scioto,  at  which  place  another  Shawnee  settlement  had  been 
made  possibly  a  decade  before,  and  known  for  many  years  after- 
wards as  the  Lower  Shawnee  Town.  From  the  Lower  Shawnee 
Town,  Chartier  and  his  Shawnees  proceeded  southward  along 
the  Catawba  Trail,  and  established  a  town  about  twelve  miles 
east  of  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Winchester,  Kentucky. 
Their  object  was  to  be  nearer  the  French  settlements  on  the  Mis- 

Some  time  after  Chartier's  desertion,  many  of  his  followers 
returned,  among  these  being  Neucheconneh  and  his  band.  In 
1747,  the  Council  of  the  Six  Nations  placed  the  Oneida  chief, 
Scarouady,  in  charge  of  Shawnee  affairs,  with  his  central  seat  at 
Logstown.  Shortly  thereafter,  Neucheconneh,  with  Kako- 
watcheky,  applied  submissively  to  Scarouady  to  intercede  for  the 
returned  Shawnees  with  the  Colonial  Authorities.  Then,  at  a 
meeting  on  July  21st,  1748,  at  Lancaster,  with  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  the  Colony  to  hold  a  conference  with  the  Six  Na- 
tions, Twightwees  and  other  Indians,  the  apology  of  the  former 
deserters  was  received.  At  this  meeting,  the  Shawnee  chief, 
Tamenebuck,  the  famous  Cornstalk  of  later  years,  eloquently 
pled  that  the  misled  Shawnees  be  forgiven.  Said  he:  "We  pro- 
duce to  you  a  certificate  of  the  renewal  of  our  friendship  in  the 
year  1739,  by  the  Proprietor  and  Governor.  Be  pleased  to  sign 
it  afresh,  that  it  may  appear  to  the  world  we  are  now  admitted 
into  your  friendship,  and  all  former  crimes  are  buried  and  entirely 

The  request  of  Tamenebuck  was  rejected.  The  commission- 
ers refused  to  sign  the  certificate,  and  the  Shawnees  were  told  that 
it  was  enough  for  them  to  know  that  they  were  forgiven  on  condi- 
tion of  future  good  behavior,  and  that  when  that  condition  was 
performed,  it  would  be  time  enough  for  them  to  apply  for  such 
testimonials.  It  is  not  known  whether  Weiser  advised  this  course 
or  not,  but  it  is  certain  that  he  could  have  prevented  it,  and  in- 
duced the  Colonial  Authorities  to  make  a  valuable  peace  with  the 
Shawnees  now  when  they  were  so  submissive  and  humble.  Other 
tribes  received  presents  at  this  Lancaster  conference,  but  the 
Shawnees  only  had  their  guns  mended.  They  went  away  in  dis- 
grace, brooding  over  such  treatment.  Arriving  at  their  forest 
homes  in  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  they  were  met 
by  the  sympathizing  French,  and,  in  a  few  short  years,  became 
allies  of  the  French,  in  the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  spread 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  129 

terror,  devastation  and  death  throughout  the  Pennsylvania  settle- 
ments.   (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  4,  page  757 ;  Vol.  5,  pages  311  to  315.) 

Efforts  to  make  Peace  Between  the  Iroquois 
and  the  Southern  Indians 

As  early  as  1744,  many  Shawnees  of  the  upper  part  of  the  Ohio 
began  to  move  down  this  stream  to  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  and 
it  was  believed  that  the  Catawbas  were  the  instigators  of  this 
action.  Fearing  that,  not  only  the  Catawbas,  but  the  whole 
Muskokee  Confederation  would  join  the  French,  Virginia  and 
Carolina  renewed  their  efforts  to  bring  about  a  peace  between 
the  Catawbas  and  Iroquois;  and  Governor  Gooch  of  Virginia 
wrote  Governor  Thomas  of  Pennsylvania  in  November  of  that 
year  advising  that  the  Catawbas  were  willing  to  make  peace  and 
requesting  that  Conrad  Weiser  get  in  touch  with  the  Six  Nations 
in  the  matter. 

Accordingly  Weiser  was  sent  once  more  to  Onondaga  on  a 
peace  mission.  On  May  19th,  1745,  in  company  with  Shikellamy, 
Shikellamy's  son,  Andrew  Montour  (son  of  Madam  Montour), 
Bishop  Spangenberg  of  the  Moravian  Church  and  two  other 
Moravian  missionaries,  this  veteran  Indian  Agent  of  the  Colony 
of  Pennsylvania  set  out  from  Shamokin  for  Onondaga,  at  which 
place  he  arrived  on  the  6th  day  of  June.  Weiser  urged  the  Onon- 
daga Council  to  enter  into  peace  negotiations  with  the  Catawbas 
for  the  sake  of  the  Governors  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  if 
for  no  other  reason.  The  Black  Prince  of  the  Onondagas,  the 
speaker  of  the  Iroquois,  replied  that  the  Great  Council  would  be 
willing  to  send  deputies  to  Philadelphia  to  meet  the  deputies  of 
the  Catawbas,  but  that  they  could  not  be  sent  until  the  summer 
of  1746. 

At  this  point  we  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  at  the  Albany 
Treaty,  held  in  October,  1745,  between  the  Six  Nations  and  New 
York,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania,  in  an  un- 
successful attempt  to  persuade  the  Iroquois  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  French  in  King  George's  War,  the  matter  of  the  Ca- 
tawba war  again  came  up,  but  was  not  pressed.  On  that  occasion, 
Canassatego  explained  to  Thomas  Laurence,  John  Kinsey,  and 
Isaac  Norris,  the  Commissioners  from  Pennsylvania,  that  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  were  not  able  to  restrain  their  young 
warriors  from  making  raids  into  the  Catawba  country  until  peace 
was  declared.    The  Great  Council  of  the  Six  Nations  had  all  it 


could  do,  at  that  time,  to  preserve  neutrality  in  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  French  and  English,  known  as  King  George's  War.  In 
fact  the  Iroquois  and  Catawba  War  went  on  intermittently  until 

Shikellamy  and  Weiser  found  the  Great  Council  at  Onondaga 
very  much  incensed  at  the  conduct  of  Peter  Chartier,  in  deserting 
to  the  French  and  leading  a  band  of  Shawnees  down  the  Ohio. 
They  asked  why  Pennsylvania  did  not  declare  war  against  him 
at  once. 

The  reason  why  Bishop  Spangenberg  and  the  other  Moravian 
missionaries  accompanied  Shikellamy  and  Weiser  on  this  journey, 
was  that  the  Moravians  at  that  time  had  a  project  on  foot  to 
transfer  their  mission  at  Shekomeko,  New  York,  to  the  Wyoming 
Valley, on  the  North  Branch  of  theSusquehanna,in  Pennsylvania; 
and  this  necessitated  negotiations  with  the  Great  Council  at 
Onondaga  to  whose  dependencies  Wyoming  belonged.  Count 
Zinzindorf  had  held  a  conference  with  the  great  Iroquois  chief- 
tain, Canassatego,  at  Weiser's  home  near  Womelsdorf ,  in  August, 
1742,  when  the  Iroquois  deputies  were  returning  from  the  treaty 
of  1742,  at  which  conference  the  Moravians  were  given  permission 
by  the  Iroquois  to  establish  their  missions  in  Pennsylvania.  Now 
the  Onondaga  Council  replied  to  the  request  of  Bishop  Spangen- 
berg that  they  were  glad  to  renew  their  contract  with  Count  Zin- 
zindorf and  the  Moravians,  and  they  gave  their  consent  to  the 
proposed  Moravian  settlement  at  Wyoming. 

The  Moravians  founded  the  town  of  Bethlehem  in  December, 
1741,  which  has  ever  since  been  the  central  seat  of  the  Moravian 
Church  in  America.  Later,  they  established  a  mission  at  Frieden- 
sheutten,  near  Bethlehem,  another  called  Friedensheutten,  (Tents 
of  peace),  the  Indian  town  of  Wyalusing,  Bradford  County, 
another  at  Gnadenhuetten  (Tents  of  grace),  near  Weissport,  in 
Carbon  County,  another  at  Shamokin,  the  great  Indian  capital, 
and  another  at  Wyoming,  Luzerne  County.  They  also  established 
missions  in  the  western  part  of  the  state.  These  were  at  and  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Munsee  Delaware  town  of  Goschgoschunk, 
near  Tionesta,  Forest  County,  and  Friedensstadt  (City  of  peace) 
on  the  Beaver,  in  Lawrence  County.  In  1772,  the  Moravian 
missionaries,  John  Etwein  and  John  Roth,  conducted  the  con- 
gregation from  Wyalusing  to  Friedensstadt  on  the  Beaver.  The 
efforts  of  the  Moravian  Church  to  convert  the  Delawares  and 
other  Indians  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Christian  faith  is  one  of  the 
most  delightful  chapters  in  the  history  of  the  Commonwealth. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  131 

The  First  Embassy  to  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio 

Soon  after  the  first  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of  Eastern  Penn- 
sylvania went  to  the  valleys  of  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio,  Penn- 
sylvania traders  followed  them  to  their  new  forest  homes.  The 
first  mention  of  both  these  traders  and  the  region  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny,  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  is  in  the 
minutes  of  a  conference  held  at  Philadelphia,  July  3rd  to  5th, 
1727,  reported  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  3, 
pages  271  to  276,  between  the  Provincial  Council  and  a  number  of 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  which  the  chiefs  requested  that 
"none  of  the  traders  be  allowed  to  carry  any  rum  to  the  remoter 
parts  where  James  Le  Torte  trades,  that  is  Allegheny  on  the 
Branches  of  Ohio."  Even  at  this  early  day,  French  agents  and 
traders  also  were  among  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of  the 
Allegheny  and  Ohio;  for,  in  the  minutes  of  this  same  conference, 
we  find  a  reference  to  a  "fort"  (no  doubt  a  trading  house),  which 
the  French  had  erected  in  the  Allegheny  Valley.  Throughout  the 
passing  years,  the  Pennsylvania  trader  and  the  Frenchman  sought 
to  gain  first  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  Indians  of  these  valleys. 
After  the  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1744,  the  Indian  trade  of  Penn- 
sylvania increased  in  these  valleys  and  spread  as  far  as  the  shores 
of  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  the  French  became  more  active  among  the  Indians 
in  this  trackless  wilderness. 

Two  Pennsylvanians  realized  the  importance  of  keeping  the 
Indians  of  the  western  region  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Colony. 
One  was  George  Croghan,  the  "king  of  traders,"  who  wrote  to 
Richard  Peters  of  the  Provincial  Council,  on  May  26th,  1747,  that 
"some  small  presents"  should  be  sent  the  Indians  dwelling  in 
the  region  of  Lake  Erie.  The  other  was  Conrad  Weiser,  who 
wrote  Richard  Peters,  on  July  20th,  1747,  that  "a  small  present 
ought  to  be  made  to  the  Indians  on  Lake  Erie  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  theirs.  It  may  be  sent  by  some  Honest  Trader.  I 
think  George  Croghan  is  fit  to  perform  it.  I  always  took  him  for 
an  honest  man,  and  have  as  yet  no  Reason  to  think  otherwise  of 
him."  The  present  to  which  Weiser  refers  was  a  French  scalp 
and  some  wampum  which  the  Lake  Erie  Indians  had  just  sent 
by  the  hand  of  Croghan  for  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 
Croghan  had  just  returned  from  a  trading  journey  among  them, 
and  had  found  them  unfriendly  to  the  French.  (See  Penna. 
Archives,  Vol.  1,  pages  742,  761  and  762.) 


Later,  in  the  summer  of  1747,  it  was  decided  by  the  Colonial 
Authorities  to  send  a  handsome  present  to  the  Indians  of  the 
Ohio  and  Lake  Erie.  George  Croghan  was  selected  as  the  person 
to  carry  the  Pennsylvania  present  to  the  shores  of  the  Ohio  and 
while  arrangements  were  being  made  for  the  mission,  ten  chiefs 
from  Kuskuskies,  among  whom  was  Canachquasy,  came  to  Phila- 
delphia in  November,  and  gave  the  Provincial  Council  authentic 
information  of  the  operations  of  the  French  in  the  western  region. 
They  were  told  by  President  Palmer  that  Croghan  would  bring 
the  Pennsylvania  present  the  following  spring.  This  information 
soon  reached  the  shores  of  the  Ohio. 

Accordingly  Croghan  took  the  present  to  the  Indians  of  the 
Ohio,  in  the  spring  of  1748.  At  Logstown,  on  April  28th,  he  held 
council  with  the  chiefs  of  several  tribes,  and  gave  them  the  present 
of  powder,  lead,  vermillion  and  flints.  When  he  began  to  dis- 
tribute the  articles,  he  found  they  were  not  enough  to  satisfy  the 
fifteen  hundred  Indians,  and  so  he  added  much  from  his  own 
trading  stores.  He  told  the  Indians  that,  in  answer  to  their 
complaints  against  the  whiskey  traders,  the  Governor  had  issued 
a  proclamation  forbidding  the  carrying  of  this  liquor  into  the 
Indian  country.  Finally  he  told  them  that  Conrad  Weiser  would 
come  with  a  much  larger  present,  on  behalf  of  Pennsylvania, 
about  the  first  of  August. 

Conrad  Weiser  arrived  at  Logstown  on  the  evening  of  August 
27th  as  the  head  of  what  is  generally  called  the  first  embassy  ever 
sent  by  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio 
and  Allegheny,  although  it  would  be  more  nearly  correct  to  say 
that  Croghan's  mission  of  the  preceeding  April  was  the  first.  The 
Indians  had  been  anxiously  awaiting  his  coming.  He  notes  in 
his  journal  that  when  they  saw  him,  "great  joy  appeared  in  their 
countenances."  Weiser  distributed  the  goods  making  up  the 
Pennsylvania  present,  and  held  many  conferences  with  the  In- 
dians during  his  two  weeks  stay  among  them.  He  visited  the 
Delaware  town  of  Sawcunk  at  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver  and  sent 
Andrew  Montour,  who  accompanied  him,  to  Kuskuskies  to  sum- 
mon the  chiefs  of  that  place  to  councils  at  Logstown.  Kuskuskies 
was  a  group  of  villages  on  the  upper  Beaver,  its  centre  being  at  or 
near  the  site  of  the  city  of  New  Castle. 

On  September  8th,  Weiser  requested  the  chiefs  with  whom  he 
held  the  conferences  at  Logstown  to  give  him  "a  list  of  their 
fighting  men."  The  chiefs  complied  with  this  request,  and  under 
this  date  he  noted  in  his  journal: 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  133 

"The  following  is  the  number  of  every  Nation  given  to  me  by 
their  several  Deputies  in  Council  in  so  many  sticks  tied  up  in  a 
bundle:  The  Senecas,  163;  Shawonese,  162;  Owendaets  (Wyan- 
dots),  100;  Tisagechroanu,  40;  Mohawks,  74;  Onondagers  (Onon- 
dagas),  35;  Mohickons,  15;  Cajukas  (Cayugas),  20;  Oneidas,  15; 
Delawares,  165;  in  all,  789." 

While  at  Logstown,  Weiser  made  George  Croghan's  trading 
house  his  headquarters.  He  raised  the  British  flag  over  this 
famous  Indian  town.  On  September  11th,  he  and  Croghan 
smashed  an  eight  gallon  keg  of  rum  which  the  trader,  Henry 
Norland,  had  brought  to  the  town.  Among  the  noted  sachems 
with  whom  he  held  important  conferences  were  the  Oneida  chief, 
Tanacharison,  also  called  the  Half  King,  and  the  Oneida  chief, 
Scarouady,  who,  upon  the  death  of  Tanacharison  in  the  autumn 
of  1754,  became  his  successor  as  "Half  King."  Tanacharison 
promised  Weiser  that  he  would  keep  Pennsylvania  posted  as  to 
the  movements  of  the  French  in  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and 
"Let  us,"  said  he,  "keep  up  true  correspondence,  and  always  hear 
of  one  another."  His  protestation  of  friendship  for  the  English 
was  sincere.  He  remained  faithful  to  the  English  interest  to  the 
end  of  his  eventful  life.  Before  leaving  Logstown,  Weiser  paid  a 
visit  to  the  aged  and  infirm  Shawnee  chief,  Kakowatcheky,  and 
presented  him  with  a  blanket,  a  coat,  stockings  and  tobacco. 
Kakowatcheky  had  removed  from  Wyoming  to  Logstown  in  1743 
taking  many  of  his  tribe  with  him. 

This  embassy  to  the  Delawares,  Shawnees,  Senecas  and  other 
Indians  on  the  Ohio  was  eminently  successful.  It  left  Pennsyl- 
vania in  possession  of  the  Indian  trade  from  Logstown  to  the 
Mississippi  and  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Great  Lakes.  Moreover, 
its  success  was  most  gratifying  to  all  the  frontier  settlers.  Not 
only  Pennsylvania,  but  Maryland  and  Virginia  were  active  in 
following  up  the  advantage  thus  gained.  A  number  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia  traders  pushed  into  the  Ohio  region,  and  presently 
the  Ohio  Company,  formed  by  leading  men  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  among  whom  were  George  Washington's  half-brothers, 
Lawrence  and  Augustine,  sought  to  secure  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio. 

For  Weiser's  journal  of  this  important  mission,  the  reader  is 
referred  to  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  5,  pages  348 
to  358. 

Death  of  Shikellamy 

On  the  17th  day  of  December  in  the  eventful  year  of  1748, 
occurred  the  death  of  Shikellamy,  "Our  Enlightener,"  the  most 
picturesque  and  historic  Indian  character  that  ever  lived  in  Penn- 


sylvania.  As  we  have  seen,  his  residence  was  at  Sunbury.  Con- 
rad Weiser,  in  the  later  years  of  the  old  chief's  life,  had  built  him 
a  substantial  house  which  rested  upon  pillars  for  safety,  and  in 
which  he  always  shut  himself  up  when  any  drunken  frolic  was 
going  on  in  the  village.  He  had  been  taken  ill  in  Philadelphia, 
but  so  far  recovered  that  he  had  visited  his  old  friend,  Weiser, 
at  his  home  near  Womelsdorf,  in  April,  1748,  and  was  able  to  com- 
plete his  journey  to  Shamokin.  Upon  his  return  to  Shamokin, 
he  was  again  taken  ill,  and  in  June  the  Provincial  Council  was 
advised  that  he  was  so  ill  that  he  might  lose  his  eyesight;  but  he 
recovered  sufficiently  to  make  a  trip  to  Bethlehem  early  in  Decem- 
ber, On  his  return  from  that  place,  he  became  so  ill  that  he 
reached  home  only  by  the  assistance  of  the  Moravian  missionary, 
David  Zeisberger.  His  daughter  and  Zeisberger  were  with  him 
during  his  last  illness  and  last  hours.  David  Zeisberger  and 
Henry  Frye  made  the  old  chief  a  coffin,  and  the  Indians  painted 
the  body  in  their  gayest  colors,  bedecked  it  with  his  choicest  orna- 
ments, and  placed  with  it  the  old  chief's  weapons  according  to  the 
Indian  custom.  Then,  after  Christian  burial  services,  conducted 
by  David  Zeisberger,  Shikellamy  was  buried  in  the  Indian  bury- 
ing ground  of  his  people  in  the  present  town  of  Sunbury. 

Shikellamy  left  to  mourn  him  his  three  sons  and  a  daughter. 
Another  son.  Unhappy  Jake,  was  killed  in  the  war  with  the 
Catawbas.  The  three  sons  who  survived  were:  (1)  Taghnegh- 
doarus,  also  known  as  John  Shikellamy,  who  succeeded  his  hon- 
ored and  distinguished  father  in  authority,  but  never  gained  the 
confidence  with  which  the  father  was  held  by  both  the  Indians 
and  the  whites;  (2)  Taghahjute,  or  Sayughdowa,  better  known  in 
history  as  Logan,  Chief  of  the  Mingoes,  having  been  given  the 
name  of  James  Logan  by  Shikellamy,  in  honor  of  the  distinguished 
secretary  of  the  Provincial  Council ;  (3)  John  Petty.  His  daughter 
was  the  widow  of  Cajadies,  known  as  the  "best  hunter  among  all 
the  Indians,"  who  died  in  November,  1747.  After  the  death  of 
Shikellamy,  Shamokin  (Sunbury)  rapidly  declined  as  a  center  of 
Indian  afifairs,  as  his  son  who  succeeded  him  was  not  able  to 
restrain  the  Indians  under  his  authority. 

Among  the  tributes  which  have  been  paid  to  this  great  chief- 
tain are  the  following:  "He  was  a  truly  good  man,  and  a  great 
lover  of  the  English,"  said  Governor  Hamilton,  of  the  Colony  of 
Pennsylvania.  Said  Count  Zinzindorf,  Moravian  missionary, 
who,  like  all  the  prominent  leaders  of  the  Moravian  Church,  had 
been  kindly  received  by  Shikellamy:    "He  was  truly  an  excellent 


A  number  of  years  ago,  the  great  Vice-Gerent's  grave  was  opened,  and  his 
pipe,  a  British  medal  and  a  number  of  other  articles  belonging  to  him  were 
found  therein.     His  grave  is  near  the  bridge  leading  to  Northumberland. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  135 

and  good  man,  possessed  of  many  noble  qualities  of  mind,  that 
would  do  honor  to  many  white  men,  laying  claims  to  refinement 
and  intelligence.  He  was  possessed  of  great  dignity,  sobriety  and 
prudence,  and  was  particularly  noted  for  his  extreme  kindness  to 
the  inhabitants  with  whom  he  came  in  contact."  Also,  the  Mora- 
vian historian,  Loskiel,  says  of  him:  "Being  the  first  magistrate, 
and  the  head  chief  of  all  the  Iroquois  Indians  living  on  the  banks 
of  the  Susquehanna,  as  far  as  Onondaga,  he  thought  it  incumbent 
upon  himself  to  be  very  circumspect  in  his  dealings  with  the  white 
people.  He  assisted  the  Missionaries  in  building,  and  defended 
them  against  the  insults  of  the  drunken  Indians;  being  himself 
never  addicted  to  drinking,  because,  as  he  expressed  it,  he  never 
wished  to  become  a  fool." 

The  dust  of  this  astute  Iroquois  statesman  reposes  at  Sunbury 
on  the  banks  of  his  long  loved  Susquehanna;  and,  as  one  stands 
near  his  grave  and  looks  at  the  high  and  rocky  river  hill  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  he  beholds  a  strange  arrangement  of  the 
rocks  on  the  mountainside,  resembling  the  countenance  of  an 
Indian  warrior,  and  known  locally  as  "Shikellamy's  Profile." 
Thus,  his  face  carved  by  nature's  hand  in  the  imperishable  rock, 
gazes  on  the  region  where  "Our  Enlightener"  had  his  home  for  so 
many  years. 

The  Purchase  of  1749 

On  July  1,  1749,  a  number  of  Seneca,  Onondaga,  Tutelo,  Nan- 
ticoke,  and  Conoy  chiefs  came  to  Philadelphia  to  interview  Gov- 
ernor Hamilton,  with  reference  to  the  settlements  which  the 
white  people  were  making  "on  the  other  side  of  the  Blue  Moun- 
tains." This  delegation  had  gone  first  to  Wyoming,  the  place 
appointed  for  the  gathering  of  the  deputies  of  the  various  tribes, 
had  waited  there  a  month  for  the  other  deputies,  and  then  decided 
to  go  on  to  Philadelphia.  Governor  Hamilton  advised  the  chiefs 
that  the  Province  had  been  doing  everything  in  its  power  to  pre- 
vent persons  from  settling  on  lands  not  purchased  from  the  In- 
dians. Immediately  after  the  conference  the  Governor  issued  a 
proclamation,  which  was  distributed  throughout  the  Province, 
and  posted  upon  trees  in  the  Juniata  and  Path  valleys,  and  other 
places  where  settlers  had  built  their  homes  beyond  the  Blue 
Mountains,  ordering  all  such  settlers  to  remove  from  these  lands 
by  the  first  of  November.  As  has  already  been  related  in  this 
chapter,  these  settlers  were  removed  by  Conrad  Weiser,  George 


Croghan,  Benjamin  Chambers,  James  Galbraith  and  others,  in 
May,  1750,  acting  under  orders  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Morris. 

The  delegation  of  chiefs  had  left  Philadelphia  but  a  short  time 
when  Governor  Hamilton  received  word  from  Conrad  Weiser  that 
the  other  Indian  deputies,  who  had  failed  to  join  the  previous 
delegation  at  Wyoming,  were  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury)  on  their 
way  to  Philadelphia.  The  Governor  then  sent  word  to  Weiser, 
urging  him  to  divert  this  new  delegation  from  coming  to  the  city. 
Weiser  did  all  in  his  power  to  carry  out  the  Governor's  orders, 
but  the  Indians  soon  let  him  see  that  they  were  determined  to  go 
on  to  Philladelphia,  at  which  place  they  arrived  on  the  16th  of 
August,  numbering  two  hundred  and  eighty,  and  led  by  Canassa- 
tego,  the  speaker  at  the  former  treaties  at  Lancaster  and  Phila- 

Canassatego  was  the  speaker  of  the  Indian  delegation  at  the 
conferences  which  were  then  held  with  the  Governor  and  Provin- 
cial Council.  When  advised  of  the  efforts  that  Pennsylvania  had 
made  to  prevent  her  people  from  settling  on  unpurchased  land, 
Canassatego  excused  the  Government  for  this,  saying:  "White 
people  are  no  more  obedient  to  you  than  our  young  Indians  are 
to  us."  He  thus  also  excused  the  war  parties  of  young  Iroquois 
who  went  against  the  Catawbas.  Canassatego  further  offered  to 
remedy  the  situation  by  saying  that  the  Iroquois  were  "willing  to 
give  up  the  Land  on  the  East  side  of  Susquehannah  from  the 
Blue  Hills,  or  Chambers'  Mill  to  where  Thomas  McGee  [McKee], 
the  Indian  trader,  lives,  and  leave  it  to  you  to  assign  the  worth  of 
them."  This  great  Iroquois  statesman  complained  especially  of 
the  settlements  on  the  branches  of  the  Juniata,  saying  that  these 
were  the  hunting  grounds  of  the  Nanticokes  and  other  Indians 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Iroquois.  He  told  the  Governor  that, 
when  the  Nanticokes  had  trouble  with  Maryland,  where  they 
formerly  lived,  they  had  been  removed  by  the  Six  Nations  and 
placed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Juniata,  and  that  there  were  three 
settlements  of  the  tribe  still  remaining  in  Maryland.  These  latter, 
he  explained,  wished  to  join  their  relatives  in  Pennsylvania,  but 
that  Maryland  would  not  permit  them  to  do  so,  "where  they 
make  slaves  of  them  and  sell  their  Children  for  Money."  He  then 
asked  the  Governor  to  intercede  with  the  Governor  of  Maryland 
to  the  end  that  the  Nanticokes  in  Maryland  might  be  permitted 
to  join  their  brethren  on  the  Juniata.  Explaining  why  the  pro- 
posed treaty  with  the  Catawbas  had  not  taken  place,  Canas- 
satego said  that  King  George's  War  breaking  out  had  prevented 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  137 

them  from  getting  together,  "and  now  we  say  we  neither  offer  nor 
reject  Peace."  He  also  let  it  be  known  that  he  did  not  believe 
that  the  Catawbas  were  sincere  in  their  offers  of  peace. 

Governor  Hamilton  then  took  up  with  Canassatego  the  pro- 
posed sale  of  lands,  and,  after  much  discussion,  the  Six  Nations' 
deputies  sold  to  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania  a  vast  tract  of  land 
between  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Delaware,  including  all  or  parts 
of  the  present  counties  of  Dauphin,  Northumberland,  Lebanon, 
Schuylkill,  Columbia,  Carbon,  Luzerne,  Monroe,  Pike  and 
Wayne.  This  is  known  in  Pennsylvania  history  as  the  "Pur- 
chase of  1749,"  the  deed  having  been  signed  on  the  22nd  of 
August  of  that  year.  Nutimus  joined  in  the  deed  as  chief  of  the 
Delawares  at  Nutimus'  Town,  at  the  mouth  of  Nescopeck  Creek, 
Luzerne  County.  Also,  Paxinosa,  then  residing  at  Wyoming, 
and  the  leading  chief  of  the  Shawnees  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania, 
joined  in  this  deed. 

Celoron's  Expedition 

In  the  summer  of  1749,  the  year  following  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  which  ended  King  George's  War,  Marquis  de  la  Galis- 
soniere,  then  Governor-General  of  New  France,  sent  Captain 
Celoron  de  Bienville  with  a  detachment  composed  of  one  captain, 
eight  subaltern  officers,  six  cadets,  one  chaplain,  twenty  soldiers, 
one  hundred  and  eighty  Canadians  and  about  thirty  Indians, 
approximately  half  of  whom  were  Iroquois,  down  the  valleys  of 
the  Allegheny  and  Ohio  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  region 
drained  by  these  rivers  for  Louis  XV  of  France.  Coming  down 
Conewango  Creek  to  the  Allegheny,  Celoron,  on  July  29th, 
buried  a  leaden  plate  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  opposite  the  mouth 
of  the  Conewango,  with  an  inscription  thereon  proclaiming  that 
all  the  region  drained  by  the  "Beautiful  River"  and  tributaries 
belonged  to  the  Crown  of  France  forever.  This  plate  was  after- 
wards stolen  by  some  Indians,  and  several  Cayuga  chiefs  carried 
it  to  Sir  William  Johnson  at  his  residence  on  the  Mohawk,  on 
December  4th,  1750.  Then,  on  January  29th,  1751,  Governor 
George  Clinton  of  New  York  sent  a  copy  of  the  inscription  on  the 
plate  to  Governor  Hamilton  of  Pennsylvania. 

As  Celoron  floated  down  the  beautiful  and  majestic  rivers, 
whose  forest-lined  banks  were  clothed  with  the  verdure  of  mid- 
summer, he  buried  other  leaden  plates,  mostly  at  the  mouths  of 
tributary  streams.  One  of  these  was  buried  near  the  "Indian 
God  Rock,"  on  the  east  side  of  the  Allegheny,  seven  or  eight  miles 


below  Franklin;  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela;  one  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  and  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Kanawha.  The  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum  was  found 
in  1798,  and  the  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  was 
found  in  1846.  The  former  has  been  preserved  by  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  and  the  latter  by  the  Virginia  Historical 
Society.  Several  others  were  buried  at  places  which  cannot  be 
definitely  ascertained.  The  last  was  buried  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Great  Miami,  where  Celoron  left  the  Ohio  returning  to  Canada 
by  way  of  Detroit. 

On  his  way  down  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio,  Celoron  stopped  at 
the  principal  Indian  towns  and  held  conferences  with  the  natives, 
— at  the  village  of  Cut  Straw,  also  called  Buccaloons,  at  the  mouth 
of  Brokenstraw  Creek  in  Warren  County;  at  Venango  (Franklin); 
at  Attique  or  Attigue  (Kittanning);  at  Chartier's  Town,  on  or 
near  the  site  of  Tarentum;  at  Logstown  and  at  other  places.  At 
Venango  he  found  the  English  trader,  John  Frazer,  who  was 
driven  from  that  place  by  the  French  in  the  summer  of  1753,  and 
removed  to  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek  on  the  Monongahela.  At 
Kittanning,  he  found  that  the  inhabitants  had  fled  to  the  woods, 
although  he  had  sent  Joncaire  ahead  to  that  place  to  request  its 
chiefs  to  await  his  arrival  without  fear.  At  Chartier's  Town,  or 
probably  at  Logstown,  he  found  six  English  traders  with  fifty 
horses  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  bales  of  fur.  Ordering  these 
traders  to  remove,  he  sent  a  letter  to  Governor  Hamilton  of  Penn- 
sylvania, telling  him  to  warn  his  traders  "not  to  return  into  these 
territories"  of  the  French  King.  This  letter  was  dated  August 
6th.  At  or  near  the  site  of  Pittsburgh,  he  met  Queen  Allaquippa 
of  the  Senecas,  whom  he  describes  in  his  journal  as  "entirely 
devoted  to  the  English."  At  Logstown,  which  he  reached  on 
August  8th,  he  ordered  the  British  flag  which  Conrad  Weiser  had 
placed  there  the  preceeding  September,  to  be  torn  down  and  the 
French  flag  to  be  raised  in  its  place.  At  his  village  on  the  Miami, 
Celoron  held  a  conference  with  Old  Britian,  or  La  Demoiselle 
(the  Young  Lady),  the  great  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  endeavored 
to  draw  him  into  a  French  alliance,  but  without  success.  The 
Joncaire  brothers,  Philip  and  Chabert,  who  for  many  years  had 
been  active  agents  of  the  French  among  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio 
and  Allegheny,  accompanied  this  historic  expedition,  as  did 
Contrecoeur,  who  afterwards  built  Fort  Duquesne,  and  M.  de 
Villiers,  who  compelled  Washington  to  surrender  at  Fort  Neces- 
sity, July  4th,  1754. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  139 

On  June  30th,  1749,  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania, 
received  a  letter  from  Governor  Clinton,  of  New  York,  advising 
that  he  had  received  information  that  an  army  of  French  was 
about  to  make  its  way  into  the  valley  of  the  "Belle  Riviere." 
This  was,  of  course,  Celoron's  expedition,  just  described.  Gover- 
nor Hamilton  sent  word  to  George  Croghan  to  go  to  the  Allegheny 
to  ascertain  "whether  any  French  were  coming  into  those  parts, 
&  if  any,  in  what  numbers  &  what  appearance  they  made,  that 
the  Indians  might  be  apprised  &  put  upon  their  guard."  (See 
Penna.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  V.,  page  387.)  Croghan  arrived  at  Logs- 
town  immediately  after  Celoron  had  left,  and,  in  councils  with 
Tanacharison  and  Scarouady,  counteracted  the  influence  of 
the  Frenchman. 

Attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that,  before  Croghan  left  Logs- 
town  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady  gave  him  three  deeds  for 
large  tracts  of  land,  about  200,000  acres  in  all.  A  large  part  of 
the  city  of  Pittsburgh  and  all  the  towns  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Ohio  River  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  Raccoon  Creek,  in  Beaver 
County,  are  located  on  two  of  these  tracts.  The  third  tract, 
60,000  acres,  was  located  on  the  Youghiogheny  in  the  region  of 
the  mouth  of  Big  Sewickley  Creek,  Westmoreland  County.  These 
were  the  first  grants  of  land  by  the  Indian  to  the  white  man  in  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio.  Croghan  must  have  dated  the  deeds  back 
about  a  week,  as  they  bear  date  of  August  2nd.  Two  of  these 
deeds  are  recited  in  the  records  of  the  office  of  the  Recorder  of 
Deeds  of  Westmoreland  County,  one  in  deed  book.  No.  A.  page 
395,  and  the  other  in  deed  book.  No.  A,  page  SIL 

The  Virginia  Treaty  at  Logstown 

Shortly  after  the  forming  of  the  Ohio  Company,  in  1748,  the 
King  of  England  granted  the  company  two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  to  be  taken  on  the  south  side  of  the  Allegheny  and 
Ohio  between  the  Kiskiminetas  River  and  Buffalo  Creek  and  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Ohio  between  Yellow  Creek  and  Cross 
Creek,  or  in  such  other  part  of  the  region  west  of  the  Allegheny 
Mountains  as  the  company  should  think  proper.  The  grant 
contained  the  condition  that  the  company  should  settle  one 
hundred  families  thereon  within  seven  years  and  erect  a  fort*.  On 
the  company's  compliance  with  this  condition,  it  was  to  receive 
three  hundred  thousand  acres  more,  south  of  the  first  grant.  The 
company  built  a  storehouse  at  Will's  Creek  (Cumberland,  Mary- 

*The  Ohio  Company  requested  Pennsylvania  Germans  to  settle  on  these  lands.  They  declined , 
as  they  desired  clergymen  of  their  own  language  and  faith  (Lutheran  and  Reformed)  instead  of 
clergymen  of  the  established  church  of  Virginia  (Episcopal).  Later  hundreds  of  German  fam- 
ilies received  Pennsylvania  titles  to  lands  in  this  region.  (Writings  of  Washington,  by  Sparks, 
Vol.  2,  page  481). 


land),  and,  in  1751,  opened  a  road  towards  the  Ohio  as  far  as 
Turkey  Foot,  Pennsylvania.  Pennsylvania  claimed  that  a  large 
part  of  the  company's  grant  was  within  the  bounds  of  Charles 
IPs  charter  to  William  Penn ;  and  a  dispute  between  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia,  with  reference  to  these  lands,  continued  with  vary- 
ing degrees  of  intensity  until  its  happy  consummation  in  the 
Act  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  passed  April  1,  1784. 

As  we  have  seen,  Pennsylvania  was  following  up  the  advant- 
ages gained  by  Croghan's  and  Weiser's  embassy  to  Logstown  in 
1748.  In  the  meantime  the  Colony  of  Virginia  had  not  relin- 
quished its  claim  to  the  Ohio  Valley.  In  June,  1752,  the  com- 
missioners of  Virginia,  Joshua  Fry,  L.  Lomax,  and  James  Patton, 
held  a  treaty  with  the  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  Mingoes  of  the 
Ohio  Valley,  at  Logstown.  Christopher  Gist,  the  agent  of  the 
Ohio  Company,  George  Groghan,  and  Andrew  Montour  were 
present,  the  latter  acting  as  interpreter.  The  Great  Council  of 
the  Six  Nations  declined  to  send  deputies  to  attend  the  treaty. 
Said  they:  "It  is  not  our  custom  to  meet  to  treat  of  affairs  in  the 
woods  and  weeds.  If  the  Governor  of  Virginia  wants  to  speak 
with  us,  and  deliver  us  a  present  from  our  father  [the  king],  we 
will  meet  him  at  Albany,  where  we  expect  the  Governor  of  New 
York  will  be  present." 

The  object  of  the  treaty  was  to  obtain  from  the  Indians  a  con- 
firmation of  the  Lancaster  Treaty  of  1 744,  by  the  terms  of  which 
Virginia  claimed  that  the  Iroquois  had  ceded  to  her  their  right  to 
all  lands  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  The  task  of  the  Virginia  com- 
missioners was  not  an  easy  one  for  the  reason  that  the  Pennsyl- 
vania traders  had  prejudiced  the  Indians  against  Virginia.  How- 
ever, the  commissioners  secured  permission  to  erect  two  forts  and 
to  make  some  settlements.  Tanacharison,  who  was  present  and 
took  a  prominent  part  in  the  negotiations,  advised  that  his  broth- 
ers of  Virginia  should  build  "a  strong  house"  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Monongahela  to  resist  the  designs  of  the  French.  A  similar 
request  had  been  made  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  by  the 
chiefs  at  Logstown  when  George  Crogan  was  at  that  place  in 
May,  1751. 

The  Virginians,  we  repeat,  laid  claim  to  all  the  lands  of  the 
Ohio  Valley  by  virtue  of  the  purchase  made  at  the  treaty  of 
Lancaster,  in  1744,  in  which  the  western  limit  of  the  Iroquois 
sale  was  set  forth  as  the  "setting  sun."  Conrad  Weiser  had 
advised  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  that  the  Six  Nations  never 
contemplated  such  sale,  explaining  that  by  the  "setting  sun"  was 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  141 

meant  the  crest  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  the  divide  between 
streams  flowing  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  East  and  the  Miss- 
issippi River  on  the  West.  At  this  Logstown  treaty  one  of  the 
Iroquois  chiefs  told  the  Virginia  commissioners  that  they  were 
mistaken  in  their  claims.  The  chiefs  agreed  with  the  commis- 
sioners not  to  molest  any  settlements  that  might  be  made  on  the 
southeast  side  of  the  Ohio.  At  the  treaty,  two  old  chiefs,  through 
an  interpreter,  said  to  Mr.  Gist:  "The  French  claim  all  on  one 
side  of  the  river  [the  Ohio],  and  the  English  all  on  the  other  side. 
Where  does  the  Indian's  land  lie. "  This  question  Gist  found 
hard  to  answer. 

During  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  treaty,  Tanacharison, 
as  the  representative  of  the  Six  Nations,  bestowed,  on  June  11th, 
the  sachemship  of  the  Delawares  on  Chief  Shingas,  later  called 
King  Shingas,  believed  by  many  authorities  to  have  been  a 
nephew  of  the  great  Sassoonan,  since  whose  death,  in  the  autumn 
of  1747,  the  kingship  of  the  Delawares  had  been  vacant.  Also, 
Tanacharison's  friendship  for  George  Croghan  was  shown  at  this 
treaty.  He  spoke  of  him  as  "our  brother,  the  Buck,  who  is  ap- 
proved by  our  Council  at  Onondaga." 

As  to  the  kingship  of  Shingas,  we  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  he  was  not  really  king  of  the  three  Delaware  Clans.  He 
belonged  to  the  Turkey  Clan.  As  pointed  out,  in  Chapter  II, 
the  head  chief  of  the  Turtle  Clan  was  regarded  as  king  of  the 
three  Clans  of  Delawares. 

Tanacharison  Forbids  French  to  Advance 

In  the  early  part  of  the  summer  of  1753,  the  French,  coming 
from  Canada,  erected  Fort  Presqu'  Isle,  where  the  city  of  Erie 
now  stands,  and  later  in  the  same  year  erected  Fort  Le  Boeuf, 
where  Waterford,  Erie  County,  now  stands.  But  before  the 
erection  of  these  forts,  or  on  May  7,  1753,  a  message  was  sent 
down  from  Venango  to  George  Croghan  at  his  trading  house,  near 
the  mouth  of  Pine  Creek,  about  six  miles  up  the  Allegheny  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela,  by  the  trader,  John  Frazer,  to 
the  effect  that  the  French  were  coming  with  three  brass  cannon, 
amunition  and  stores.  Croghan  and  his  associates  were  thrown 
into  consternation.  On  the  following  day,  two  Iroquois  runners 
from  the  Great  Council  House  at  Onondaga  brought  similar  news; 
and  on  May  12th,  a  message  was  received  from  Governor  Hamil- 
ton, of  Pennsylvania,  stating  that  he  had  received  word  from  Sir 


William  Johnson,  of  New  York,  that  a  large  French  expedition 
was  marching  towards  the  Ohio  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the 
English  and  erecting  forts. 

The  entire  party  at  Croghan's  Pine  Creek  trading  house  looked 
to  him  as  leader.  A  conference  was  at  once  held  there  with 
Tanacharison  and  Scarouady.  After  much  deliberation,  the 
sachems  decided  "that  they  would  receive  the  French  as  friends, 
or  as  enemies,  depending  upon  their  attitude,  but  the  English 
would  be  safe  as  long  as  they  themselves  were  safe."  Croghan's 
partners,  Teafee  and  Calendar,  taking  with  them  the  two  messen- 
gers who  had  brought  Governor  Hamilton's  warning,  returned 
to  Philadelphia,  on  May  30th,  and  reported  in  person.  The  fol- 
lowing day.  Governor  Hamilton  laid  the  report  of  Teafee  and 
Calendar  before  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  which,  on  the  same 
day,  made  an  appropriation  of  eight  hundred  pounds  for  guns  and 
amunition  for  the  friendly  Indians  on  the  Ohio.  A  large  part  of 
the  Assembly's  appropriation  was  to  be  a  present  of  condolence 
to  the  Twightwees  on  account  of  the  murder  of  their  king,  "Old 
Britain,"  at  his  village  on  the  Miami,  on  June  21,  1752,  by  a 
band  of  Ottawas  and  Chippewas,  led  by  Charles  Langlade,  a 
Frenchman,  of  Detroit. 

For  more  than  three  months.  Governor  Hamilton  held  this 
money.  In  the  meantime,  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady,  on 
June  23d,  wrote  Governor  Dinwiddle,  of  Virginia,  appealing  for 
help  in  resisting  the  French  invasion.  In  September,  these  chiefs 
sent  a  delegation  of  one  hundred  deputies  to  Winchester,  Vir- 
ginia, to  arrange  for  aid  and  supplies  at  a  treaty  then  and  there 
held  between  Virginia,  in  the  interest  of  the  Ohio  Company,  and 
the  Six  Nations  and  their  tributary  tribes  in  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio, — the  Delawares,  the  Shawnees,  the  Miamis  or  Twightwees, 
and  the  Wyandots.  Scarouady  headed  the  delegation  of  Indian 

While  attending  the  Winchester  treaty,  the  Indians  heard  of 
the  appropriation  which  had  been  voted  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly;  and  thereupon,  although  no  invitation  had  been  re- 
ceived by  them,  they  sent  a  portion  of  their  deputies,  under  the 
leadership  of  Scarouady,  to  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  to  ascertain 
whether  the  report  were  true.  This  delegation  consisted  of  a 
number  of  the  important  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  Delawares, 
Shawnees,  Twightwees,  or  Miamis,  and  the  Owendats,  or  Wyan- 
dots. Governor  Hamilton  sent  Conrad  Weiser,  Richard  Peters, 
Isaac  Norris,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  to  Carlisle  to  meet  these 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  143 

deputies,  October  1st  to  4th,  1753.  George  Croghan  was  present 
to  give  advice.  These  commissioners  had  gone  to  Carlisle  without 
presents,  and  they  had  Conrad  Weiser  interview  one  of  the  chiefs 
to  ascertain  if  it  were  not  possible  to  go  through  the  forms  of 
condolence  on  the  promise  to  pay  when  the  goods  should  arrive 
later.  The  chief  replied  that  his  people  could  and  would  not  do 
any  public  business  while  the  blood  of  their  tribe  remained  upon 
their  garments,  and  that  "nothing  would  wash  it  unless  the 
presents  intended  to  cover  the  graves  of  the  departed  were 
actually  spread  upon  the  ground  before  them." 

Presently  the  presents  arrived  and  were  distributed. 

While  the  commissioners  and  Indians  were  awaiting  for  the 
goods  to  arrive,  Conrad  Weiser  learned  from  Scarouady  that, 
when  the  Ohio  Indians  received  the  messages  in  May,  1753,  ad- 
vising them  of  the  threatened  French  invasion,  they  at  once  sent 
a  warning  to  the  French,  who  were  then  at  Niagara,  forbidding 
them  to  proceed  further  toward  the  Ohio  Valley.  This  notice  not 
deterring  the  French,  the  Indians  then  held  a  conference  at  Logs- 
town,  and  sent  a  second  notice  to  the  French  when  they  were 
approaching  the  headwaters  of  French  Creek,  as  follows: 

"Your  children  on  Ohio  are  alarmed  to  hear  of  your  coming  so 
far  this  way.  We  at  first  heard  that  you  came  to  destroy  us. 
Our  women  left  off  planting,  and  our  warriors  prepared  for  war. 
We  have  since  heard  that  you  came  to  visit  us  as  friends  without 
design  to  hurt  us,  but  then  we  wondered  you  came  with  so  strong 
a  body.  If  you  have  had  any  cause  of  complaint,  you  might  have 
spoken  to  Onas  or  Corlear  [meaning  the  Governors  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  York],  and  not  come  to  disturb  us  here.  We  have 
a  Fire  at  Logstown,  where  are  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  and 
Brother  Onas;  you  might  have  sent  deputies  there  and  said 
openly  what  you  came  about,  if  you  had  thought  amiss  of  the 
English  being  there,  and  we  invite  you  to  do  it  now  before  you 
proceed  any  further." 

The  French  replied  to  this  notice,  stating  that  they  would  not 
come  to  the  council  fire  at  Logstown ;  that  they  meant  no  harm  to 
the  Indians;  that  they  were  sent  by  command  of  the  king  of 
France,  and  that  they  were  under  orders  to  build  four  forts, — one 
at  Venango,  one  at  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  one  at  Logstown,  and 
another  on  Beaver  Creek.  The  Ohio  Indians  then  held  another 
conference,  and  sent  a  third  notice  to  the  French,  as  follows: 
"We  forbid  you  to  come  any  farther.  Turn  back  to  the  place 
from  whence  you  came." 


Tanacharison  was  the  bearer  of  this  third  notice  to  the  French, 
the  equivalent  of  a  declaration  of  war,  and  very  likely,  of  the 
other  two.  Before  the  conference  at  Carlisle  ended,  it  was 
learned  that  Tanacharison  had  just  returned  to  Logs  town  from 
delivering  the  third  notice;  that  he  had  been  received  in  a  very 
contemptuous  manner  by  the  French;  and  that,  upon  his  return, 
had  shed  tears,  and  actually  warned  the  English  traders  not  to 
pass  the  Ohio. 

For  account  of  the  Carlisle  Conference  of  October,  1753,  the 
reader  is  referred  to  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  Vol.  5, 
pages  665  to  686. 

Washington's  Mission  to  the  French 

The  necessity  for  prompt  and  energetic  action  for  the  vindica- 
tion of  the  rights  of  the  English  in  respect  to  the  valleys  of  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny  became  apparent  to  Governor  Dinwiddle  of 
Virginia  shortly  after  Celeron's  expedition  in  the  summer  of  1749. 
The  French  energetically  seeking  to  ingratiate  themselves  with 
the  Indians  of  this  region,  Governor  Dinwiddle,  in  the  summer  of 
1753,  sent  Captain  William  Trent  to  expostulate  with  the  French 
commander  on  the  Ohio  for  his  invasion  of  this  territory.  Captain 
Trent  did  not  have  the  qualities  necessary  for  a  fit  performance 
of  his  duties.  He  came  to  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio  (Pittsburgh),  and 
then  proceeded  to  the  Indian  town  of  Piqua,  in  Ohio,  where 
Christopher  Gist  and  George  Croghan  had  been  well  received 
some  time  before.  Discovering  that  the  French  flag  waved  there 
and  that  the  aspect  of  things  on  the  frontier  was  more  threatening 
than  he  had  anticipated,  Trent  abandoned  his  purpose  and  re- 
turned to  Virginia. 

Governor  Dinwiddle  then  resolved  upon  the  appointment  of 
Captain  Trent's  successor;  but  it  was  a  difficult  task  to  find  a 
person  of  the  requisite  moral  and  physical  capacity  for  so  respon- 
sible and  dangerous  an  enterprise.  The  position  was  offered  to 
several  Virginians,  by  all  of  whom  it  was  declined,  when  Din- 
widdle received  an  intimation  that  it  would  be  accepted  by 
George  Washington,  then  a  youth  of  twenty-one  years.  Wash- 
ington had  recently  come  into  possession  of  the  fine  estate  of 
Mount  Vernon,  upon  the  death  of  his  half-brother,  Lawrence, 
and  had,  therefore,  unusual  temptations  to  avoid  such  a  hazar- 
dous  untertaking.  But  Washington's  whole   constitution   was 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  145 

heroic.  A  constant  patriot,  he  did  not  shrink  from  any  honorable 
service,  however  dangerous,  which  he  could  render  his  country. 
He  therefore  accepted  the  appointment  and,  on  the  very  day  he 
received  his  commission,  October  31st,  1753,  he  started  on  his 
dangerous  journey  of  more  than  five  hundred  miles  through  the 
wilderness  to  deliver  to  St.  Pierre,  commander  of  the  French 
forces  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Allegheny,  the  protest  of  Gover- 
nor Dinwiddie  against  the  encroachments  of  the  French  on  terri- 
tory claimed  by  the  English. 

On  November  1st,  Washington  arrived  at  Fredericksburg, 
where  he  arranged  with  Jacob  Van  Braam,  a  Dutchman,  who  had 
been  his  old  fencing  master  and  who  claimed  to  have  a  knowledge 
of  the  French  language,  to  be  his  interpreter.  Washington  and 
Van  Braam  then  proceeded  to  Alexandria,  where  they  procured 
a  supply  of  provisions.  Proceeding  from  that  place  to  Win- 
chester, they  procured  baggage  and  horses,  and  from  there  pro- 
ceeded to  Wills  Creek  (Cumberland,  Maryland),  at  which  place 
they  arrived  on  November  14th. 

At  Wills  Creek,  Washington  engaged  Christopher  Gist,  as  he 
says  in  his  journal,  "to  pilot  us  out."  Gist  was  a  surveyor,  and 
during  the  years,  1750  and  1751,  had  made  a  journey  through  the 
Ohio  Valley,  exploring  the  region  as  the  agent  of  the  Ohio  Com- 
pany. With  only  one  companion  on  this  journey,  Gist  proceeded 
through  the  wilderness  to  the  Allegheny  River,  arriving  at  the 
same  at  Shannopin's  Town,  named  for  the  Delaware  chief,  Shann- 
opin,  a  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela.  Swimming 
the  Allegheny  at  this  place,  he  and  his  companion  then  pro- 
ceeded to  what  is  now  the  central  part  of  Ohio,  thence  back  to 
Virginia  through  the  heart  of  Kentucky,  many  years  before 
Daniel  Boone  penetrated  its  wilderness.  It  is  thus  seen  that 
Christopher  Gist  was  well  fitted  by  experience  in  the  wilderness 
"to  pilot"  Washington  through  the  forests  to  the  French  forts. 

At  Wills  Creek,  Washington  hired  four  servants,  Barnaby 
Currin  and  John  McGuire,  who  were  Indian  traders,  and  Henry 
Stewart  and  William  Jenkins.  He  and  his  companions  left  Wills 
Creek  on  November  15th,  and  on  November  22nd,  arrived  at  the 
cabin  of  John  Frazer,  an  Indian  trader,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle 
Creek.  Frazer,  as  has  been  seen,  had  been  driven  away  from 
Venango  by  the  French  in  the  summer  of  1753.  From  Frazer's, 
Washington  and  Gist  went  overland  to  Shannopin's  Town. 
From  Shannopin's  Town,  they  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Monongahela,  where  they  met  their  baggage  which  had  been 


brought  down  the  Monongahela  from  Frazer's  by  the  others  of 
Washington's  party. 

While  at  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela,  Washington  was  im- 
pressed by  the  desirability  of  the  place  for  the  erection  of  a  fort. 
From  this  place,  he  and  his  companions  proceeded  to  the  site  of 
the  present  town  of  McKees  Rocks,  where  he  met  the  Delaware 
chief,  Shingas,  and  invited  him  to  accompany  them  to  Logstown, 
at  which  latter  place  they  arrived  on  November  24th.  At  Logs- 
town,  Washington  held  many  conferences  with  Tanacharison 
and  Scarouady,  concerning  the  encroachments  of  the  French. 
At  this  famous  Indian  town,  the  party  was  detained  until  Novem- 
ber 30th,  on  which  day  they  set  out  for  Venango  by  way  of  the 
Venango  Indian  Trail,  accompanied  by  Tanacharison,  Jeskakake, 
White  Thunder,  the  Hunter,  or  Guyasuta  and  John  Davidson, 
Indian  interpreter.  On  December  4th,  the  entire  party  arrived 
at  Venango,  which  Washington  describes  in  his  journal  as  "an 
old  Indian  town,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  French  Creek,  and 
Ohio,  and  lies  north  about  sixty  miles  from  Logstown,  but  more 
than  seventy  miles  by  the  way  we  were  obliged  to  go." 

At  Venango,  they  found  the  French  colors  hoisted  on  the  trad- 
ing house  from  which  the  French  had  driven  the  trader,  John 
Frazer.  Washington  immediately  went  to  this  house  and  in- 
quired where  the  commander  resided.  There  were  three  French 
officers  present,  one  of  whom  was  Captain  Joncaire,  who  in- 
formed him  that  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  deliver  Gover- 
nor Dinwiddle's  protest  to  the  commander  of  Fort  Le  Boeuf, 
situated  on  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Waterford,  Erie 
County.  The  French  officers  at  Venango  treated  Washington 
very  courteously  and  invited  him  to  dine  with  them  which  in- 
vitation he  accepted,  and  during  the  course  of  the  meal,  the 
officers  let  it  be  plainly  known  that  the  French  were  determined 
to  use  every  means  in  their  power  to  retain  possession  of  the  dis- 
puted territory. 

At  this  point  we  anticipate  events  somewhat  by  stating  that, 
in  April,  1754,  the  French  erected  Fort  Machault  at  Venango 
(Franklin).  The  English  referred  to  it  as  "the  French  fort  at 
Venango."  In  1760,  after  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  the  English  erected  Fort  Venango  near  where  Fort  Machault 
had  stood. 

Washington  remained  at  Venango  until  December  7th.  During 
this  time,  the  French  officers  used  every  art  in  their  power  to 
alienate  Tanacharison  from  the  English  interest.    Leaving  Ven- 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  147 

ango,  Washington  and  his  companions  proceeded  up  French 
Creek  to  Custaloga's  Town,  located  about  twelve  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  French  Creek  and  near  the  mouth  of  Deer  Creek  in 
French  Creek  Township,  Mercer  County,  and  named  for  the 
Delaware  chief,  Custaloga.  From  Custaloga's  Town,  they  went 
up  French  Creek  to  the  Indian  town  of  Cussewago,  located  on 
the  site  of  Meadville,  Crawford  County,  and  thence  to  Fort  Le- 
Boeuf  (Waterford),  at  which  place  they  arrived  on  December 
11th.  The  journey  up  French  Creek  was  very  difficult,  by  reason 
of  rains,  mires  and  swamps.  It  was  impossible  to  cross  the  creek, 
"either  by  fording  or  rafting,  the  water  was  so  high  and  rapid." 

On  December  12th,  Washington  delivered  to  St.  Pierre,  the 
commander  of  Fort  Le  Boeuf ,  the  protest  of  Governor  Dinwiddie. 
This  protest  demanded  that  the  French  depart  from  the  disputed 
region.  St  Pierre's  reply  was  that  he  would  transmit  Governor 
Dinwiddie's  protest  to  Marquis  Duquesne,  Governor  of  Canada, 
"to  whom,"  he  observed,  "it  better  belongs  than  to  me  to  set 
forth  the  evidence  and  reality  of  the  rights  of  the  King,  my 
master,  upon  the  lands  situated  along  the  river  Ohio,  and  to 
contest  the  pretensions  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain  thereto." 
St.  Pierre,  like  the  French  officers  at  Venango,  treated  Washing- 
ton with  courtesy,  but  did  all  in  his  power  to  alienate  Tanachari- 
son  and  the  other  Indians  from  the  English  interest.  He  gave 
them  liquor  and  presents.  Commenting  on  the  efforts  of  the 
commander  and  his  officers,  Washington  says  in  his  journal: 
"I  can  not  say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered  so  much  anxiety  as  I 
did  in  this  affair."  Under  this  terrible  strain,  Washington  re- 
mained alert  and  carefully  observed  that  the  fort  was  garrisoned 
by  more  than  one  hundred  men  and  officers  and  that  there  were 
two  hundred  and  twenty  canoes  in  readiness,  and  many  more  in 
process  of  being  built,  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  the  French 
forces  down  the  river  in  the  spring. 

Having  received  St.  Pierre's  reply,  Washington  and  his  com- 
panions left  Fort  Le  Boeuf  on  December  16th,  and  arrived  at 
Venango  on  December  22nd,  after  "a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing 
passage  down  the  creek."  The  next  day,  all  of  Washington's 
party  except  Tanacharison  and  White  Thunder  started  from 
Venango  by  the  same  route  which  they  had  followed  in  the 
journey  from  Logstown  to  that  place.  White  Thunder  was  sick 
and  unable  to  walk,  and  so  Tanacharison  took  him  down  the 
Allegheny  in  a  canoe.  After  Washington  and  his  companions 
had  journied  three  days  on  the  way  south,  the  horses  became 


weak,  feeble  and  almost  unable  to  travel.  Accordingly,  on 
December  26th,  Washington  and  Gist  proceeded  ahead  on  foot, 
leaving  the  rest  of  the  party  to  follow  by  easy  stages  with  Van 
Bream  in  charge  of  the  horses  and  baggage. 

Indian  Attempts  to  Kill  Washington 

On  the  evening  of  December  27th,  an  incident  occurred  in 
Washington's  journey  back  to  Virginia  that  has  world  wide 
publicity.  We  refer  to  the  attempt  of  a  hostile  Indian  to  kill 
him.  The  exact  location  of  this  attempt  to  kill  the  future  Father 
of  his  Country  will  remain  forever  unknown,  but  the  approximate 
location  is  a  few  miles  from  Evans  City,  Butler  County.  We  shall 
let  Washington  relate  the  incident  in  his  own  words  as  he  wrote 
them  in  his  journal: 

"The  day  following  [December  27th],  just  after  we  had  passed  a 
place  called  Murdering  Town  (where  we  intended  to  quit  the 
path  and  steer  across  the  country  for  Shanapin's  Town),  we  fell 
in  with  a  party  of  French  Indians,  who  had  laid  in  wait  for  us. 
One  of  them  fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or  me,  not  fifteen  steps  off,  but 
fortunately  missed.  We  took  this  fellow  into  custody,  and  kept 
him  until  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  then  let  him  go,  and  walked 
all  the  remaining  part  of  the  night,  without  making  any  stop, 
that  we  might  get  the  start  so  far  as  to  be  out  of  reach  of  their 
pursuit  the  next  day,  since  we  were  assured  they  would  follow  our 
track  as  soon  as  it  was  light.  The  next  day  we  continued  travel- 
ling until  quite  dark,  and  got  to  the  river  [Allegheny]  about  two 
miles  above  Shahapins." 

Christopher  Gist,  in  his  journal,  describes  the  attack  on  Wash- 
ington in  more  detail.  He  says  that  he  and  Washington  met  this 
Indian  at  Murdering  Town,  and  believed  that  they  had  seen  him 
at  Venango.  The  Indian  called  Gist  by  the  latter's  Indian  name 
and  pretended  to  be  very  friendly.  After  some  conversation  with 
the  Indian,  Washington  and  Gist  asked  him  to  accompany  them 
and  show  them  the  nearest  way  to  Shannopin's  Town.  The 
Indian  seemed  very  glad  to  accompany  them.  He  led  the  way 
from  Murdering  Town,  but  seemed  to  take  a  course  too  much  to 
the  north-east,  which  caused  both  Washington  and  Gist  to  mis- 
trust him.  Finally,  when  they  came  to  a  snow-covered  meadow, 
the  Indian  suddenly  turned  and  fired  at  Washington.  He  was 
immediately  seized  and  disarmed  before  he  could  re-load  his 
rifle.    Gist  wanted  to  kill  him  on  the  spot,  but  Washington  would 

The  statue  represents  him  in  the  act  of  delivering  the  protest  of  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle  to  St.  Pierre. 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  149 

not  permit  him  to  do  so.  After  he  was  kept  in  custody  until  late 
in  the  evening,  they  let  him  go.  Says  Gist:  "He  was  glad  to  get 
away.  I  followed  him  and  listened  until  he  was  fairly  out  of  the 
way,  and  then  we  set  out  about  half  a  mile,  when  we  made  a  fire, 
set  our  compass,  and  fixed  our  course,  and  travelled  all  night." 

For  many  years,  the  author  felt  that  a  suitable  monument 
should  be  erected  to  mark  the  approximate  spot  where  the  hostile 
Indian  attempted  to  take  the  life  of  Washington.  During  the 
year  1924,  he  wrote  several  articles  for  the  "Butler  Eagle,'' 
Butler,  Pennsylvania,  in  an  effort  to  arouse  interest  in  the  work 
he  had  in  mind.  These  appeals  through  the  newspaper  brought 
results.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Hon.  A.  E.  Reiber,  Captain 
James  A,  McKee,  and  the  author,  erected  such  monument  in  the 
autumn  of  1924,  and  on  July  3rd,  1925,  it  was  unveiled  with  ap- 
propriate exercises.  The  author  had  the  honor  of  delivering  the 
historical  address  on  this  occasion. 

At  this  point,  the  author  asks  that  the  reader  indulge  him  in 
making  the  statement  that  he  traces  his  love  for  the  history  of 
Pennsylvania  to  the  story  of  the  attack  on  Washington  by  the 
hostile  Indian  on  that  December  evening  of  1753,  told  him  under 
the  following  circumstances:  On  the  farm  on  which  he  was 
reared  in  Armstrong  County,  the  ancestral  home  of  his  paternal 
ancestors  since  1795,  is  a  high  hill,  commanding  a  majestic  sweep 
of  the  horizon  in  all  directions.  To  the  eastward,  the  blue  out- 
line of  the  Chestnut  Ridge  can  be  seen,  on  a  clear  day,  almost 
fifty  miles  away,  while  to  the  westward  are  the  undulating  hills  of 
Butler  County.  One  of  his  earliest  recollections  is  that  of  his 
accompanying  his  revered  mother  to  this  hilltop  on  summer 
evenings  and,  with  her,  watching  the  sun  set  in  floods  of  gorgeous 
and  golden  beauty  behind  the  western  hills.  On  those  occasions 
she  told  him  that  the  western  region,  where  the  sun  was  setting, 
was  Butler  County,  and  that  it  was  in  this  county  where  George 
Washington  was  shot  at  by  a  hostile  Indian  in  the  dead  of  winter 
and  in  the  depth  of  the  forest.  The  author  shall  always  cherish 
the  recollection  of  those  summer  evenings,  when,  as  a  child  in 
company  with  his  mother  in  the  grace  and  beauty  of  her  young 
womanhood,  he  watched  those  golden  sunsets  bathe  the  Butler 
County  hills  in  glory,  and  in  his  fancy,  pictured  the  region  of  the 
sunset  as  an  enchanted  land,  inhabited  by  the  ghosts  and  shadows 
of  the  past  and  hallowed  by  the  footsteps  of  Washington. 

Students  of  the  life  of  Washington  are  familiar  with  the  fact 
that,  in  crossing  the  Allegheny  on  his  journey  back  to  Virginia, 


Washington  was  almost  drowned  in  its  icy  waters.  He  and  Gist 
were  crossing  the  stream  on  a  raft  which  they  had  made.  Wash- 
ington thrust  out  his  pole  to  propel  the  raft,  but  it  was  caught 
between  blocks  of  ice  with  such  force  as  to  throw  him  into  the 
water.  Swimming  to  an  island  near  the  Washington  Crossing 
Bridge  in  the  city  of  Pittsburgh,  Washington  almost  froze  to 
death  during  the  terrible  night.  This  incident  took  place  on 
December  29th. 

On  December  30th,  Washington  and  Gist  arrived  at  John 
Frazer's  cabin,  at  Turtle  Creek.  The  next  day,  they  paid  a  visit  to 
Queen  Allaquippa,  who  was  then  residing  where  McKeesport 
now  stands.  Washington  presented  her  with  a  coat  and  a  bottle 
of  rum,  "which  latter,"  he  said,  "was  thought  much  the  best 
present  of  the  two." 

On  January  2nd,  1754,  Washington  and  Gist  arrived  at  the 
latter's  plantation  near  Mount  Braddock,  Fayette  County,  where 
some  Virginia  families  had  settled  at  least  as  early  as  the  spring 
of  1753,  On  January  6th,  they  arrived  at  Wills  Creek.  On  the 
same  day,  they  "met  seventeen  horses  loaded  with  materials  and 
stores  for  a  fort  at  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  day  after,  some 
families  going  out  to  settle."  Washington  arrived  at  Williams- 
burg, then  the  capital  of  Virginia,  on  January  16th,  and  delivered 
St.  Pierre's  reply. 

The  war  between  the  Iroquois  and  the  Cherokees  and  Catawbas 
was  being  carried  on  during  the  winter  of  1753  and  1754,  accord- 
ing to  the  following  statement  in  Washington's  journal,  under 
date  of  December  30th  or  31st,  1753: 

"We  met  here  [at  Frazer's,  at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  on 
the  Monongahela]  with  twenty  warriors,  who  were  going  to  the 
southward  to  war;  but  coming  to  a  place  on  the  head  of  the  Great 
Kanawha,  where  they  found  seven  people  killed  and  scalped,  (all 
but  one  woman  with  very  light  hair)  they  turned  about  and  ran 
back  for  fear  the  inhabitants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the 
authors  of  the  murder.  They  report  that  the  bodies  were  lying 
about  the  house,  and  some  of  them  much  torn  and  eaten  by  the 
hogs.  By  the  marks  which  were  left,  they  say  they  were  French 
Indians  of  the  Ottoway  nation,  and  who  did  it." 

The  author  has  narrated  Washington's  mission  rather  fully 
on  account  of  its  historical  importance  and  for  the  reason  that 
Pennsylvanians  should  know  the  details  of  the  perils  which  the 
youthful  Washington  encountered  on  Pennsylvania  soil  in  his  haz- 
ardous journey  through  the  wilderness.     As  a  closing  statement, 

INDIAN  EVENTS  FROM  1701  TO  1754  151 

attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  Washington's  journal,  which 
was  widely  published  in  both  England  and  America,  reciting  his 
experiences  and  giving  information  of  vital  import  as  to  the  plans 
for  the  French  for  occupying  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Alle- 
gheny, made  him  an  outstanding  figure  in  the  Colonies. 

Clash  of  Arms  About  to  Begin 

This  chapter  has  been  devoted  to  a  narration  of  the  leading 
events  in  the  Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania  from  the  departure 
of  William  Penn,  in  1701,  to  the  opening  of  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  the  author's  purpose  being  to  prepare  the  reader  for  a  study 
of  the  events  about  to  be  related.  In  the  next  chapter,  we  shall 
see  the  breaking  of  the  storm  which  had  long  been  gathering 
over  the  waters  of  the  Ohio. 


Opening  of  the  French  and 
Indian  War 

The  French  Occupy  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio 

IN  January,  1754,  George  Croghan  and  Andrew  Montour  were 
sent  to  Logstown  by  Governor  Hamilton  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
ascertain  from  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady  a  full  account  of  the 
activities  of  the  French  in  the  valleys  of  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio, 
the  attitude  of  the  Western  Indians,  and  what  assistance  in  the 
way  of  arms  and  ammunition  Virginia  had  given  these  Indians. 
Croghan  and  Montour  found  some  French  soldiers  at  Logstown, 
and  most  of  the  Indians  drunk.  John  Patten,  a  trader,  who  ac- 
companied Croghan  and  Montour,  was  captured  by  the  French, 
but  Tanacharison  caused  his  release.  The  Pennsylvania  emissaries 
remained  at  Logstown  until  February  2nd.  They  found  the  In- 
dians determined  to  resist  the  French.  A  few  days  before  they 
left,  Tanacharison,  Scarouady,  and  Shingas  addressed  a  speech  to 
Governor  Hamilton  in  which  they  said:  "We  now  request  that 
our  brother,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  may  build  a  strong  house 
at  the  Forks  of  the  Mohongialo  [Monongahela],  and  send  some  of 
our  young  brethren,  the  warriors,  to  live  in  it.  And  we  expect 
our  brother  of  Pennsylvania  will  build  another  house  somewhere 
on  the  river,  where  he  shall  think  proper,  where  whatever  assis- 
tance he  will  think  proper  to  send  us  may  be  kept  for  us,  as  our 
enemies  are  just  at  hand,  and  we  do  not  know  what  day  they  may 
come  upon  us." 

On  February  20th,  Andrew  Montour  was  closely  examined  by 
Governor  Hamilton  and  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  as  to  the 
location  of  Shannopin's  Town,  Logstown  and  Venango.  Montour 
proved  that  these  towns  were  all  within  the  limits  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania;  but  the  Assembly  decided  that  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  French  on  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  did  not  concern 
Pennsylvania  any  more  than  they  did  Virginia.     In  the  mean- 


time,  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  commissioned  Captain 
William  Trent  to  raise  a  force  of  one  hundred  men  and  proceed  to 
the  Forks  of  the  Ohio  to  erect  a  fort  at  that  place.  Trent  raised 
a  force  of  seventy  men  and  at  once  proceeded  to  Cumberland, 
Maryland;  thence  along  the  Nemacolin  Indian  Trail  to  Gist's 
Plantation  (Mount  Braddock,  Fayette  County,  Pa.);  thence  by 
the  Redstone  trail  to  the  mouth  of  that  creek,  where  he  built  a 
storehouse;  thence  to  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio.  He  arrived  at  the 
Forks  of  the  Ohio  on  February  17th,  and  immediately  began  the 
erection  of  a  fort,  called  Fort  Trent.  As  Washington  was  return- 
ing to  Virginia  from  his  mission  to  St.  Pierre,  he  met  part  of  the 
Virginia  force,  the  company  consisting  of  Captain  Trent,  Lieu- 
tenant John  Frazer  (the  former  trader  at  Venango  and  the  mouth 
of  Turtle  Creek)  and  Edward  Ward,  ensign.* 

After  the  work  of  erecting  Fort  Trent  was  well  started,  Captain 
Trent  returned  to  Will's  Creek  (Cumberland,  Maryland),  leaving 
Ensign  Edward  Ward,  a  half-brother  of  George  Croghan,  in  com- 
mand. The  French  on  the  upper  Allegheny  were  promptly 
warned  of  the  arrival  of  Trent's  forces,  and  with  the  opening  of 
spring,  marshalled  their  forces,  to  the  number  of  about  one 
thousand,  including  French-Canadians  and  Indians  of  various 
tribes,  with  eighteen  cannon,  in  all  a  flotilla  of  about  sixty 
battaux  and  three  hundred  canoes,  and  descended  the  Allegheny 
from  Le  Boeuff  and  Venango.  The  French  forces  arrived  at  the 
Forks  of  the  Ohio  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  April,  under  com- 
mand of  Captain  Contrecoeur.  Planting  his  artillery,  Contre- 
coeur  sent  Chevalier  Le  Mercier,  Captain  of  the  artillery  of 
Canada,  with  a  summons  to  Ensign  Ward,  demanding  immediate 
surrender.  This  was  the  first  overt  act  of  war  on  the  part  of  the 
French,  in  the  conflict  known  as  the  French  and  Indian  War. 

Ward  thus  found  himself  surrounded  by  a  force  of  one  thous- 
and French  and  Indians  with  the  fort  still  uncompleted.  Lieu- 
tenant Frazer  was  at  his  house  at  Turtle  Creek  at  the  time. 

The  Half  King,  Tanacharison,  was  present,  and  advised  En- 
sign Ward  to  reply  to  the  demand  of  Contrecoeur  that  he  was  not 
an  officer  of  rank  to  answer  the  demand,  and  to  request  a  delay 
until  he  could  send  for  his  superior  in  command.  Contrecoeur, 
however,  refused  to  parley;  whereupon.  Ward,  having  less  than 
forty  men,  and,  therefore,  being  utterly  unable  to  resist  the  oppos- 
ing force,  prudently  surrendered  the  half-finished  stockade  with- 
out further  hesitation. 

Contrecoeur,  upon  the  surrender  of  Ward,  treated  him  with 

*The  Ohio  Company  had  intended  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Chartiers  Creek,  where 
McKees  Rocks,  Allegheny  County,  now  stands. 


the  utmost  politeness,  invited  him  to  sup  with  him,  and  wished 
him  a  pleasant  journey  back  to  Virginia.  The  French  commander 
permitted  him  to  withdraw  his  men,  and  take  his  tools  with  him; 
and  on  the  next  morning,  he  started  on  his  return  to  Virginia 
going  up  the  Monongahela  to  the  mouth  of  Redstone  Creek 
(Brownsville,  Fayette  County),  where  the  Ohio  Company  had  a 
stockade,  erected  by  Trent  on  his  way  to  the  Ohio  Valley.  George 
Croghan,  about  the  time  Trent  began  erecting  the  fort  at  the 
Forks  of  the  Ohio,  had  contracted  with  the  Ohio  Company  to 
furnish  provisions  for  Trent's  forces,  valued  at  five  hundred 
pounds,  from  the  back  parts  of  Pennsylvania;  and  half  of  these 
were  on  their  way  to  the  Ohio  when  Contrecoeur  captured  the 

The  French  then  took  possession  of  the  half-finished  fort, 
completed  it  early  in  June,  and  named  it  Fort  Dusquesne,  in 
honor  of  Marquis  DuQuesne,  then  the  Gdvernor-General  of 
Canada,  In  the  meantime,  the  French  destroyed  Croghan's 
trading  house  at  Logstown,  taking  20,000  pounds  of  skins  and 

Washington's  Campaign  of  1754 

While  Captain  William  Trent  was  engaged  in  the  work  of 
erecting  a  fort  at  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  in  the  early  part  of  1754, 
Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  with  George  Washington  second  in  com- 
mand, was  raising  troops  in  Virginia  to  garrison  the  fort  Trent 
was  building.  On  April  2nd,  Washington,  with  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  marched  from  Alexandria,  Virginia,  with  a 
detachment  of  two  companies  of  infantry,  commanded  by  Cap- 
tain Peter  Hogg  and  Lieutenant  Jacob  Van  Braam,  the  latter 
being  Washington's  interpreter  on  his  mission  to  the  French  in 
the  latter  part  of  1753.  About  fifteen  days  later,  he  was  joined 
by  Captain  Stephen  with  a  company  of  men.  On  April  20th, 
Washington's  forces  reached  Old  Town,  Maryland  and  received 
information  of  the  surrender  of  Ensign  Ward  at  the  Forks  of  the 
Ohio.  On  April  22nd,  Washington  reached  Will's  Creek,  where 
he  met  Ward  and  learned  the  details  of  his  surrender.  On  April 
23d,  a  council  of  war  was  held  at  Will's  Creek,  at  which  it  was 
agreed  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  march  to  the  Forks  of  the 
Ohio  without  reinforcements,  but  that  it  would  be  proper  to 
advance  as  far  as  Redstone  Creek,  on  the  Monongahela,  about 
thirty-seven  miles  this  side  of  the  fort  [Fort  Duquesne],  and  there 
to  raise  a  fortification,  "clearing  a  road  wide  enough  to  pass  with 


all  our  artillery  and  baggage,  and  there  to  await  for  fresh  orders." 
At  Redstone  [Brownsville,  Fayette  County,  Pa.],  a  storehouse 
had  been  erected,  as  we  have  already  seen,  by  Captain  William 
Trent  when  on  his  way  to  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio.  Here  Washing- 
ton's cannon  and  ammunition  could  be  stored  until  reinforce- 
ments should  arrive.  From  Will's  Creek,  Washington  sent  En- 
sign Ward  to  report  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  a  runner  to 
notify  Tanacharison,  the  Half  King,  of  his  intention  to  advance 
to  Redstone  with  his  force  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

Let  us  now  follow  Washington  as  he  advances  into  Pennsyl- 
vania over  the  Nemacolin  Indian  Trail,  in  the  first  military 
campaign  of  his  illustrious  career.  On  April  25th,  he  sent  a  de- 
tachment of  sixty  men  to  open  the  road  towards  Redstone,  which 
detachment  was  joined  by  the  main  body  on  May  1st.  On  May 
9th,  Washington's  forces  reached  the  Little  Crossings  (Grants- 
ville.Md.),  having  crossed  over  Will's  Mountain,  Dan's  Mountain, 
Big  Savage  Mountain,  Little  Savage  Mountain  and  Meadow 
Mountain.  On  May  11th,  Washington  sent  out  a  scouting  party 
from  the  Little  Crossings,  in  command  of  Captain  Stephen  and 
Ensign  Peyronie,  with  instructions  to  advance  along  the  line  of 
march  as  far  as  Gist's  Plantation  (Mount  Braddock,  Fayette 
County)  in  an  effort  to  discover  scouting  parties  of  the  French. 
On  May  12th,  Washington's  forces  left  the  Little  Crossings, 
fording  the  Castleman  River,  and,  on  the  same  day,  the  com- 
mander received  word  that  Colonel  Fry  was  at  Winchester, 
Virginia,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  would  join 
him  in  a  few  days;  also  that  Colonel  Innis  would  soon  join  him 
with  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  On  May  16th,  two  traders, 
fleeing  from  the  French,  who  had  been  seen  near  Gist's  Plantation, 
joined  Washington's  forces,  while,  on  May  17th,  Ensign  Ward 
returned  from  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  with  the  word  that  Captain 
Mackay,  with  an  Independent  Company  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  was  on  his  way  to  join  the  forces  of  the  future  Father 
of  his  Country. 

On  May  18th,  Washington  and  his  troops  reached  the  Great 
Crossings  of  the  Youghiogheny,  at  Somerfield,  Somerset  County, 
Pennsylvania.  Here  they  were  obliged  to  remain  several  days 
on  account  of  the  swollen  condition  of  the  river.  Washington  had 
been  told  by  the  two  traders,  above  mentioned,  that  it  was  not 
practicable  to  open  a  road  to  Redstone.  Therefore,  while  at  the 
Great  Crossings,  he  determined  to  examine  the  Youghiogheny  to 
ascertain  whether  or  not  guns  and  baggage  could  be  transported 


down  this  stream;  and,  on  May  20th,  with  four  white  men  and 
an  Indian,  he  went  down  the  river  in  a  canoe  as  far  as  Ohiopyle 
Falls,  in  Fayette  County,  and  found  the  stream  too  rocky  and 
rapid  for  navigation.  On  May  21st,  he  returned  to  Turkey  Foot 
(Confluence,  Somerset  County),  where  he  seems  to  have  had  an 
intention  of  building  a  fort.  From  Turkey  Foot,  Washington 
returned  to  his  camp  at  the  Great  Crossings,  from  which  place 
he  led  his  forces  to  the  Great  Meadows,  situated  along  the  Na- 
tional Pike,  a  few  miles  east  of  the  Summit,  in  Fayette  County, 
arriving  there  on  the  afternoon  of  May  24th.  "I  hurried  to  this 
place,"  says  Washington,  "as  a  convenient  spot.  We  have,  with 
nature's  assistance,  made  a  good  entrenchment,  and  by  clearing 
the  bushes  out  of  the  meadows,  prepared  a  charming  field  for  an 
encounter."  Also,  on  May  24th,  two  Indian  runners  came  to 
Washington  from  the  Ohio,  with  a  message  from  Tanacharison, 
informing  him  that  the  French  had  marched  from  Fort  Duquesne 
to  meet  the  Virginians  and  that  Tanacharison  would  soon  join 
him  with  other  Indian  chiefs  from  the  Ohio  region. 

Also,  on  the  afternoon  of  May  24th,  a  trader  came  to  the  Great 
Meadows  with  the  information  that  he  had  been  at  Gist's  Planta- 
tion the  evening  before,  had  seen  two  Frenchmen  there,  and  had 
heard  that  French  troops  were  near  Stewart's  Crossing,  now 
Connellsville,  Fayette  County.  The  next  day,  Washington  sent 
out  several  scouting  parties  from  the  Great  Meadows  to  examine 
the  woods,  the  road  leading  to  Gist's  Plantation  and  the  sur- 
rounding region,  in  an  effort  to  locate  the  French  force.  The 
scouts  returned  the  same  evening  without  having  located  the 

Christopher  Gist  visited  Washington's  camp  at  the  Great 
Meadows  early  in  the  morning  of  May  27th,  coming  from  his 
plantation  at  Mount  Braddock,  thirteen  miles  distant,  and  re- 
porting that  on  May  26th,  M.  La  Force,  with  fifty  French  soldiers 
had  been  at  his  plantation  the  day  before,  and  that  on  his  way  to 
Washington's  camp,  he  had  seen  the  tracks  of  the  same  party  only 
five  miles  from  the  encampment  at  the  Great  Meadows.  Tan- 
acharison, with  a  number  of  his  warriors  was  but  six  miles  from 
the  Great  Meadows,  and  a  little  after  eight  o'clock  on  the  night 
of  the  same  day,  May  27th,  he  sent  Washington  intelligence  that 
he  had  seen  the  tracks  of  Frenchmen,  and  had  traced  them  to  an 
obscure  retreat.  Washington  feared  that  this  might  be  a  strata- 
gem of  the  French  for  attacking  his  camp,  and  so,  placing  his 
ammunition  in  a  place  of  safety  and  leaving  a  strong  guard  to 


protect  it,  he  set  out  before  ten  o'clock  with  a  band  of  soldiers, 
and  reached  Tanacharison's  camp  a  little  before  sunrise,  march- 
ing through  a  heavy  rain,  a  night  of  intense  darkness  and  the 
obstacles  offered  by  an  almost  impenetrable  forest.  In  a  letter 
to  Governor  Dinwiddle,  he  says:  "We  were  frequently  tumbled 
over  one  another,  and  often  so  lost  that  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes' 
search  would  not  find  the  path  again." 

Just  a  word,  at  this  point,  as  to  the  number  of  soldiers  Wash- 
ington had  with  him  on  this  night  march  through  the  forest. 
Most  historians  have  placed  the  number  as  forty,  but  Washing- 
ton's notes  indicate  that  he  left  forty  soldiers  to  guard  the  camp 
at  the  Great  Meadows  and  took  the  rest  of  his  force  with  him. 
It  will  be  recalled  that  his  whole  force,  at  that  time,  consisted 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

Tanacharison  Helps  Washington  Fight  First 
Battle  of  His  Career 

At  early  dawn  (May  28th),  Washington  held  a  council  with 
Tanacharison  at  the  latter's  camp,  which  was  near  a  spring,  now 
known  as  Washington's  Spring,  about  two  miles  north  of  the 
Summit  on  the  old  National  Pike,  near  Uniontown;  and  it  was 
agreed  at  this  council  to  unite  in  an  attack  upon  the  French, 
Washington's  forces  to  be  on  the  right  and  Tanacharison's  war- 
riors on  the  left.  The  French  were  soon  traced  to  an  almost  in- 
accessible rocky  glen  in  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  about  three 
miles  north  of  the  Summit.  The  forces  of  Washington  and  Tan- 
acharison advanced  until  they  came  so  near  as  to  be  discovered 
by  the  French,  who  instantly  ran  to  their  arms.  The  firing  con- 
tinued on  both  sides  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  when  the  French 
were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  their  whole  party,  ten  of  whom 
(some  authorities  say  twelve),  including  their  commander,  M.  de 
Jumonville,  were  killed,  one  wounded,  and  twenty-one  taken 
prisoners.  Of  the  prisoners,  the  two  most  important  were  an 
officer  named  Drouillon,  and  the  redoubtable  LaForce.  The 
prisoners  were  marched  to  the  Great  Meadows,  and  from  there 
sent  over  the  mountains  to  Virginia.  Of  Washington's  party, 
only  one  was  killed,  and  two  or  three  were  wounded.  Tanachari- 
son's warriors  sustained  no  loss,  as  the  fire  of  the  French  was 
aimed  exclusively  at  Washington  and  his  soldiers. 

It  is  said  that  Washington  fired  the  first  shot  in  this  skirmish, 
the  opening  conflict  of  the  French  and  Indian  War.    Jumonville 


was  buried  where  he  fell,  and  a  tablet  marks  the  spot  where  his 
remains  lie.  The  warriors  of  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady 
scalped  the  dead  Frenchmen,  and  sent  their  scalps  and  a  string  of 
black  wampum  to  the  tribes  on  the  Ohio,  with  the  request  that 
they  take  up  arms  against  the  French.  The  scene  of  this  en- 
counter, the  first  battle  of  Washington's  illustrious  career  and  an 
event  that  changed  the  course  of  modern  history,  is  almost  as  wild 
and  primitive  as  it  was  on  that  fateful  morning  of  the  28th  day  of 
May,  1754. 

At  a  council  held  at  Philadelphia  on  December  19th,  1754,  be- 
tween Governor  Morris  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Scarouady,  Jagrea, 
a  Mowhawk,  and  Aroas,  a  Seneca,  the  said  Scarouady  gave  the 
following  account  of  events  leading  up  to  the  fight  with  Jumon- 
ville  and  the  part  that  the  Indian  allies  took  in  the  same: 

"This  belt  [holding  up  a  belt  of  wampum]  was  sent  by  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  and  delivered  by  Captain  Trent.  You  see 
in  it  the  representation  of  an  hatchet.  It  was  an  invitation  to  us 
to  join  with  and  assist  our  brethren  to  repel  the  French  from  the 
Ohio.  At  the  time  it  was  given,  there  were  but  four  or  five  of  us, 
and  we  were  all  that  knew  any  thing  about  the  matter;  when  we 
got  it,  we  put  it  into  a  private  pocket  on  the  inside  of  our  garment. 
It  lay  next  to  our  breasts. 

"As  we  were  on  the  road  going  to  Council  with  our  brethren,  a 
company  of  French,  in  number  thirty-one,  overtook  us  and  desired 
us  to  go  and  council  with  them ;  and  when  we  refused,  they  pulled 
us  by  the  arm  and  almost  stripped  the  chain  of  covenant  from  off 
it,  but  still  I  would  suffer  none  to  go  with  them.  We  thought  to 
have  got  before  them,  but  they  passed  us;  and  when  we  saw  they 
endeavored  to  break  the  chain  of  friendship,  I  pulled  this  belt  out 
of  my  pocket  and  looked  at  it  and  saw  there  this  hatchet,  and  then 
went  and  told  Colonel  Washington  of  these  thirty-one  French 
Men,  and  we  and  a  few  of  our  brothers  fought  with  them.  Ten 
were  killed,  and  twenty-one  were  taken  alive  whom  we  delivered 
to  Colonel  Washington,  telling  him  that  we  had  blooded  the  edge 
of  his  hatchet  a  little." 

John  Davidson,  the  Indian  trader,  acted  as  interpreter,  at  the 
above  council.  He  was  in  the  action,  and  gave  Governor  Morris 
the  following  account  of  the  same : 

"There  were  but  eight  Indians,  who  did  most  of  the  execution 
that  was  done.  Colonel  Washington  and  the  Half  King  [Tana- 
charison] differed  much  in  judgment,  and  on  the  Colonel's  re- 
fusing to  take  his  advice,  the  English  and  Indians  separated. 


After  which  the  Indians  discovered  the  French  in  an  hollow  and 
hid  themselves,  lying  on  their  bellies  behind  a  hill ;  afterwards  they 
discovered  Colonel  Washington  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  hollow 
in  the  gray  of  the  morning,  and  when  the  English  fired,  which 
they  did  in  great  confusion,  the  Indians  came  out  of  their  cover 
and  closed  with  the  French  and  killed  them  with  their  toma- 
hawks, on  which  the  French  surrendered." 

In  writing  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine,  Washington,  refer- 
ring to  the  engagement  with  Jumonville  said: 

"I  have  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and  believe  me,  there  is 
something  charming  in  the  sound." 

This  remark  was  reported  later  to  George  the  Second,  King  of 
England,  who  commented:  "He  would  not  say  so  if  he  had  been 
used  to  hearing  many. 

Washington  Gives  Tanacharison  an  English  Name 

Two  days  after  the  death  of  Jumonville,  Colonel  Fry  died  at 
the  camp  at  Will's  Creek  on  his  way  to  join  the  army,  and  the 
chief  command  now  devolved  upon  Colonel  Washington.  Wash- 
ington immediately  commenced  enlarging  the  intrenchment  at 
the  Great  Meadows,  and  erecting  palisades,  anticipating  an  at- 
tack from  the  French.  The  palisaded  fort  at  the  Great  Meadows 
having  been  completed,  Washington's  forces  were  augmented  to 
three  hundred  by  the  arrival  from  Will's  Creek  of  the  forces  which 
had  been  under  Colonel  Fry.  With  these  was  the  surgeon  of  the 
regiment.  Dr.  James  Craik,  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  who  was 
destined  to  be  a  faithful  friend  of  Washington  throughout  the 
remainder  of  his  life,  and  was  present  at  his  bedside,  when  he 
closed  his  eyes  in  death  within  the  hallowed  walls  of  his  beloved 
Mount  Vernon. 

On  the  9th  of  June,  Washington's  early  instructor.  Adjutant 
Muse,  George  Croghan  and  Andrew  Montour,  then  Provincial 
Captain,  arrived  at  the  Great  Meadows  with  reinforcements, 
powder  and  ball.  Adjutant  Muse  brought  with  him  a  belt  of 
wampum,  and  a  speech  from  Governor  Dinwiddle  to  Tanachari- 
son, with  medals  and  presents  for  the  Indians  under  his  com- 
mand. Says  Washington  Irving  in  his  classic  "Life  of  Washing- 
ton " :  '  'They  were  distributed  with  that  grand  ceremonial  so  dear 
to  the  Red  Man.  The  chiefs  assembled,  painted  and  decorated 
in  all  their  savage  finery.  Washington  wore  a  medal  sent  to  him 
by  the  Governor  for  such  occasions.    The  wampum  and  speech 


having  been  delivered,  he  advanced,  and,  with  all  due  solemnity, 
decorated  the  chiefs  and  the  warriors  with  the  medals,  which  they 
were  to  wear  in  remembrance  of  their  father,  the  King  of  Eng- 
land." Among  the  warriors  thus  decorated,  was  Canachquasy, 
the  son  of  old  Queen  Allaquippa,  who,  with  her  son,  had  arrived 
at  the  Great  Meadows  on  June  1st.  Upon  his  decoration 
Canachquasy  was  given  the  English  name  of  Lord  Fairfax.  Tana- 
charison  was  given  the  English  name  of  Dinwiddle  on  this  occa- 
sion, and  returned  the  compliment  by  giving  Washington  the 
Indian  name  of  Connotaucarius. 

On  the  10th  day  of  June,  Washington  wrote  Governor  Dinwid- 
dle from  the  camp  at  the  Great  Meadows,  concerning  the  decora- 
tion of  Canachquasy,  as  follows: 

"Queen  Allaquippa  desired  that  her  son,  who  was  really  a  great 
warrior,  might  be  taken  into  Council,  as  she  was  declining  and 
unfit  for  business;  and  that  he  should  have  an  English  name  given 
him.  I  therefore  called  the  Indians  together  by  the  advice  of  the 
Half-King,  presented  one  of  the  medals,  and  desired  him  to  wear 
it  in  remembrance  of  his  great  father,  the  King  of  England ;  and 
called  him  by  the  name  of  Colonel  Fairfax,  which  he  was  told 
signified  'the  First  in  Council.'    This  gave  him  great  pleasure." 

At  the  end  of  the  ceremonies  of  giving  English  names  to  Tana- 
charison  and  Canachquasy,  Washington  read  the  morning  service 
of  the  Episcopal  Church.  Dr.  James  Craik,  who  was  present, 
said,  in  a  letter  home,  that  the  Indians  "believed  he  was  making 

Washington  Advances  to  Gist's  Plantation 

On  the  10th  of  June,  there  was  great  agitation  in  the  camp  at 
the  Great  Meadows  over  the  report  that  a  party  of  ninety  French- 
men were  approaching,  which  report  was  later  found  to  be  in- 
correct. On  the  same  day,  Captain  Mackay  of  the  Royal  Army, 
in  command  of  an  independent  company  of  one  hundred  riflemen 
from  South  Carolina,  arrived  at  the  Great  Meadows,  increasing 
Washington's  forces  to  about  four  hundred  men.  The  arrival  of 
these  forces  encouraged  Washington.  He  now  hoped  to  capture 
Fort  Duquesne,  and  selected  Mount  Braddock  as  his  battle 
ground.  Leaving  one  company  under  Captain  Mackay  to  guard 
the  fort,  Washington  pushed  on  over  the  Laurel  Hill  as  far  as 
Christopher  Gist's  Plantation  at  Mount  Braddock,  near  Connells- 
ville,  Fayette  County.  So  difficult  was  the  passage  over  Laurel 
Hill   that  it  took  approximately  two  weeks  for  Washington's 


forces  to  reach  Gist's  plantation  from  Great  Meadows,  a  distance 
of  thirteen  miles.  Washington's  Indian  allies  Tanacharison,  Sca- 
rouady  and  others,  refused  to  accompany  him  as  far  as  Gist's,  and 
returned  to  the  Great  Meadows.  The  trouble  was  that  Washing- 
ton and  Tanacharison  could  not  agree  as  to  the  method  of  con- 
ducting the  campaign.  On  the  27th  of  June,  Washington  had  sent 
a  party  of  seventy  men  under  Captain  Lewis  to  clear  a  road  from 
Gist's  to  the  mouth  of  the  Redstone  (Brownsville),  and  another 
party  under  Captain  Poison  was,  on  the  same  day,  sent  ahead  to 

While  these  movements  of  Washington's  forces  were  taking 
place,  a  force  of  five  hundred  French  and  some  Indians,  after- 
wards augmented  to  about  four  hundred,  left  Fort  Duquesne  on 
the  28th  of  June  to  attack  Washington,  the  French  being  com- 
manded by  M.  DeVilliers,  a  half-brother  of  Jumonville,  who  it  is 
said,  sought  the  command  from  Contrecoeur  as  a  special  favor 
that  he  might  avenge  his  half-brother's  "assassination."  This 
force  went  up  the  Monongahela  in  large  canoes,  and  on  the  30th 
of  June,  reached  the  mouth  of  Redstone,  and  encamped  on  the 
rising  ground  about  half  a  mile  from  the  stockade,  which,  it  will 
be  recalled.  Captain  Trent  had  erected  during  the  preceding 
winter  as  a  storehouse  for  the  Ohio  Company.  M.  DeVilliers 
described  it  as  "a  sort  of  fort  built  of  logs,  one  upon  another,  well 
notched  in,  about  thirty  feet  long  and  twenty  feet  wide." 

While  at  the  mouth  of  the  Redstone,  M.  DeVilliers  learned 
that  Washington's  forces  were  entrenching  themselves  at  Gist's 
plantation.  He  thereupon  disencumbered  himself  of  all  his  heavy 
stores,  and  leaving  a  sergeant  and  a  few  men  to  guard  the  boats, 
pushed  on  in  the  night,  cheered  by  the  hope  that  he  was  about  to 
capture  the  forces  of  Washington.  Arriving  at  Gist's  Plantation 
in  the  early  morning  of  July  2nd,  he  saw  the  intrenchments  which 
Washington  had  there  begun  to  erect,  at  once  invested  them,  and 
fired  a  general  volley.  No  response  came  from  the  intrenchments ; 
for  the  prey  had  escaped.  However,  at  Mr.  Gist's  house,  some 
Indians  with  the  French  captured  Elizabeth  Williams  and  three 
of  James  Lowrey's  traders,  named  Andrew  McBriar,  John  Ken- 
nedy and  Nehemiah  Stevens.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec.  Vol.  6,  pages  142- 
143.)  M.  DeVilliers  was  then  about  to  retrace  his  steps,  when  a 
deserter  named  Barnabas  Devan,  coming  from  the  Great  Mea- 
dows, disclosed  to  him  the  whereabouts  and  the  half-famished 
condition  of  Washington's  forces.  Having  made  a  prisoner  of  the 
deserter  with  a  promise  to  reward  or  hang  him  after  proving  his 


story  true  or  untrue,  M.  DeVilliers  continued  the  pursuit.  While 
he  is  pursuing  Washington,  we  will  relate  how  the  latter's  forces 
escaped  capture. 

At  Gist's  Plantation,  on  June  28th,  Washington  held  a  council 
of  war,  upon  receipt  of  intelligence  that  the  French  in  large  num- 
bers, accompanied  by  many  Indians,  were  marching  against  him. 
At  this  council,  it  was  resolved  to  send  a  message  to  Captain 
Mackay,  who  was  then  at  the  Great  Meadows,  desiring  him  to 
join  Washington  at  once,  and  also  to  call  in  Captain  Lewis  and 
Captain  Poison,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  sent  forward  to 
cut  the  road  from  Gist's  to  Redstone,  and  to  reconnoiter.  Captain 
Mackay  and  his  company  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  28th,  and 
the  foraging  parties  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  when  a  second 
council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  retreat  as  speedily  as 
possible.  In  order  to  expedite  the  retreat  to  the  Great  Meadows, 
Washington  impressed  the  pack-horses  of  George  Croghan,  who 
had  been  furnishing  flour  and  ammunition  for  the  Virginians. 

Washington  Surrenders  at  Fort  Necessity 

The  troops,  with  great  difificulty,  succeeded  in  retreating  to 
the  Great  Meadows.  Here  they  halted  on  July  1st.  The  suffer- 
ing among  Washington's  forces  was  great.  For  eight  days  they 
had  no  bread,  and  had  taken  little  of  any  other  food.  It  was  not 
the  intention  of  Washington  at  first  to  halt  at  this  place,  but  his 
men  had  become  so  fatigued  from  great  labor  and  hunger  that 
they  could  draw  the  swivels  no  further.  Here,  then,  it  was  re- 
solved to  make  a  stand.  Trees  were  felled,  and  a  log  breastwork 
was  raised  at  the  fort,  in  order  to  strengthen  it  in  the  best  manner 
that  the  circumstances  would  permit.  Washington  now  named 
the  stockade  "Fort  Necessity"  from  the  circumstances  attending 
its  erection.  At  this  critical  juncture,  many  of  Washington's 
Indian  allies,  under  Tanacharison,  deserted  him,  being  dis- 
heartened at  the  scant  preparations  of  defense  against  the  superior 
force,  and  offended  at  being  subject  to  military  command.  On 
July  2nd,  Washington  received  information  that  the  French  were 
at  Gist's  Plantation. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  July  3rd  an  alarm  was  received  from 
a  sentinel,  who  had  been  wounded  by  the  enemy,  and,  at  nine 
o'clock,  word  was  received  that  the  whole  body  of  the  French  and 
Indian  allies  amounting,  as  some  authorities  say,  to  nine  hundred 
men,  was  only  four  miles  off.     Before  noon,  distant  firing  was 


heard,  and  the  enemy  reached  a  woods  about  a  third  of  a  mile 
from  the  fort.  Washington  had  drawn  his  men  up  on  the  open 
and  level  ground  outside  the  trenches,  and  waited  for  the  attack, 
which  he  thought  would  be  as  soon  as  the  enemy  emerged  from 
the  woods ;  and  he  ordered  his  troops  to  reserve  their  fire  until  they 
should  be  near  enough  to  do  execution.  The  French  did  not  in- 
cline to  leave  the  woods  and  to  attack  the  fort  by  assault.  Wash- 
ington then  drew  his  men  back  within  the  trenches,  and  gave 
them  orders  to  fire  at  their  discretion,  as  suitable  opportunities 
might  present  themselves.  The  enemy  remained  on  the  side  of 
the  rising  ground  next  to  the  fort,  and  were  sheltered  by  the  trees. 
They  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of  musketry,  but  never  appeared  in 
open  view.  In  the  meantime,  rain  was  falling  in  torrents,  the 
trenches  were  filled  with  water,  and  many  of  the  arms  of  Wash- 
ington's men  were  out  of  order.  Until  eight  o'clock  at  night — 
the  rain  falling  without  intermission — both  parties  kept  up  a 
desultory  fire,  the  action  having  started  at  about  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  By  that  time,  the  French  had  killed  all  the 
horses  and  cattle  at  the  fort. 

At  eight  o'clock  at  night,  the  French  requested  a  parley,  but 
Washington,  suspecting  this  to  be  a  feint  to  procure  the  admission 
of  an  officer  into  the  fort  to  discover  his  condition,  declined.  They 
repeated  their  request  with  the  additional  request  than  an  officer 
might  be  sent  to  them,  they  guaranteeing  his  safety.  Washington 
then  sent  Captain  Jacob  Van  Braam,  the  only  person  under  his 
command  who  understood  the  French  language,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Chevalier  de  Peyrouny,  an  Ensign  in  the  Virginia  regi- 
ment, who  was  dangerously  wounded.  Van  Braam  returned  and 
brought  with  him  from  M.  DeVilliers,  the  French  commander, 
the  proposed  articles  of  capitulation.  Villiers  was  a  half-brother 
of  the  ill-fated  Jumonville.  Owing  to  the  overpowering  number 
of  the  enemy,  Washington  decided  to  come  to  terms.  After  a 
notification  of  the  proposed  articles,  he  consented  to  leave  the 
fort  the  next  morning,  July  4,  1754,  but  was  to  leave  it  with  the 
honors  of  war,  and  with  the  understanding  that  he  should  sur- 
render nothing  but  the  artillery. 

French  Accuse  Washington  of  Having 
Assassinated  Jumonville 

Considerable  dissatisfaction  was  expressed  with  regard  to 
several  of  the  articles  of  capitulation  when  they  were  made  public. 


One  of  these  was  an  article,  by  consenting  to  which  Washington 
virtually  admitted  that  Jumonville  had  been  "assassinated"  in 
the  action  of  May  28th.  Another  was  an  article,  by  consenting 
to  which,  Washington  virtually  admitted  the  validity  of  the 
French  claim  to  the  Ohio  Valley.  M.  De  Villiers,  the  com- 
mandant of  the  French  forces,  in  his  account  of  the  march  from 
Fort  Duquesne  and  the  affair  at  the  Great  Meadows  said,  "We 
made  the  English  consent  to  sign  that  they  had  assassinated  my 
brother  in  his  camp."  A  copy  of  the  capitulation  was  subse- 
quently laid  before  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  with  ex- 
planations. The  conduct  of  Washington  and  his  officers  was  pro- 
perly appreciated,  and  they  received  a  vote  of  thanks  for  their 
gallant  defense  of  their  country.  However,  from  this  vote  of 
thanks,  two  officers  were  excepted — Major  Muse,  who  was 
charged  with  cowardice,  and  Captain  Jacob  VanBraam,  who  was 
accused  of  treachery  in  purposely  misinterpreting  the  articles  of 
capitulation.  The  truth  is  that  Washington  had  been  greatly 
deceived  by  VanBraam,  through  either  ignorance  or  design.  An 
officer  of  his  regiment,  who  was  present  at  the  reading  and  signing 
of  the  articles  of  capitulation,  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend,  in  which 
he  discusses  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  articles  and  of 
their  bungling  translation  by  VanBraam,  as  follows: 

"When  Mr.  VanBraam  returned  with  the  French  proposals,  we 
were  obliged  to  take  the  sense  of  them  from  his  mouth;  it  rained 
so  hard  that  he  could  not  give  us  a  written  translation  of  them; 
we  could  scarcely  keep  the  candle  lighted  to  read  them  by;  and 
every  officer  there  is  ready  to  declare  that  there  was  no  such  word 
as  'assassination'  mentioned.  The  terms  expressed  were  'the 
death  of  Jumonville.'  If  it  had  been  mentioned,  we  would  by  all 
means  have  had  it  altered,  as  the  French,  during  the  course  of 
the  interview,  seemed  very  condescending  and  desirous  to  bring 
things  to  a  conclusion ;  and,  upon  our  insisting,  altered  the  articles 
relating  to  the  stores  and  ammunition,  which  they  wanted  to  de- 
tain; and  that  of  the  cannon,  which  they  agreed  to  have  'de- 
stroyed,' instead  of  'reserved  for  their  use.' 

"Another  article,  which  appears  to  our  disadvantage,  is  that 
whereby  we  oblige  ourselves  not  to  attempt  an  establishment  be- 
yond the  mountains.  This  was  translated  to  us,  not  'to  attempt' 
buildings  or  'improvements  on  the  lands  of  his  most  Christian 
Majesty.'  This  we  never  intended,  as  we  denied  he  had  any 
there,  and  therefore  thought  it  needless  to  dispute  this  point. 

"The  last  article,  which  relates  to  the  hostages,  is  quite  dif- 


ferent  from  the  translation  of  it  given  to  us.  It  is  mentioned  'for 
the  security  of  the  performance  of  this  treaty,'  as  well  as  for  the 
return  of  the  prisoners.  There  was  never  such  an  intention  on  our 
side,  or  mention  of  it  made  on  theirs,  by  our  interpreter.  Thus,  by 
the  evil  intention  or  negligence  of  VanBraam,  our  conduct  is 
scrutinized  by  a  busy  world,  fond  of  criticizing  the  proceedings  of 
others,  without  considering  circumstances,  or  giving  just  atten- 
tion to  reasons  which  might  be  offered  to  obviate  their  censures. 

"VanBraam  was  a  Dutchman,  and  had  but  an  imperfect 
knowledge  of  either  the  French  or  English  language.  How  far  his 
ignorance  should  be  taken  as  an  apology  for  his  blunders,  is  uncer- 
tain. Although  he  had  proved  himself  a  good  officer,  yet  there 
were  other  circumstances,  which  brought  his  fidelity  in  question. 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  in  giving  an  account  of  this  affair  to  Lord 
Albermarle  says:  'In  the  capitulation  they  made  use  of  the  word 
'assassination,'  but  Washington,  not  understanding  French,  was 
deceived  by  the  interpreter,  who  was  a  paltroon,  and  though  an 
officer  with  us,  they  say  he  has  joined  the  French." 

Also,  Washington  expressed  himself  on  Van  Braam's  transla- 
tion, as  follows: 

"That  we  were  willfully  or  ignorantly  deceived  by  out  inter- 
preter in  regard  to  the  word  'assassination,'  I  do  aver  and  will  to 
my  dying  moment;  so  will  every  officer  who  was  present.  The  in- 
terpreter was  a  Dutchman  little  acquainted  with  the  English 
tongue,  and  therefore  might  not  advert  to  the  tone  and  meaning 
of  the  word  in  English ;  but  whatever  his  motives  were  for  so  doing, 
certain  it  is  he  called  it  the  'death'  or  the  'loss'  of  the  Sieur  Jumon- 
ville.  So  we  received  and  so  we  understood  it  until,  to  our  great 
surprise  and  mortification,  we  found  it  otherwise  in  a  literal  trans- 

Washington  Marches  Out  With  Honors  of  War 

On  the  morning  of  July  4th,  Washington  and  his  forces  marched 
out  of  the  Fort  with  the  honors  of  war,  taking  with  them  their 
regimental  colors,  but  leaving  behind  a  large  flag,  too  cumberous 
to  be  transported.  His  forces  set  out  for  Will's  Creek,  but  had 
scarcely  left  the  Great  Meadows  when  they  encountered  one 
hundred  Indian  allies  of  the  French,  who,  in  defiance  of  the  terms 
of  capitulation,  began  plundering  the  baggage,  and  committing 
other  irregularities.  Seeing  that  the  French  did  not  or  could  not 
prevent  their  Indian  allies,  Washington's  men  destroyed  their 


powder  and  other  stores,  including  even  their  private  baggage,  to 
prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  M.  DeVilliers 
sent  a  detachment  to  take  possession  of  the  fort  as  soon  as  Wash- 
ington's forces  defiled  therefrom.  Washington's  regiment  left 
twelve  dead  on  the  ground,  and  the  number  left  by  Captain 
Mackay's  company  is  not  known.  DeVillier  said  that  the  number 
of  dead  excited  his  pity.  He  reported  that  the  "English  have  had 
70  or  80  men  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  and  many  others 
slightly,"  that  two  French-Canadians  were  killed  and  seventy 
wounded,  and  that  two  Indian  allies  of  the  French  were  wounded. 
(Pa.  Archives,  Sec.  Series,  Vol.  6,  pages  168-170.) 

Thus  ended  the  affair  at  the  Great  Meadows,  Washington's 
first  and  last  surrender.  On  reaching  Will's  Creek,  where  his 
half-famished  troops  found  ample  provisions  in  the  military 
magazine,  he  hastened  with  Captain  Mackay,  to  Governor  Din- 
widdle, at  Williamsburg,  whom  they  particularly  informed  of  the 
events  of  their  expedition.  Washington  soon  thereafter  resigned 
his  commission,  and  retired  to  private  life  at  Mount  Vernon.  His 
first  act,  after  relinquishing  his  command,  was  to  visit  his  mother, 
inquire  into  the  state  of  her  affairs,  and  look  after  the  welfare  of 
his  younger  brother  and  his  sister,  Betty.  He  continued  his  resi- 
dence at  Mount  Vernon  until  the  following  year,  when  he  again 
entered  the  service  of  Virginia  in  the  army  of  General  Braddock. 

DeVilliers'  Indian  allies  were  Nipissings  and  Algonquins  from 
Canada,  and  when  he  advanced  from  Gist's  Plantation  towards 
Fort  Necessity,  they  were  reluctant  to  accompany  him.  At  this 
point,  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  DeVilliers  had  two  rea- 
sons, both  unknown  to  Washington,  for  requesting  the  cessation 
of  hostilities,  which  led  to  Washington's  surrender.  One  was  the 
fact  that  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French  commander  intended  to 
leave  him  the  next  day,  which  would  have  reduced  his  force  to 
five  hundred  Frenchmen,  and  the  other  was  that  the  French  were 
almost  out  of  ammunition. 

Fearing  that  Washington  would  be  reinforced,  the  French  com- 
mander, after  destroying  Fort  Necessity,  the  cannon  and  a 
quantity  of  rum,  which  he  did  not  wish  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
his  Indian  allies,  hastened  away  from  the  Great  Meadows.  On 
the  morning  of  the  5th  of  July,  he  arrived  at  Gist's  Plantation, 
where  his  forces  demolished  the  stockade  whVc\v  Washington  had 
erected.  All  the  houses  in  the  settlement  were  burned,  including 
one  which  had  been  built  in  1753  by  William  Stewart,  where 
Connellsville  now  stands.    On  July  6th,  DeVilliers'  forces  arrived 


at  Redstone  (Brownsville),  where  they  burned  the  storehouse  or 
Hangard  which  Captain  Trent  had  erected  near  that  place  early 
in  1754.  On  July  7th,  they  arrived  at  Fort  Duquesne.  A  little 
later  they  rebuilt  Logstown  which  had  been  burned  by  Scarouady 
about  June  24th. 

Washington's  surrender  might  well  have  filled  the  English  with 
gloom,  says  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo,  in  his  "Pennsylvania — A 

"When  Washington's  force  marched  out  of  Fort  Necessity, 
carrying  the  British  flag  with  them,  the  flag  of  France  flew  over 
the  continent  from  the  waters  of  the  Potomac  and  Susquehanna 
to  the  Mississippi.  The  British  dominated  the  narrow  strip  along 
the  Atlantic,  and  that  was  all.  There  was  not  left  a  single  trading 
house  or  dwelling  place  of  the  English  west  of  the  blue  ridges  of 
mountains.  France  had  its  chain  of  forts  connecting  the  posses- 
sions in  Canada  with  the  Ohio  Valley,  and  it  was  only  a  question 
of  time  when  this  chain  would  be  completed  to  the  possessions  on 
the  Mississippi.  The  prospect  for  the  Anglo-Saxon  conquest  of 
the  continent  was  not  a  bright  one." 

Washington's  Love  for  the  Great  Meadows 

To  the  day  of  his  death,  Washington  loved  the  Great  Meadows. 
While  the  spot  on  which  Jumonville  was  slain  is  the  site  of  the 
first  skirmish  in  which  the  Revolutionary  General  was  engaged, 
the  Great  Meadows  is  the  the  site  of  his  first  real  battle.  Here 
he  erected  Fort  Necessity.  Here  he  valiantly  defended  the  fort 
against  overpowering  numbers  and  amid  the  drenching  rain. 
Here  he  occupied  a  position  against  which  the  heaviest  fire  of  the 
French  and  Indians  was  directed.  Here  he  saw  his  companions 
sink  in  death.  Here  he  was  compelled  to  surrender,  but  with 
honor.  It  was  the  memory  of  these  things  that  caused  the  Great 
Meadows  to  have  a  lasting  place  in  his  afi^ections.  In  1769,  he 
acquired  a  pre-emption  right  to  two  hundred  and  thirty-four 
acres  of  these  meadows,  including  the  site  of  the  fort.  Later  his 
title  was  confirmed  by  Pennsylvania.  He  referred  to  these  mea- 
dows in  his  will;  he  owned  them  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  they 
were  sold  by  his  executors.  Throughout  our  country's  history  to 
the  last,  may  the  traveler  on  the  National  Pike  pause  amid  the 
mountains  of  Fayette  County  to  pay  homage  to  the  memory  of 
Washington  on  the  spot  where  he,  a  Virginia  youth,  received  his 
baptism  of  fire  and  blood. 


Captains  Van  Braam  and  Stobo 

According  to  the  terms  of  Washington's  capitulation,  Jacob 
Van  Braam  and  Robert  Stobo,  the  engineer  of  Fort  Necessity, 
were  given  up  as  hostages  to  the  French  until  the  British  should 
return  to  Fort  Duquesne  the  French  prisoners  taken  when  Jumon- 
ville  was  slain.  The  Governor  of  Virginia  refused  to  return  the 
French  prisoners,  and  Van  Braam  and  Stobo  were  then  taken  to 
Canada.  While  a  prisoner  at  Fort  Duquesne,  Stobo  wrote  two 
letters  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  which  were  entrusted  to  two 
Indians  friendly  to  the  British,  and  safely  delivered.  The  first 
letter,  written  on  July  28th,  1754,  and  sent  by  the  Indian,  Moses, 
advised  the  Governor  that  the  French  had  circulated  a  rumor 
among  the  Indians  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Duquesne,  that 
Scarouady  and  other  Indians  friendly  to  the  British  had  been 
killed  and  their  wives  and  children  delivered  to  the  Cherokees  and 
Catawbas  for  torture.  The  second  letter,  written  the  following 
day,  and  sent  by  Delaware  George,  contained  a  sketch  of  Fort 
Duquesne.  These  letters  were  carefully  kept,  and  delivered  to 
General  Braddock,  when  he  took  command  of  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne  the  following  year.  They  were  found 
among  his  effects  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  were  sent  to  Canada. 
Stobo,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Quebec,  was  tried,  and  sen- 
tenced to  be  executed,  but  made  his  escape.  After  the  close  of 
the  French  and  Indian  War,  Van  Braam  lived  in  Wales  and  Eng- 
land until  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  when,  much  against  his 
will,  it  seems,  he  entered  the  service  of  the  British  against  the 
Colonies.  After  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  Washington  received 
a  long  letter  from  his  former  fencing  master  and  interpreter, 
giving  an  account  of  his  experiences  after  the  surrender  at  Fort 
Necessity  and  stating  that  he  was  spending  his  declining  days  in 
France.  Here  this  interesting  character  disappears  from  history. 
(See  Stobo's  letters  in  Vol.  6  of  Colonial  Records  of  Pennsylvania, 
pages  141  and  161.) 

Croghan,  Montour  and  Gist 

At  this  point,  it  will  be  well  to  devote  a  few  paragraphs  to  three 
noted  characters  whom  we  have  met  a  number  of  times  thus  far 
in  this  history  and  who  assisted  Washington  in  his  campaign  of 
1754,  — George  Croghan,  Andrew  Montour  and  Christopher  Gist. 

Croghan  was  born  in  Ireland  and  educated  in  Dublin.  He  came 
to  America  somewhere  between  the  years  1740  and  1744.    He  en- 


gaged  in  the  Indian  trade  and  appears  to  have  been  first  licensed 
as  an  Indian  trader  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744.  In  1746,  he  was 
located  in  Silver  Spring  Township,  in  the  present  county  of  Cum- 
berland, a  few  miles  west  of  Harris'Ferry,  now  Harrisburg.  Dur- 
ing the  same  year,  he  was  made  a  counsellor  of  the  Six  Nations  at 
Onondaga,  according  to  his  sworn  statement;  and  in  March,  1749, 
he  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania 
one  of  the  justices  of  the  peace  in  Common  Pleas  for  Lancaster 

As  early  as  the  years  1746  and  1747,  he  had  gone  as  far  as  the 
southwestern  border  of  Lake  Erie  in  his  trading  expeditions.  In 
1748,  he  had  a  trading  house  at  Logstown,  which  was  made  the 
headquarters  of  Weiser  upon  his  visit  to  the  Indians  of  that  place, 
in  the  month  of  September,  1748.  He  had  also  branch  trading 
establishments  at  the  principal  Indian  towns  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Ohio  and  Allegheny,  one  being  on  the  northwestern  side  of  the 
Allegheny  River,  at  the  mouth  of  Pine  Creek,  five  or  six  miles 
above  the  forks  of  the  Ohio.  From  this  base  of  operations  and 
from  Logstown,  trading  routes  "spread  out  like  the  sticks  of  a 
fan."  One  of  these  routes  went  up  the  Allegheny  past  Venango, 
(Franklin),  where  Croghan  had  a  trading  house  and  competed  with 
John  Frazer,  a  Pennsylvania  trader  from  Paxtang,  who  for  some 
years,  had  traded  at  Venango,  maintaining  both  a  trading  house 
and  gunsmith  shop  until  he  was  driven  off  by  the  French,  as  has 
already  been  seen.  Croghan's  abilities  and  influence  among  the 
Indians  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  Conrad  Weiser,  who,  in 
1747,  recommended  him  to  the  Pennsylvania  Authorities,  and,  in 
this  way,  he  entered  the  service  of  the  Province. 

His  part  in  Washington's  campaign  consisted  in  furnishing  the 
Virginia  forces  with  flour  and  ammunition.  On  May  30th,  1754, 
he  contracted  with  Governor  Dinwiddle,  at  Winchester,  Virginia, 
to  transport  to  Redstone  ten  thousand  pounds  of  flour  by  means 
of  packhorses.  Much  of  the  powder  and  lead  used  by  Washing- 
ton at  Fort  Necessity  was  furnished  by  Croghan  and  Captain 
William  Trent,  who  was  his  partner  and  brother-in-law.  How- 
ever, Croghan  was  so  much  delayed  in  furnishing  flour  that,  as  we 
have  seen,  Washington's  forces  suffered  greatly  from  hunger  in 
the  latter  days  of  the  campaign. 

The  outbreak  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  ruined  Croghan's 
prosperous  trading  business.  He  was  brought  to  the  verge  of 
bankruptcy  and  threatened  with  imprisonment  for  debt.  Then 
the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  passed  an  act  giving  him  immunity 


from  arrest  for  ten  years,  in  order  that  the  Province  might  have 
the  benefit  of  his  services  and  influence  among  the  Indians.  To 
add  to  his  financial  troubles,  the  Irish  traders,  because  most  of 
them  were  Roman  Catholics,  fell  under  suspicion  of  acting  as 
spies  for  the  French,  and  Croghan  was  unjustly  suspicioned  by 
many  in  authority.  He  was  granted  a  captain's  commission  to 
command  the  Indian  allies  during  Braddock's  campaign,  and  was 
at  Braddock's  defeat. 

Early  in  1756,  Croghan  resigned  from  the  Pennsylvania  service 
and  went  to  New  York,  where  his  distant  relative,  Sir  William 
Johnson,  chose  him  deputy  Indian  agent,  and  appointed  him  to 
manage  the  Allegheny  and  Susquehanna  tribes.  From  this  time, 
he  was  engaged  for  several  years  in  important  dealings  with  the 
Western  Indians,  and  had  much  to  do  in  swaying  them  to  the 
British  interest  and  making  possible  the  success  of  General  Forbes, 
in  1758.  In  1763,  he  went  to  England  on  private  business,  and 
was  shipwrecked  upon  the  coast  of  France.  Upon  his  return  to 
America  in  1765,  he  was  dispatched  to  Illinois,  going  by  way  of 
the  Ohio  River,  and  was  taken  prisoner  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Wabash,  and  carried  to  the  Indian  towns  upon  that  river.  Here 
he  not  only  secured  his  own  release,  but  conducted  negotiations 
putting  an  end  to  Pontiac's  War.  He  also  took  part  in  the  Great 
Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  (Rome,  New  York),  in  1768,  and,  as  a 
reward,  was  given  a  grant  of  land  in  Cherry  Valley,  New  York. 
Shortly  prior  to  this,  however,  he  had  purchased  a  tract  on  the 
Allegheny,  about  four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Monongahela, 
where  he  entertained  George  Washington  in  1770.  When  the 
Revolutionary  War  came  on,  it  seems  he  embarked  in  the  patriotic 
cause,  and  later  was  an  object  of  suspicion;  and  then  Penn- 
sylvania proclaimed  him  a  public  enemy,  and  his  place  as  Indian 
agent  was  conferred  upon  Colonel  George  Morgan.  He  continued, 
however,  to  reside  in  Pennsylvania — the  scene  of  his  early  activ- 
ities and  the  Colony  which  he  rendered  such  signal  service — and 
died  at  Passayunk  on  August  31,  1782.  His  funeral  was  con- 
ducted at  the  Episcopal  Church  of  St.  Peter's  in  Philadelphia, 
but  the  place  of  his  burial  remains  unknown. 

Croghan's  Mohawk  daughter  became  the  third  wife  of  the 
celebrated  Mohawk  Chief,  Joseph  Brant. 

Andrew  Montour,  the  "Half  Indian,"  whose  Indian  name  was 
Sattelihu,  was  the  eldest  and  most  noted  of  the  children  of  Madam 
Montour.  He  is  one  of  the  most  picturesque  Indian  characters 
in  the  early  history  of  Pennsylvania,  and  accompanied  George 


Croghan  on  many  of  his  missions  to  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny  valleys.  Governor  Dinwiddie  gave  him  a  captain's 
commission  "to  head  a  select  company  of  friendly  Indians,  as 
scouts  for  our  small  army,"  when  Virginia  was  raising  forces  for 
the  occupation  of  the  Forks  of  the  Ohio,  early  in  1754.  Montour, 
however,  did  not  organize  a  company  of  Indians,  as  he  had  been 
instructed,  but  raised  a  company  of  traders  and  woodsmen,  who 
had  been  driven  from  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  on  the  approach  of 
the  French.  His  company  consisted  of  eighteen  men,  and  with 
these,  he  and  Croghan  joined  Washington  at  the  Great  Meadows 
on  the  9th  of  June.  Montour  and  his  forces  assisted  Washington 
in  the  battle  of  Fort  Necessity,  on  July  3rd  and  4th,  where  two  of 
his  men,  Daniel  Lafferty  and  Henry  O'Brien,  were  taken  prisoners 

In  the  spring  of  1755,  Montour  and  Croghan,  with  about  fifty 
Indian  braves,  joined  Braddock's  army  at  Cumberland ;  but  after 
the  army  began  to  advance  on  Fort  Duquesne,  many  of  these 
Indian  allies  deserted  or  were  dismissed  by  Braddock.  However, 
Montour  continued  with  the  army  and  took  part  in  its  over- 
whelming defeat.  Throughout  the  French  and  Indian  War,  he 
took  part  as  interpreter  in  many  Indian  councils  with  the  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  York  authorities,  and  was  sent  on  a  number  of 
important  missions.  In  Pontiac's  War,  he  was  also  faithful  to 
the  English.  He  was  one  of  the  interpreters  at  the  treaty  with 
the  Six  Nations  at  Fort  Stanwix  (Rome,  N.  Y.),  in  October,  1768, 
at  which  the  Penns  made  their  last  purchase  of  lands  from  the 
Indians.  During  the  year  1769,  Montour  was  granted  a  tract  of 
three  hundred  acres,  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio  River 
opposite  Montour's  Island,  about  nine  miles  below  the  mouth  of 
the  Monongahela.  Soon  thereafter  this  picturesque  character  dis- 
appears from  history.  A  town,  a  creek,  an  island,  a  county,  a 
mountain  range — all  in  Pennsylvania — are  named  for  him  and 
his  mother. 

We  have  met  Christopher  Gist  a  number  of  times  in  this 
history — as  the  explorer  and  surveyor  of  the  Ohio  Company,  as 
Washington's  guide  on  his  mission  to  St.  Pierre,  and  in  Washing- 
ton's campaign  of  1754.  At  least  as  early  as  the  spring  of  1753, 
this  noted  pathfinder  had  made  a  settlement  of  some  Virginia 
families  in  the  vicinity  of  what  is  now  Mount  Braddock,  Fayette 
County.  He  served  faithfully  in  Braddock's  campaign  of  1755 
and  with  his  sons,  Nathaniel  and  Thomas,  was  in  the  terrible  de- 
feat of  the  haughty  British  general  on  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gahela.   After  Braddock's  defeat,  he  raised  a  company  of  scouts 


in  Virginia  and  Maryland  and  rendered  service  on  the  harried 
frontier,  being  then  called  Captain  Gist.  In  1756,  he  was  sent  to 
the  Carolinas  to  enlist  the  Cherokee  Indians  in  the  British  service 
in  the  French  and  Indian  War.  In  1757,  he  became  deputy  In- 
dian agent  in  the  South,  a  position  "for  which,"  said  Washington, 
"I  know  of  no  person  so  well  qualified.  He  has  had  extensive 
dealings  with  the  Indians,  is  in  great  esteem  among  them,  well 
acquainted  with  their  manners  and  customs,  indefatigable  and 
patient."  According  to  most  authorities,  he  died  of  smallpox  in 
the  summer  of  1759,  in  either  South  Carolina  or  Georgia. 

This  trusted  friend  of  Washington  deserves  to  be  remembered 
for  all  time.  He  was  one  of  the  earliest  Anglo-Saxon  explorers  of 
the  vast  region  comprising  the  states  of  Ohio  and  Kentucky.  Con- 
cerning this  region  he  reported  to  the  Ohio  Company:  "Nothing 
is  wanted  but  cultivation  to  make  this  a  most  delightful  country." 

(For  account  of  Christopher  Gist's  explorations  for  the  Ohio 
Company,  the  reader  is  referred  to  W^illiam  M.  Darlington's 
"Christopher  Gist's  Journals.") 

The  Albany  Treaty  and  Purchase  of  1754 

In  order  to  combine  the  efforts  of  the  Colonies  in  resisting  the 
encroachments  of  the  French,  a  conference  was  ordered  by  the 
British  Ministry,  to  be  held  at  Albany,  New  York,  in  June  and 
July,  1754,  to  which  the  Six  Nations  were  invited.  Governor 
Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  unable  to  be  present,  commissioned 
John  Penn  and  Richard  Peters  of  the  Provincial  Council,  and 
Isaac  Norris  and  Benjamin  Franklin,  of  the  Assembly,  to  attend 
the  conference  in  his  stead.  Conrad  Weiser  also  attended  the 
conference  as  interpreter  in  the  negotiations  with  the  Six  Nations. 
At  this  conference,  a  plan  was  proposed  for  a  political  union,  and 
adopted  on  the  very  day  that  Washington  surrendered  at  Fort 
Necessity.  It  was  subsequently  submitted  to  the  Home  Govern- 
ment and  the  Provincial  Assemblies.  The  Home  Government 
condemned  it,  according  to  Franklin,  on  account  of  its  being  too 
democratic;  and  the  various  Provincial  Assemblies  objected  to  it 
as  containing  too  much  power  of  the  King.  Pennsylvania  nega- 
tived it  without  discussion. 

At  this  Albany  Conference,  the  title  of  the  Iroquois  to  the  Ohio 
Valley  was  recognized,  and  the  Pennsylvania  commissioners 
secured  from  the  Iroquois  a  great  addition  to  the  Province,  to 
which  the  Indian  title  was  not  extinct.     The  deed,  which  was 


signed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  on  July  6,  1754,  conveyed 
to  Pennsylvania  all  the  land  extending  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  River  from  the  Blue  Mountains  to  a  mile  above  the 
mouth  of  Kayarondinhagh  (Penn's)  Creek;  thence  northwest  by 
west  to  the  western  boundary  of  the  Province;  thence  along  the 
western  boundary  to  the  southern  boundary;  thence  along  the 
southern  boundary  to  the  Blue  Mountains;  and  thence  along  the 
Blue  Mountains  to  the  place  of  beginning. 

Although  the  Great  Council  of  the  Iroquois  declared  at  the 
Albany  Treaty  that  they  would  not  sell  their  lands  in  the  Wyom- 
ing Valley  to  either  Pennsylvania  or  Connecticut,  but  would 
reserve  them  as  a  hunting  ground  and  for  the  residence  of  such 
Indians  as  cared  to  remove  from  the  French  and  settle  there,  and 
also  declared  that  the  Onondaga  Council  had  appointed  Shikel- 
lamy's  son,  John,  in  charge  of  this  territory;  yet,  before  the 
Treaty  was  closed,  the  Mohawks  very  irregularly  sold  the  Wyom- 
ing lands  to  Connecticut. 

This  Albany  Treaty,  which  secured  the  neutrality  of  the  Six 
Nations  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  was  the  first  official 
acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the  Iroquois  Confedera- 
tion by  delegates  from  all  the  Colonies.  It  was  a  truly  historic 
assembly.  Even  until  the  present  day,  the  Iroquois  Confedera- 
tion has  been  considered  an  independent  Nation  by  the  United 
States  Government.  (For  account  of  the  Albany  Conference  and 
Treaty,  see  Penna.  Col.  Rec.  Vol.  6,  pages  57  to  128.) 

Tanacharison  Complains   of  Washington 
and  Protests  Albany  Purchase 

After  the  defeat  of  Washington  at  the  Great  Meadows,  Tana- 
charison and  Scarouady,  with  some  of  their  followers,  "came  down 
to  the  back  parts  of  Virginia,"  and  then  with  Seneca  George  and 
about  three  hundred  Mingos  (Iroquois),  retreated  to  George  Crog- 
han's  trading  post  at  Aughwick,  now  Shirleysburg,  Huntingdon 
County.  At  about  the  same  time,  some  Shawnees,  Delawares, 
and  an  inconsiderable  number  of  renegades  of  the  Seneca  tribe  of 
the  Six  Nations,  joined  the  French.  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady 
after  retreating  to  Aughwick,  sent  out  messages  to  assemble  the 
friendly  Delawares  and  Shawnees  at  that  place,  and  asked  the 
Colony  of  Pennsylvania  to  support  their  women  and  children 
while  the  warriors  fought  on  the  side  of  the  English,  whom  they 
expected  speedily  to  take  decisive  steps  against  the  French.     In 


response  to  these  messages,  great  swarms  of  excited  Indians  came 
to  Aughwick,  clamoring  for  food,  and  were  fed  at  the  expense  of 
the  Colony  throughout  the  fall  and  winter.  Here  most  of  them 
remained  until  General  Braddock's  army  arrived  at  Cumberland 
Maryland,  in  the  spring  of  1755,  when  they  went  to  join  his  army. 
Here,  also  Queen  Allaquippa  died  in  December,  1754. 

George  Croghan  was  in  charge  of  distributing  provisions  and 
supplies  to  the  friendly  Indians,  who  had  assembled  at  Aughwick 
after  Washington's  surrender  at  Fort  Necessity.  The  bills  which 
he  was  sending  the  Colonial  Authorities  for  feeding  these  Indians 
having  grown  rather  large,  Croghan  was  suspicioned  as  not  being 
reliable,  and  finally  there  were  hints  that  he  was  in  league  with 
the  French.  The  Pennsylvania  Assembly  then  cut  down  his  bills, 
and  he  decided  to  leave  Aughwick.  Conrad  Weiser  was  then 
directed  by  the  Colonial  Authorities  to  go  to  Aughwick,  and  make 
a  report  on  Croghan.  He  reached  this  place  on  August  31st,  1754, 
being  accompanied  by  Tanacharison  from  Harris'  Ferry,  now 

"On  the  way,"  says  Weiser,  "Tanacharison  complained  very 
much  of  the  behavior  of  Colonel  Washington,  (though  in  a  very 
moderate  way,  saying  the  Colonel  was  a  good-natured  man,  but 
had  no  experience);  that  he  took  upon  him  to  command  the  In- 
dians as  his  slaves,  and  would  have  them  every  day  upon  the 
Out  Scout,  and  attack  the  Enemy  by  themselves,  and  that  he 
would  by  no  means  take  advice  from  the  Indians;  that  he  lay  at 
one  place  from  one  full  moon  to  another,  and  made  no  fortifica- 
tions at  all  but  that  little  thing  upon  the  meadow,  [Fort  Necess- 
ity] where  he  thought  the  French  would  come  up  to  him  in  open 
field;  that  had  he  taken  the  Half  King's  advice  and  made  such 
fortifications  as  the  Half  King  advised  him  to  make,  he  would 
certainly  have  beat  the  French  off;  that  the  French  had  acted  as 
great  cowards  and  the  English  as  fools  in  that  engagement;  that 
he  [the  Half  King]  had  carried  off  his  wife  and  children;  so  did 
other  Indians  before  the  battle  begun,  because  Colonel  Washing- 
ton would  never  listen  to  them,  but  was  always  driving  them  on 
to  fight  by  his  directions." 

Weiser  found  that  Croghan  was  entirely  worthy  of  being 
trusted.  He  also  found  that  the  inhabitants  of  Cumberland 
County  caused  much  trouble  in  selling  so  much  strong  liquor 
to  the  Indians  assembled  at  Aughwick.  In  the  conferences  which 
he  held  with  Tanacharison,  Scarouady,  King  Beaver,  and  various 
other  chiefs,  he  completely  won  old  Tanacharison  and  his  people 


back  to  the  English  cause  after  their  anger  at  Washington  and  the 
Virginians.  Moreover,  at  these  conferences,  Weiser  learned  that 
the  Shawnees  and  Delawares  had  formed  an  alliance;  that  the 
French  had  offered  them  presents,  either  to  join  them  or  to  re- 
main neutral,  and  that  to  these  proposals,  the  Delawares  made 
no  reply,  but  at  once  sent  their  deputies  to  Aughwick  for  the  pur- 
pose, as  Weiser  thought,  of  learning  the  attitude  of  the  English. 

Near  the  close  of  the  conference,  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady 
pressed  Weiser  to  tell  them  what  transpired  at  the  Albany  Treaty; 
and  he  then  told  them  all  about  the  purchase  of  the  vast  tract 
west  of  the  Susquehanna.  "They  seemed  not  to  be  very  well 
pleased,"  says  Weiser,  "because  the  Six  Nations  had  sold  such  a 
large  tract."  Weiser  then  explained  that  the  purchase  was  made 
in  order  to  frustrate  land  schemes  of  the  Connecticut  interests, 
and  of  the  French  on  the  Ohio.  This  appeared  to  satisfy  them, 
though  they  resented  not  receiving  a  part  of  the  consideration. 
For  a  time  they  were  content,  not  knowing  that  the  purchase  in- 
cluded most  of  the  lands  on  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna. 
The  Shawnee  and  Delaware  deputies  then  went  back  to  the  Ohio 
into  danger  and  temptations,  and  to  learn  from  the  French  that 
their  vast  hunting  grounds  on  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susque- 
hanna had  been  sold  to  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  at  the 
Albany  Treaty. 

No  wonder  that  Tanacharison  and  Scarouady  complained  to 
Weiser.  The  Albany  purchase  was  a  very  powerful  factor  in 
alienating,  not  only  the  Delawares,  but  the  other  Indians,  from 
Pennsylvania.  The  Shawnees  and  Delawares  of  the  Munsee 
Clan  (Monseys)  in  the  valleys  of  the  Susquehanna,  Juniata, 
Allegheny,  and  Ohio,  thus  found  their  lands  "sold  from  under 
their  feet"  which  the  Six  Nations  had  guaranteed  to  them,  so 
they  claimed,  on  their  migration  to  these  valleys.  It  was  pro- 
vided in  the  contract  of  sale  of  these  lands  that  half  of  the  pur- 
chase price  should  be  paid  upon  delivery  of  the  deed,  and  the 
remainder  was  not  to  be  paid  until  the  settlers  had  actually 
crossed  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  and  taken  up  their  abode  in 
the  purchased  territory.  The  Indians  declared  in  July,  1755,  that 
they  would  not  receive  the  second  installment,  but  the  Mohawk 
chief,  Hendricks,  persuaded  them  to  stand  by  the  deed.  After 
Braddock  was  defeated  on  July  9,  1755,  the  entire  body  of  dis- 
satisfied Indians  on  the  Albany  Purchase  took  bitter  vengeance 
on  Pennsylvania.  After  three  years  of  bloodshed,  outrage  and 
murder,  Conrad  Weiser  persuaded  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsyl- 


vania  to  deed  back  to  the  Indians  that  part  of  the  Albany  pur- 
chase which  lay  west  of  the  Allegheny  Mountains.  This  was  done 
at  the  treaty  at  Easton,  in  October,  1758,  which  treaty  will  be 
discussed  in  a  later  chapter. 

Death  of  Tanacharison 

After  the  series  of  conferences  with  Conrad  Weiser  at  Augh- 
wick,  in  September,  1754,  Tanacharison  returned  to  the  trading 
house  of  John  Harris,  at  Harris'  Ferry,  where  he  became  danger- 
ously ill;  and  a  conjuror,  or  "medicineman,"  was  summoned  to 
make  inquiry  into  the  cause  and  nature  of  his  malady.  The 
"medicineman"  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  French  had  be- 
witched Tanacharison  in  revenge  for  the  great  blow  he  had  struck 
them  in  the  affair  of  Jumonville;  for  the  Indians  gave  him  the 
whole  credit  of  that  success,  Tanacharison  having  made  it  clear 
that  it  was  he  who  killed  Jumonville,  in  revenge  of  the  French, 
who,  as  he  declared,  had  killed,  boiled,  and  eaten  his  father.  Fur- 
thermore, Tanacharison  had  sent  around  the  French  scalps  taken 
at  that  action,  as  trophies.  All  the  friends  of  the  old  chieftain 
concurred  in  the  opinion  of  the  "medicineman,"  and  when  Tana- 
charison died  at  the  house  of  John  Harris,  on  October  4,  1754, 
there  was  great  lamentation  among  the  Indians,  mingled  with 
threats  of  immediate  vengeance.  Thus  was  this  noted  sachem 
gathered  to  his  fathers  in  the  "Happy  Hunting  Ground,"  at  a 
time  when  his  services  and  influence  among  the  Western  Indians 
were  greatly  needed  by  the  English. 


General  Braddock's  Campaign 

THE  news  of  Washington's  surrender  at  the  Great  Meadows 
produced  a  feeling  of  alarm  throughout  the  Colonies  and 
also  among  the  members  of  the  King's  cabinet.  The  Treaty  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  which  closed  King  George's  War,  was  still  in 
force.  Officially,  at  least.  Great  Britain  and  France  were  at 
peace.  Yet  the  British  Government  realized  that  France  meant 
to  take  and  retain  possession  of  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny  by  force  of  arms.  Great  Britain,  therefore,  began  to 
make  arrangements  for  sending  troops  to  America  to  resist  the 
aggressions  of  the  French.  General  Edward  Braddock  was  se- 
lected as  commander-in-chief  of  these  forces. 

Braddock  sailed  for  Virginia  on  December  21st,  1754,  with  his 
stafif  and  a  small  part  of  his  troops,  leaving  the  main  body  to 
follow  on  January  14th,  1755.  On  February  20th,  he  arrived  in 
Virginia.  At  a  council  of  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachusetts, 
Governor  Dinwiddie  of  Virginia,  Governor  Delancy  of  New  York, 
Governor  Morris  of  Pennsylvania,  Governor  Sharpe  of  Maryland 
and  Governor  Dobbs  of  North  Carolina,  held  at  Alexandria, 
Virginia,  on  April  14th,  1755,  the  plans  of  military  operations 
were  definitely  formed.  Three  expeditions  were  decided  upon: 
one  against  Niagara  and  Frontenac,  under  General  Shirley;  one 
against  Crown  Point,  under  General  William  Johnson;  and  one 
against  Fort  Duquesne,  under  General  Braddock.  The  expedi- 
tion against  Fort  Duquesne  was  considered  the  most  important, 
and  is  the  only  one  we  shall  discuss  in  this  history.  It  was  made 
up  of  the  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Royal  Regiments  of 
Foot,  commanded  by  Sir  Peter  Halket  and  Colonel  Thomas  Dun- 
bar, of  New  York  Independent  Companies  of  Foot,  and  of  South 
Carolina,  Maryland  and  Virginia  troops. 

The  Army  Assembles  at  Cumberland 

Without  setting  forth  the  details  of  the  forming  of  Braddock's 
expedition,  we  state  that  his  army  assembled  at  Will's  Creek,  or 


Fort  Cumberland,  where  the  city  of  Cumberland,  Maryland  now 
stands.  Braddock  joined  his  forces  here  early  in  May.  Here 
came  Colonel  George  Washington,  who  was  chosen  as  one  of 
Braddock's  aides-de-camp.  Here,  also,  Braddock  received  two 
hundred  wagons  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  horses  from  York  and 
Lancaster  Counties,  Pennsylvania,  principally  through  the  efforts 
of  Benjamin  Franklin,  who,  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  sent  hand- 
bills throughout  the  counties  of  York,  Lancaster  and  Cumberland, 
containing  the  threat  of  Quartermaster-General  Sir  John  St. 
Clair  to  send  an  armed  force  into  these  counties  to  seize  wagons 
and  horses  for  the  expedition. 

In  this  connection  we  state  that  Braddock  told  Franklin  he 
was  sure  his  army  would  not  be  detained  long  at  Fort  Duquesne 
and  that,  after  capturing  that  place,  he  would  press  on  to  Niagara 
and  Frontenac  without  any  obstruction  being  offered.  Franklin 
then  warned  him  of  the  danger  of  being  ambushed  by  Indian  allies 
of  the  French.  "He  smiled  at  my  ignorance,"  says  Franklin  in 
his  Autobiography,  "and  replied:  'These  savages  may  indeed  be 
a  formidable  enemy  to  your  raw  American  militia,  but  upon  the 
King's  regular  and  disciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossible  that 
they  should  make  any  impression.'  " 

Braddock  planned  to  advance  on  Fort  Duquesne  over  the  route 
followed  by  Washington's  expedition  of  the  preceeding  summer, 
which,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  originally  the  Nemacolin  Indian 
Trail.  In  order  that  his  army  might  procure  food  and  other 
supplies  from  the  fertile  counties  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania,  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania  directed  Colonel  James  Burd  to  cut  a 
road  from  McDowell's  Mill,  in  the  western  part  of  Franklin 
County,  to  join  the  Braddock  road  at  or  near  Turkey  Foot,  now 
Confluence.  Braddock  was  very  anxious  that  the  Burd  road  be 
completed  before  his  army  would  arrive  at  the  Great  Crossings 
of  the  Youghiogheny  (Somerfield,  Somerset  County).  He  issued 
orders  later  that  the  work  of  cutting  a  road  from  Raystown 
(Bedford,  Pa.)  to  Fort  Cumberland  be  left  unfinished  until 
Colonel  Burd  would  finish  cutting  the  road  to  Turkey  Foot,  and 
he  sent  one  hundred  troops  from  Fort  Cumberland  under  Captain 
Hogg  to  act  as  a  guard  for  Burd's  road-cutters.  However,  Colonel 
Burd  had  cut  his  road  only  to  the  crest  of  the  Allegheny  Moun- 
tains by  the  time  of  Braddock's  defeat. 

Most  students  of  Braddock's  expedition  are  of  the  opinion  that 
the  starting  place  for  Fort  Duquesne  should  have  been  Phila- 
delphia or  Carlisle.    Probably  the  starting  place  would  have  been 


in  Pennsylvania,  if  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  had  realized  the 
impending  danger  of  a  successful  French  invasion  and  occupation 
of  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  and  had  not  spent  its 
time  disputing  with  Governor  Morris.  After  the  Governor  had 
called  the  attention  of  the  Assembly  to  the  fact  that  the  French 
had  invaded  a  large  part  of  the  Province,  this  body  replied,  on 
January  3d,  1755,  that  "the  French  Forts  and  their  other  Acquisi- 
tions on  the  Ohio  are  constantly  considered  and  called  in  Great 
Britain  an  Invasion  upon  His  Majesty's  Territory  of  Virginia." 
Pennsylvania  had  been  requested  to  enlist  men  to  fill  the  gaps  in 
the  Forty-fourth  and  Forty-eighth  Regiments.  This  was  not 
done.  Furthermore,  early  in  January,  the  Assembly  adjourned 
until  May,  without  doing  anything  to  put  the  Province  in  a  state 
of  defense.  Governor  Morris  then  told  the  Assembly  that  "all  the 
fatal  Consequences  that  may  attend  your  leaving  the  Province 
in  this  defenseless  State  must  lie  at  your  Doors."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  6,  pages  227  to  247,  especially  pages  233,  234,  240  and  247.) 
Without  going  further  into  the  dispute  between  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly  and  Governor  Morris,  we  state  that,  on  account 
of  this  dispute  and  consequent  inaction  on  the  part  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  British  Government  realized  that  any  movement  of 
troops  against  Fort  Duquesne  would  have  to  be  made  from  Vir- 
ginia and  by  Virginia's  assistance. 

Braddock's  Indian  Allies 

Braddock  expected  to  receive  many  Indian  allies,  especially 
Catawbas  and  Cherokees  of  the  South,  which  Governor  Din- 
widdle had  promised.  None  of  these  southern  warriors  came.  He 
urged  George  Croghan,  Cristopher  Gist  and  Governor  Morris,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  persuade  Indians  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  to 
join  his  forces.  But  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of  these  valleys, 
alienated  from  the  English  interest  by  the  fraudulent  Walking 
Purchase  of  1737,  the  land  sales  at  the  Treaty  of  1736,  and  es- 
pecially by  the  Albany  Purchase  of  1754,  were  in  no  frame  of  mind 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  sympathizing  French.  At  best,  they 
were  waiting  to  see  which  side  would  win  in  the  impending  con- 
test. Finally,  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  George  Croghan  and 
Andrew  Montour  brought  from  Aughwick  (Shirleysburg,  Pa.)  to 
Braddock's  camp  at  Cumberland  about  fifty  warriors,  mostly  of 
the  Six  Nations.  Many  of  these  Indians  had  been  in  Washing- 
ton's campaign  of  the  preceeding  summer,  had  deserted  him  be- 


fore  the  battle  at  Fort  Necessity,  and  then  had  been  fed  at  the 
expense  of  Pennsylvania,  by  Croghan,  at  Aughwick,  throughout 
the  autumn  and  winter. 

Scarouady,  successor  to  Tanacharison,  was  the  leader  of  the 
Indians  brought  by  Croghan  and  Montour.  Other  chiefs  were 
White  Thunder  (The  Belt),  Silver  Heels  (Aroas),  so  called,  pro- 
ably,  on  account  of  being  fleet  of  foot,  Canachquasy  (Captain 
New  Castle)  and  Carondowanen  (Great  Tree).  Scarouady  ad- 
dressed the  assembled  Indians,  and  urged  them  to  take  up  the 
English  cause  with  vigor. 

Washington  Irving's  "Life  of  Washington"  contains  the  follow- 
ing interesting  paragraphs  concerning  the  assembling  of  Sca- 
rouady and  his  warriors  at  Cumberland. 

"Notwithstanding  his  secret  contempt  for  the  Indians,  Brad- 
dock,  agreeably  to  his  instructions,  treated  them  with  great  cere- 
mony. A  grand  council  was  held  in  his  tent,  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
where  all  his  officers  attended.  The  chiefs,  and  all  the  warriors, 
came  painted  and  decorated  for  war.  They  were  received  with 
military  honors,  the  guards  resting  on  their  firearms.  The  general 
made  tham  a  speech  through  his  interpreter,  expressing  the  grief 
of  their  father,  the  great  King  of  England,  at  the  death  of  the 
Half  King,  Tanacharison,  and  made  them  presents  to  console 
them.  They  in  return  promised  their  aid  as  guides  and  scouts,  and 
declared  eternal  enmity  to  the  French,  following  the  declaration 
with  the  war  song,  'making  a  terrible  noise.' 

"The  general,  to  regale  and  astonish  them,  ordered  all  the 
artillery  to  be  fired,  'the  drums  and  fifes  playing  and  beating  the 
point  of  war;'  the  fete  ended  by  their  feasting  in  their  own  camp 
on  a  bullock  which  the  general  had  given  them,  following  up  their 
repast  by  dancing  the  war  dance  round  a  fire,  to  the  sound  of  their 
uncouth  drums  and  rattles,  'making  night  hideous,'  by  howls  and 

"For  a  time  all  went  well.  The  Indians  had  their  separate 
camp,  where  they  passed  half  the  night  singing,  dancing,  and 
howling.  The  British  were  amused  by  their  strange  ceremonies, 
their  savage  antics,  and  savage  decorations.  The  Indians,  on  the 
other  hand,  loitered  by  day  about  the  English  camp,  fiercely 
painted  and  arrayed,  gazing  with  silent  admiration  at  the  parade 
of  the  troops,  their  marchings  and  evolutions;  and  delighted  with 
the  horse-races,  with  which  the  young  officers  recreated  them- 

"Unluckily  the  warriors  had  brought  their  families  with  them 


to  Will's  Creek,  and  the  women  were  even  fonder  than  the  men  of 
loitering  about  the  British  camp.  They  were  not  destitute  of 
attractions;  for  the  young  squaws  resemble  the  gypsies,  having 
seductive  forms,  small  hands  and  feet,  and  soft  voices.  Among 
those  who  visited  the  camp  was  one  who  no  doubt  passed  for  an 
Indian  princess.  She  was  the  daughter  of  the  sachem.  White 
Thunder,  and  bore  the  dazzling  name  of  Bright  Lightning.  The 
charms  of  these  wild-wood  beauties  were  soon  acknowledged. 
'The  squaws,'  writes  Secretary  Peters,  'bring  in  money  plenty; 
the  officers  are  scandalously  fond  of  them.' 

"The  jealousy  of  the  warriors  was  aroused;  some  of  them  be- 
came furious.  To  prevent  discord,  the  squaws  were  forbidden  to 
come  into  the  British  camp.  This  did  not  prevent  their  being 
sought  elsewhere.  It  was  ultimately  found  necessary,  for  the  sake 
of  quiet,  to  send  Bright  Lightning,  with  all  the  other  women  and 
children,  back  to  Aughwick.  White  Thunder,  and  several  of  the 
warriors,  accompanied  them  for  their  protection. 

"As  to  the  Delaware  chiefs,  they  returned  to  the  Ohio,  promis- 
ing the  general  they  would  collect  their  warriors  together,  and 
meet  him  on  his  march.  They  never  kept  their  word.  'These 
people  are  villians,  and  always  side  with  the  strongest,'  says  a 
shrewd  journalist  of  the  expedition, 

"Either  from  disgust  thus  caused,  or  from  being  actually  dis- 
missed, the  warriors  began  to  disappear  from  the  camp.  It  is 
said  that  Colonel  Innes,  who  was  to  remain  in  command  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  advised  the  dismissal  of  all  but  a  few  to  serve  as 
guides;  certain  it  is,  before  Braddock  recommended  his  march, 
none  remained  to  accompany  him  but  Scarouady  and  eight  of  his 

Neither  White  Thunder  nor  any  of  the  other  Indians  who  con- 
ducted the  Indian  women  back  to  Aughwick  returned  to  Brad- 
dock's  army.  The  faithful  eight  Iroquois  chiefs  who  remained 
with  the  army  and  fought  in  the  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  were  thanked  by  Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council,  held  on  August  15th,  1755, 
in  whose  minutes  their  names  are  given.  They  were  at  the  meet- 
ing.   (See  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  524). 

"Captain  Jack" 

At  this  point  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  many  historians 
have  made  the  statement  that,  when  Braddock  arrived  at  the 


Little  Meadows,  soon  to  be  mentioned  again,  "Captain  Jack,  the 
Wild  Hunter  of  the  Juniata,"  offered  him  the  services  of  himself 
and  his  band  of  backwoodsmen,  which  offer  was  distainfully 
refused.  But  "Captain  Jack,  the  Wild  Hunter,"  was  a  mythical 
character.  He  never  existed,  except  as  the  beau  ideal  of  the 
period.  Many  legends  concerning  this  mythical  frontiersman, 
"with  the  eye  of  an  eagle  and  an  aim  that  was  unerring,  are  given 
in  McKnights  "Captain  Jack,  the  Scout." 

Many  have  confused  the  mythical  "Captain  Jack"  with  the 
real  Captain  Patrick  Jack,  of  the  Cumberland  Valley,  who,  it  is 
claimed,  at  the  suggestion  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  offered  Brad- 
dock  the  services  of  his  band  of  foresters  as  guides,  which  offer 
the  General  declined  to  accept,  giving  as  a  reason  that  he  already 
had  secured  guides  for  his  expedition.  At  least  this  is  the  tradi- 
tion that  has  been  handed  down  to  the  descendants  of  Captain 
Patrick  Jack.  Many,  too,  have  confused  the  mythical  character 
with  Andrew  Montour,  the  Half  Indian;  others  with  the  White 
Mingo ;  and  others  with  Captain  William  Patterson,  of  the  Juniata 
Valley.  (See  Frontier  Forts  of  Penna.,  Sec.  Edition,  Vol.  2,  page 
643;  also  Hanna's  "Wilderness  Trail,"  Vol.  2,  page  57). 

The  March  from  Cumberland  to  the  Fatal  Field 

On  June  7th,  Sir  Peter  Halket's  division  took  up  the  march 
from  Cumberland,  followed,  on  June  8th,  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Burton's  division,  and,  on  June  10th,  by  Colonel  Thomas  Dun- 
bar's division,  accompanied  by  Braddock  and  his  aides.  Colonel 
Innes  was  left  in  command  of  Fort  Cumberland,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  Colonial  troops. 

On  June  16th,  the  army  reached  the  Little  Meadows,  about 
three  miles  east  of  Grantsville,  Maryland.  Here  Braddock 
decided  to  divide  his  army.  On  the  18th  of  June,  four  hun- 
dred men  were  sent  forward  to  cut  the  road  to  the  Little  Cross- 
ing, (Grantsville)  and,  on  the  following  day,  Braddock  followed 
with  a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men,  the  officers,  and  the 
"two  eldest  Grenadier  Companies,"  making,  in  all,  somewhat 
more  than  twelve  hundred  officers  and  men.  The  rest  of  the  army 
about  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  officers,  under  command, 
of  Colonel  Dunbar,  was  to  follow  by  slower  stages,  with  the  heavy 
baggage,  heavy  artillery  and  stores  and  with  most  of  the  women 
accompanying  the  army.  1 1  was  Washington  who  advised  hasten- 
ing forward  with  the  best  troops  and  as  little  baggage  as  possible. 


For  several  days  he  had  been  very  ill  of  fever.  On  account  of 
this  illness,  he  was  left,  on  June  19th,  at  the  camp  at  the  Little 
Crossing,  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Craik,  by  the  positive  orders  of 
Braddock.  He  traveled  with  Dunbar's  division,  until  July  3d, 
then  hastened  forward  from  a  point  near  the  Great  Meadows, 
weak  as  he  was,  and  joined  the  main  army  under  Braddock  the 
day  before  the  battle. 

Leaving  Colonel  Dunbar,  we  shall  follow  General  Braddock's 
army  on  its  march  through  the  wilderness  and  over  the  mountains 
to  the  fatal  field.  On  June  19th,  his  army  reached  Bear  Camp, 
which  was  almost  on  the  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  line,  about 
three  miles  southeast  of  Addison,  Somerset  County.  During  this 
day's  march,  Scarouady  and  his  son,  who  were  marching  with  the 
other  Indian  allies  as  an  advanced  party  and  were  some  distance 
from  the  line  of  march,  were  surrounded  and  captured  by  some 
French  and  Indians.  The  son  escaped  and  brought  the  intelli- 
gence to  the  warriors,  who  hastened  to  rescue  or  avenge  the  aged 
chief,  but  found  him  tied  to  a  tree.  The  French  had  been  disposed 
to  kill  him;  but  the  Indians  with  them  declared  that  they  would 
abandon  the  French  should  they  do  so,  thus  showing  some  tie  of 
friendship  or  kindred  with  Scarouady,  who  then  rejoined  Brad- 
dock's  forces  unharmed. 

By  the  23rd  of  June,  the  army  reached  Squaw  Fort,  situated  a 
short  distance  southeast  of  Somerfield,  Somerset  County.  On 
June  24th,  it  passed  over  the  Great  Crossing  of  the  Youghiogheny 
and  encamped  three  or  four  miles  east  of  the  Great  Meadows,  the 
site  of  Fort  Necessity,  where  Washington  surrendered  the  year 
before.  On  June  25th,  it  marched  over  the  very  spot  where 
Braddock  was  buried  a  fortnight  later,  and  encamped  at  the 
Orchard  Camp,  where  he  died  on  the  night  of  July  13th.  Both  the 
Orchard  Camp  and  the  place  of  Braddock's  burial  are  not  far 
from  the  Summit  on  the  National  Pike,  in  Fayette  County.  On 
the  morning  of  this  day  (June  25th),  three  men,  venturing  be- 
yond the  sentinels,  were  shot  and  scalped  by  Indians.  On  June 
26th,  the  army  encamped  at  Rock  Fort  Camp,  not  far  from  Wash- 
ington's Spring,  where,  it  will  be  remembered,  Tanacharison  was 
encamped  with  his  warriors  when  he  and  Washington  set  out  to 
make  the  attack  on  Jumonville.  On  June  27th,  the  army  reached 
Gist's  Plantation,  the  present  Mount  Braddock,  in  Fayette 
County.  On  June  28th,  the  army  reached  Stewart's  Crossing  on 
the  Youghiogheny,  at  Connellsville,  Fayette  County,  where  it 
encamped  on  the  western  side  of  this  stream.    The  army  remained 


in  camp  all  day  during  the  29th,  and  crossed  to  the  eastern  side  of 
the  Youghiogheny,  on  the  30th,  encamping  about  a  mile  from  the 

At  this  point,  attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that,  from  Gist's 
Plantation  to  Stewart's  Crossing,  Braddock's  army  followed  the 
course  of  the  Catawba  Indian  Trail,  leading  from  the  domain  of 
the  Senecas  and  other  members  of  the  Iroquois  Confederation  to 
the  territory  of  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees;  also  to  the  fact 
that,  at  his  camp  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Youghiogheny,  on 
June  30th,  General  Braddock  wrote  what  was  very  likely  the  last 
letter,  official  or  otherwise,  penned  by  his  hand.  This  was  a  letter 
to  Governor  Morris,  urging  that  Colonel  Burd's  road  be  speedily 
completed  and  advising  of  attacks  upon  some  settlers  near  Fort 
Cumberland  by  hostile  Indians.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages 

On  July  1st,  the  army  encamped  at  what  is  known  as  the  Camp 
at  the  Great  Swamp,  the  location  of  which  was  near  the  old  Iron 
Bridge,  southeast  of  Mount  Pleasant,  Westmoreland  County,  and 
near  the  headwaters  of  Jacob's  and  Mount's  creeks.  On  July 
2nd,  the  army  encamped  at  Jacob's  Cabin,  making  a  march  of 
about  six  miles.  This  "cabin"  belonged  to  the  famous  Delaware 
chief.  Captain  Jacobs.  On  July  3rd,  the  army  passed  near  Mount 
Pleasant,  and  encamped  at  the  headwaters  of  Sewickley  Creek, 
about  five  miles  southeast  of  Madison,  Westmoreland  County. 
The  camp  at  this  place  was  called  Salt  Lick  Camp.  On  July  4th, 
the  army  encamped  at  Thicketty-Run  (Sewickley  Creek),  about 
a  mile  west  of  Madison.  From  this  camp  two  Indians  were  sent 
forward  as  scouts,  as  was  also  Christopher  Gist.  All  three  re- 
turned on  the  6th,  the  Indians  bringing  the  scalp  of  a  French 
officer  they  had  killed  near  Fort  Duquesne.  Mr.  Gist  had  in- 
tended to  spy  around  the  fort  at  night,  but  was  discovered  and 
pursued  by  two  Indians.  He  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  On 
July  6th,  the  army  reached  Camp  Monacatoocha,  so  named  in 
honor  of  Scarouady,  or  Monacatoocha,  on  account  of  the  follow- 
ing sad  event: 

On  the  6th  of  July,  three  or  four  soldiers,  loitering  in  the  rear 
of  Braddock's  forces,  were  killed  and  scalped  by  the  Indian  allies 
of  the  French,  and  several  of  the  grenadiers  set  off  to  take  revenge. 
These  came  upon  a  party  of  the  Indians  who  held  up  boughs  and 
grounded  their  arms  as  the  sign  of  amity.  Either  Braddock's 
grenadiers  did  not  perceive  this  sign,  or  else  misunderstood  it. 
At  any  rate,  they  fired  upon  the  Indians  and  one  of  them  fell,  who 


proved  to  be  the  son  of  Scarouady.  The  grenadiers  brought  the 
body  of  the  young  warrior  to  camp.  Braddock  then  sent  for 
Scarouady  and  the  other  Indians,  and  condoled  with  them  on  the 
lamentable  occurrence,  making  them  the  customary  presents  to 
wipe  away  their  tears.  He  also  caused  the  young  man  to  be  buried 
with  the  honors  of  war,  and  at  his  request  the  officers  attended  the 
funeral  and  fired  a  volley  over  the  grave.  The  camp  that  night, 
located  about  two  miles  southeast  of  Irwin,  Westmoreland  County 
was  given  the  name  of  Camp  Monacatoocha,  in  honor  of  Sca- 
rouady.   Says  Irving: 

"These  soldier-like  tributes  of  respect  to  the  deceased  and 
sympathy  with  the  survivors,  soothed  the  feelings  and  gratified 
the  pride  of  the  father,  and  attached  him  more  firmly  to  the 
service.  We  are  glad  to  record  an  anecdote  so  contrary  to  the 
general  contempt  for  the  Indians  with  which  Braddock  stands 
charged.    It  speaks  well  for  the  real  kindness  of  his  heart." 

On  July  7th,  Braddock  on  advice  of  Gist  and  Montour,  aban- 
doned the  Indian  trail,  in  order  to  avoid  the  dangerous  Narrows 
of  Turtle  Creek;  and  turning  sharply  westward,  the  army  followed 
the  valley  of  Long  Run  at  or  near  Stewartsville,  and  encamped 
on  the  night  of  July  8th,  about  two  miles  from  the  Monongahela 
and  an  equal  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogheny,  near 
McKeesport,  Allegheny  County.  This  was  the  last  camp  of  the 
army  before  the  fatal  encounter.  Here  George  Washington,  who 
had  been  left  at  the  Little  Crossing  near  Grantsville,  Maryland, 
on  June  19th,  on  account  of  illness,  rejoined  the  army  on  the 
evening  of  July  8th,  bringing  with  him  from  Dunbar's  division  a 
detachment,  sent  to  guard  a  pack-horse  train  carrying  provisions 
for  Braddock's  army.  It  is  seen,  therefore,  that  Washington  had 
not  been  with  Braddock's  army  during  the  long  march  from  the 
Little  Crossing,  near  Grantsville,  Maryland. 

After  the  arrival  of  Washington's  detachment,  Braddock's 
forces  numbered  1,460  officers  and  men  besides  women  and 
camp  followers.  July  9th  dawned  bright  and  clear.  Braddock 
would  reach  Fort  Duquesne  before  evening.  He  felt  certain  of 
victory.  Although  French  and  Indians  had  lurked  in  the  woods, 
near  his  line  of  march,  from  the  time  his  army  left  Cumberland, 
yet  there  had  been  no  ambush.of  his  forces,  owing  to  the  vigilance 
of  Christopher  Gist,  Andrew  Montour,  Scarouady  and  other 
scouts.  As  has  been  seen,  his  Indian  scouts  had  approached  near 
the  fort.    They  and  Gist  reported,  on  July  6th,  that  there  were 


no  signs  of  ambush  and  no  signs  of  preparations  for  resistance. 
Nor,  in  fact,  was  Braddock  ambushed  on  the  fatal  ninth  day  of 
July,  when  his  army  went  down  to  overwhelming  and  inglorious 
defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies.  It  is 
true  that  the  French  officer,  Beaujeu,  had  planned  an  ambush, 
and  picked  a  place  for  it  on  the  evening  of  July  8th.  In  the  mean- 
time, Braddock  had  crossed  the  Monongahela  and  started  up  the 
slopes  of  the  field  of  encounter  before  the  French  and  Indians  ar- 
rived at  the  place  which  they  had  selected  for  ambushing  him. 
We  think  it  well  to  point  out  this  fact  before  we  describe  the  battle 
(See  the  French  account  of  the  battle,  in  Pa.  Archives,  Sec.  Series, 
Vol.  6,  page  256). 

But  to  return  to  the  early  morning  of  the  fatal  day.  To  reach 
Fort  Duquesne,  it  was  necessary  for  Braddock's  army  to  cross  to 
the  south  side  of  the  Monongahela,  march  some  distance  along 
the  south  bank,  then  return  to  the  north  bank  by  again  fording 
the  stream. 

At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  July  9th,  Colonel  Gage  was 
sent  with  about  four  hundred  men  to  secure  both  fords  of  the 
river  and  to  hold  the  northern  bank  of  the  second  ford.  At  four 
o'clock.  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  with  a  detachment  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  was  sent  to  make  a  road  for  transporting  the  artillery 
and  baggage.  At  eight  o'clock,  Braddock  crossed  the  first  ford 
to  the  south  bank  of  the  Monongahela,  Here  his  forces  took  up 
the  line  of  march  along  the  south  shore,  and,  when  they  had  gone 
about  a  mile,  Braddock  received  word  from  Colonel  Gage  that  he 
had  carried  out  the  General's  orders  and  posted  himself  on  the 
north  bank  to  secure  the  second  ford.  Presently  the  entire  army 
crossed  the  second  ford,  and  formed  along  the  north  shore,  just 
below  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  where  the  town  of  Braddock 
now  stands. 

The  march  along  the  south  shore  of  the  Monongahela  was  an 
imposing  spectacle — with  arms  cleaned  the  night  before,  gleaming 
in  the  summer  sunshine,  with  officers  and  men,  clad  in  their  best 
uniforms,  stepping  buoyantly  to  the  inspiring  music  of  the 
"Grenadiers'  March,"  which  the  drums  and  fifes  were  beating  and 
playing,  with  the  flag  of  England  flying  in  the  breeze,  Washing- 
ton looked  upon  the  scene  with  deep  emotion,  and,  in  after  years, 
spoke  of  it  as  the  most  beautiful  sight  he  ever  beheld.  The  ford- 
ing to  the  north  shore  was  made  with  bayonets  fixed,  drums  beat- 
ing, fifes  playing  and  colors  flying,  as  before. 


The  Battle  of  the  Monongahela 

The  army  is  now  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Monongahela. 
Fort  Duquesne  is  only  ten  miles  away.  It  is  almost  two  o'clock. 
After  a  halt,  General  Braddock  has  arranged  the  order  of  march. 
First  moves  the  advance,  under  Colonel  Gage,  preceeded  by  the 
engineers  and  six  light  horsemen.  These  are  followed  by  Sir 
John  St.  Clair  and  the  working  party,  with  wagons  and  two 
cannon,  four  flanking  parties  being  thrown  out  on  each  side. 
General  Braddock  is  soon  to  follow  with  the  main  body,  the 
artillery  and  baggage,  preceeded  and  flanked  by  light  horse  and 
infantry;  while  the  Virginia  and  other  Colonial  troops  are  to 
form  the  rear  guard. 

The  advanced  party,  under  Gage,  has  proceeded  beyond  the 
first  high  ground  and  is  just  going  up  the  second  when  one  of  the 
engineers,  marking  the  course  of  the  road,  sees  French  and  In- 
dians directly  in  front  of  him.  He  gives  the  alarm,  "French  and 
Indians"!  Beaujeu,  their  leader,  is  wearing  a  gay  hunting  shirt 
and  silver  gorget  on  his  breast,  as  he  leads  them  on.  They  are  on 
the  run,  indicating  that  they  have  just  come  from  Fort  Duquesne. 
Both  sides  are  equally  surprised.  Both  sides  fire  upon  each  other. 
Beaujeu  is  killed  at  the  first  fire.  Upon  his  fall,  the  Indians  begin 
to  waver,  terrified  at  the  roar  of  St.  Clair's  cannon.  The  com- 
mand of  the  French  and  Indians  now  devolves  upon  M.  Dumas. 
With  great  presence  of  mind,  he  rallies  the  Indians  and  orders  his 
officers  to  lead  them  to  the  wings  and  attack  the  British  on  the 
flank,  while  he,  with  the  French  soldiers,  will  maintain  a  position 
in  front.    His  orders  are  promptly  obeyed. 

General  Braddock  hears  the  quick  and  heavy  firing  in  front 
and  the  terrible  yelling  of  the  Indians.  He  orders  Colonel  Burton 
to  hasten  to  the  assistance  of  the  advanced  party,  with  the  van 
guard,  eight  hundred  strong.  The  rest  of  the  army,  four  hundred 
strong,  are  halted  and  posted  to  protect  the  artillery  and  baggage. 
The  General  sends  an  aid-de-camp  forward  to  bring  him  an  ac- 
count of  the  attack.  He  does  not  wait  for  the  aid-de-camp's  re- 
turn, but,  finding  the  turmoil  and  uproar  increasing,  he  and 
Washington  move  forward,  leaving  Sir  Peter  Halket  in  charge  of 
the  baggage. 

In  the  meantime  Gage  has  ordered  his  men  to  fix  bayonets  and 
form  in  order  of  battle.  They  do  so  in  terror,  and  he  now  orders 
them  to  scale  the  hill  on  the  right  from  which  there  is  the  heaviest 


firing,  but  they  will  not  quit  the  line  of  march,  dismayed  by  the 
terrible  yells  of  the  Indians,  who  have  now  extended  themselves 
along  the  hill  and  in  the  ravines  which  traverse  the  field. 

The  whereabouts  of  the  Indians  are  known  only  by  their  blood- 
curdling cries  and  the  puffs  of  smoke  from  their  rifles.  The  sol- 
diers fire  when  they  see  the  smoke.  The  offtcers'  orders  are  not 
heeded.  The  men  shoot  at  random,  killing  some  of  their  own 
flanking  parties  and  of  the  van  guard.  In  a  few  minutes  most  of 
the  officers  and  men  of  the  advance  are  killed  or  wounded.  Gage 
himself  is  wounded.  His  detachment  falls  back  upon  the  detach- 
ment which  followed. 

Braddock  has  now  arrived,  and  is  trying  to  rally  the  men,  but 
they  heed  neither  his  entreaties  nor  his  threats.  They  will  not 
fight  when  they  can  not  see  the  enemy.  The  Virginia  troops,  how- 
ever, accustomed  to  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  spring  into  the 
forest,  take  post  behind  trees  and  rocks,  and,  in  this  manner,  pick 
off  some  of  the  lurking  foe.  Washington  urges  Braddock  to  adopt 
the  same  plan  with  the  regulars,  but  he  persists  in  forming  them 
into  platoons.  Consequently  they  are  cut  down  without  mercy. 
Some,  indeed,  attempt  to  take  to  trees,  but  the  General  storms 
at  them  and  calls  them  cowards.  He  even  strikes  them  with  the 
flat  of  his  sword.  In  the  meantime,  the  regulars  kill  many  of  the 
Virginians,  firing  as  they  see  the  puffs  of  smoke  from  their  rifles 
in  the  forest. 

The  slaughter  of  the  officers  is  terrible.  The  Indians  fire  from 
their  coverts  at  every  one  on  horseback,  or  who  appears  to  have 
command.  Colonel  Burton,  and  Sir  John  St.  Clair  are  wounded. 
Sir  Peter  Halket  is  shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  regiment.  Secre- 
tary Shirley  is  shot  through  the  head,  falling  by  the  side  of  Brad- 
dock, who  still  remains  in  the  center  of  the  field  in  the  hope  of 
retrieving  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  He  has  seen  his  trusted  officers 
shot  down  all  around  him.  Two  of  his  aides.  Captain  Robert 
Orme  and  Captain  Roger  Morris,  are  wounded.  Four  horses  have 
now  been  shot  and  killed  under  Braddock;  still  he  keeps  his 
ground.  At  length,  as  he  mounts  a  fifth  horse,  a  bullet  passes 
through  his  right  arm  and  lodges  itself  in  his  lungs.  He  falls 
from  his  horse  into  the  arms  of  Captain  Robert  Stewart,  of  the 
Virginia  Light  Horse.  The  mortally  wounded  General  asks  to  be 
left  amid  the  dead  and  dying  on  the  scene  of  slaughter,  but 
Captain  Stewart  and  another  Virginian  officer  assisted  by  Brad- 
dock's  servant.  Bishop,  later  carry  him  from  the  field  in  his  military 


Amid  the  carnage,  with  the  war-whoop  of  the  Indians  ringing 
in  his  ears,  with  the  groans  of  the  dying  bringing  unutterable 
sadness  to  his  soul,  Washington  distinguishes  himself  by  his 
courage  and  presence  of  mind.  His  brother  aides,  Orme  and 
Morris,  having  been  wounded  early  in  the  action,  the  whole  duty 
of  carrying  the  orders  of  the  General  has  devolved  on  him.  He 
dashes  to  every  part  of  the  field,  and  is  a  conspicuous  mark  for 
the  rifles  of  the  Indians.  A  chief  and  his  warriors  single  him  out, 
and,  after  firing  at  him  many  times,  the  chief  orders  the  warriors 
to  desist,  believing  the  life  of  the  brave  young  Virginian  is  pro- 
tected by  the  Great  Spirit.  (When  Washington,  in  1770,  in 
company  with  Dr.  Craik  and  William  Crawford,  made  a  journey 
down  the  Ohio  River  to  explore  lands  given  the  Virginia  soldiers, 
the  Indian  chief  who  fired  at  him  so  often  in  this  battle,  made  a 
long  journey  to  meet  him.)  The  men  who  should  have  served 
Sir  Peter  Halket's  cannon  are  paralyzed  with  terror.  Washington 
springs  from  his  horse,  wheels  and  points  a  brass  field-piece  with 
his  own  hands,  and  directs  an  effective  discharge  into  the  woods. 
Two  horses  are  shot  under  him.  Four  bullets  pass  through  his 
coat.  Dr.  James  Craik,  as  he  attends  the  wounded,  watches  him 
with  great  anxiety,  as  he  dashes  from  place  to  place  in  the  most 
exposed  manner.  Yet  Washington  miraculously  escapes  without 
a  wound. 

The  battle  lasted  until  five  o'clock.  Just  before  Braddock  was 
shot,  the  drums  beat  a  retreat,  but,  by  this  time,  most  of  the 
survivors,  abandoning  their  arms,  had  crossed  the  Monongahela 
in  headlong  flight,  at  the  same  ford  across  which  they  had  come, 
in  proud  array,  to  the  field  of  death  a  few  hours  before.  Neither 
the  French  nor  the  Indians  pursued  the  fugitives.  The  Indians 
remained  on  the  field  to  scalp  and  plunder  the  dead.  This  saved 
the  life  of  many  a  fugitive.  Had  the  French  and  Indians  followed 
the  broken  fragments  of  the  army,  it  is  likely  that  none  would 
have  escaped.  Later  many  of  the  Indians  returned  home,  being 
dissatisfied  with  their  share  of  the  spoils. 

This  was  the  most  crushing  defeat  ever  administered  to  a 
British  army  on  American  soil.  Throughout  that  dreadful  after- 
noon, death,  like  a  hungry  Moloch,  eager  for  a  royal  feast, 
stalked  by  the  side  of  Mars  and  drank  his  fill  of  blood  amid  the 
gloom  of  the  forest.  The  slaughter  of  trained  soldiers  by  Indians, 
in  this  battle,  has  no  comparison  except  the  slaughter  of  General 
George  A.  Custer's  troops  at  the  battle  of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  on 
June  25th,  1876. 


Of  the  1460,  besides  women  and  other  camp  followers,  who  on 
that  July  day  crossed  the  sparkling  Monongahela,  456  were 
killed  and  421  wounded,  many  of  them  mortally.  Out  of  89 
commissioned  ofificers,  63  were  killed  or  wounded.  In  no  other 
battle  in  history  were  so  many  officers  slain  in  proportion  to  the 
number  engaged.  The  Virginians  suffered  the  most.  One  com- 
pany was  almost  annihilated,  and  another,  besides  those  killed 
and  wounded  in  its  ranks,  lost  all  its  officers,  even  to  the  corporal. 
Of  the  three  Virginia  companies,  Washington  said  that  they  "be- 
haved like  men  and  died  like  soldiers"  and  that  "scarce  thirty 
men  were  left  alive." 

The  French  Account  of  the  Battle 

The  French  account  of  the  battle,  among  other  things,  bears 
out  the  contention  that  Braddock  was  not  ambushed.  In  this 
account,  we  read: 

"That  officer  (Contrecoeur,  commander  of  Fort  Duquesne)  em- 
ployed the  next  day  (July  8th)  in  making  his  arrangements;  and 
on  the  ninth  detached  M.  de  Beaujeu,  seconded  by  Messers. 
Dumas  and  de  Lignery,  all  three  Captains,  together  with  four 
Lieutenants,  6  Ensigns,  20  cadets,  100  soldiers,  100  Canadians 
and  600  Indians,  with  orders  to  lie  in  ambush  at  a  favorable  spot, 
which  had  been  reconnoitered  the  previous  evening.  The  detach- 
ment, before  it  could  reach  its  place  of  destination,  found  itself 
in  the  presence  of  the  enemy  within  three  leagues  of  that  fort.  M. 
de  Beaujeu,  finding  his  ambush  had  failed, decided  upon  an  attack. 
This  he  made  with  so  much  vigor  as  to  astonish  the  enemy,  who 
were  waiting  for  us  in  the  best  possible  order;  but  their  artillery, 
loaded  with  grape  (a  cartouche)  having  opened  fire,  our  men  gave 
way  in  turn.  The  Indians,  also  frightened  by  the  report  of  the 
cannon  rather  than  by  any  damage  it  could  inflict,  began  to 
yield,  when  M.  de  Beaujeu  was  killed.  M.  Dumas  began  to  en- 
courage his  detachment." 

(See  Pa.  Archives,  Sec.  Series,  Vol.  6,  page  256.) 

The  French  account,  just  quoted,  goes  on  to  state  that  "the 
enemy  left  more  than  1,000  men  on  the  field  of  battle;"  while, 
in  the  "Memoirs  des  Pouchot,"  Vol.  1,  page  37,  the  following  is 
stated : 

"There  were  counted  dead  on  the  battle  field  six  hundred  men, 
on  the  retreat  about  four  hundred;  along  a  little  stream  three 
hundred.    Their  total  loss  was  reckoned  at  twelve  hundred  and 


seventy  .  .  .  The  wounded  were  abandoned,  and  almost  all 
perished  in  the  woods." 

The  official  reports  of  the  French  show  that  Contrecoeur, 
frightened  by  the  exaggerated  statements  given  him  as  to  the 
number  of  Braddock's  forces,  had  prepared  to  surrender  Fort 
Duquesne  when  the  British  army  should  arrive  at  that  place. 
Reluctantly  did  he  give  assent  to  any  resistance;  and  when  his 
officers  selected  a  place  of  ambush  on  the  evening  of  June  8th, 
it  was  merely  to  dispute  the  passes  of  the  Monongahela  and  to 
annoy  and  retard  the  march  of  Braddock's  army. 

In  this  connection  we  state  that  there  were  few,  if  any,  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees  among  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French  at  Brad- 
dock's defeat.  These  tribes  did  not  go  over  to  the  French  to  the  ex- 
tent of  taking  up  arms  against  the  English  until  after  Braddock's 
defeat.  They  were  simply  waiting  to  see  which  side  would  win. 
The  Indians  with  the  French  at  this  battle  were  the  Tisagech- 
roann,  Chippewas,  Ottawas  and  other  tribes  from  the  region  of 
the  Great  Lakes.  Contrary  to  the  statements  of  many  historians, 
it  may  well  be  doubted  that  Pontiac  commanded  the  Ottawas  at 
this  battle.  (See  W.  N.  Loudermilk's  "History  of  Cumberland," 
page  177.)  It  has  also  been  stated  that  the  Seneca  chief,  Corn- 
planter,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  French  in  this  battle.  This,  too, 
may  well  be  doubted. 

The  Retreat— Death  of  Braddock 

At  the  time  of  the  battle.  Colonel  Dunbar,  who  followed,  as 
has  been  seen,  with  the  heavy  artillery  and  heavy  stores,  was  in 
camp  at  a  place  since  known  as  "Dunbar's  Camp,"  and  located 
not  far  from  the  spot  where  Jumonville  was  killed  in  Washington's 
campaign  of  1754.  This  place  is  almost  fifty  miles  from  the  place 
of  Braddock's  defeat.  Dunbar  has  been  greatly  criticised  on 
account  of  the  slowness  with  which  he  followed  Braddock;  but 
it  should  be  remembered  that  he  had  the  poorest  troops,  many 
of  whom  sickened  and  died  on  the  way;  that  he  had  the  heaviest 
stores,  and  an  insufficient  number  of  horses  to  transport  them; 
and  that  he  was  almost  constantly  harrassed  by  French  and  In- 
dians, as  his  poor,  jaded  horses  dragged  the  heavily  laden  wagons 
up  the  mountain  sides  in  the  summer  heat.  Moreover,  the  In- 
dians got  in  his  rear  and  cut  oflf  much  of  his  supplies. 

When  General  Braddock  was  carried  from  the  field,  he  was 
taken  to  the  other  side  of  the  Monongahela,  where  about  one 


hundred  men  had  gathered,  among  them  being  Washington,  the 
aides,  Orme  and  Morris,  and  Dr.  Craik,  who  here  dressed  the 
General's  wound.  This  place  was  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
the  ford.  From  here  Braddock  ordered  Washington  to  go  to 
Dunbar's  camp  with  orders  to  send  wagons  for  the  wounded, 
hospital  stores,  provisions  and  other  supplies,  escorted  by  two 
Grenadier  companies.  Colonel  Burton  posted  sentries  here  and 
intended  to  hold  the  place  until  he  could  be  reinforced.  But 
most  of  the  men  took  to  flight  within  an  hour,  and  then  Burton 
retreated  up  and  across  the  stream  to  the  camp  ground  from  which 
the  army  had  marched  on  the  morning  of  that  fatal  day.  Here 
Burton  and  his  companions  were  joined  by  Colonel  Gage  and 
eighty  men  whom  he  had  rallied.  From  this  place.  Burton  and 
Gage,  uniting  their  detachments  and  carrying  the  wounded 
General  with  them,  marched  all  that  night  and  the  next  day,  and 
arrived  at  Gist's  Plantation  at  ten  o'clock  at  night.  Around  the 
Indian  spring  at  Gist's,  on  that  warm,  summer  night,  the  dying 
General  and  the  other  wounded  lay  sleepless  and  hungry,  waiting 
for  surgical  aid  and  food  from  the  camp  of  Dunbar. 

Now,  to  return  to  Washington.  After  receiving  the  General's 
orders  to  hasten  to  Dunbar's  camp,  he  with  two  companions, 
rode  all  through  the  melancholy,  dark  and  rainy  night,  and  ar- 
rived at  the  camp  in  the  evening  of  July  10th.  But  the  tidings 
of  Braddock's  defeat  had  preceded  Washington.  These  were 
borne  by  wagoners,  who  had  mounted  their  horses  when  the  day 
was  lost,  and  fled  from  the  field  of  battle.  Haggard  and  terrified, 
the  Indian  yell  ringing  in  their  ears,  these  wagoners  had  ridden 
into  Dunbar's  camp  at  noon,  on  July  10th,  exclaiming,  "All  is 
lost!  Braddock  is  killed!  The  troops  are  cut  to  pieces!"  A 
panic  then  fell  upon  the  camp,  which  Washington  found  still 
prevailing  upon  his  arrival.  The  orders  which  he  brought  with 
him  were  executed  during  the  night.  Early  the  next  morning 
(July  11th),  he  accompanied  the  convoy  of  supplies  to  Gist's 
Plantation,  eleven  miles  away.  Here  he  found  General  Brad- 
dock sufi"ering  intense  agony  of  body  and  mind.  In  this  agony 
the  dying  General's  thoughts  were  on  the  poor  soldiers,  who  were 
wandering  in  the  woods  to  die  from  their  wounds,  from  ex- 
haustion, from  starvation,  or  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

The  wounded  were  attended  to  at  Gist's  on  the  1 1th.  Then  the 
survivors  retreated  to  Dunbar's  camp.  Here  confusion  still 
reigned.    Orme  says  in  his  journal  that  Dunbar's  forces  "seemed 


to  have  forgot  all  discipline."  Dunbar's  wagoners  were  nearly  all 
Pennsylvanians,  and,  like  those  who  were  with  Braddock,  had 
fled,  taking  the  best  horses  with  them. 

All  the  wagons  being  needed  to  carry  the  wounded,  most  of 
Dunbar's  ammunition  and  other  military  stores  were  destroyed 
and  buried  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French. 

General  Braddock  died  at  the  Orchard  Camp,  west  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  during  the  night  of  July  13th,  and  was  buried  in 
the  middle  of  the  road,  the  troops,  horses  and  wagons  passing 
over  the  grave  to  obliterate  its  traces  and  thus  prevent  its  dese- 
cration by  the  Indians.  Some  historians  say  that  the  time  of  the 
burial  was  before  daylight  and  that  Washington  read  the  burial 
service  amid  the  flickering  light  of  torches,  after  the  manner  of 
the  burial  of  Sir  John  Moore.  However,  Veech,  in  his  "Monon- 
gahela  of  Old,"  says  the  burial  took  place  after  daylight,  on  the 
morning  of  the  14th. 

After  the  burial  of  Braddock,  the  wreck  of  his  former  proud 
array  continued  its  retreat  without  molestation.  Had  the  French 
known  the  fear  and  panic  that  seized  Dunbar's  soldiers  and  that 
no  reinforcements  were  coming,  they  would  no  doubt  have 
annihilated  the  remnants  of  the  British  forces. 

Hon.  William  Findley,  of  Westmoreland  County,  wrote  that 
Washington  advised  him  that  he  intended  to  erect  a  monument  at 
the  place  where  Braddock  was  buried,  but  had  no  opportunity 
to  do  so  until  after  the  Revolutionary  War;  that  in  1784,  he  made 
diligent  search  for  the  grave,  but  could  not  find  it.  (See  Niles' 
Register,  XIV,  page  179.) 

Colonel  James  Burd  located  the  grave  in  1759  when  on  his  way 
to  Redstone,  and  said  that  it  was  "about  two  miles  from  Fort 
Necessity,  and  about  twenty  yards  from  a  little  hollow,  in  which 
there  was  a  small  stream  of  water,  and  over  it  a  bridge."  In 
1812,  some  workmen,  under  the  direction  of  Abraham  Stewart, 
repairing  the  road  at  a  point  near  the  place  mentioned  by  Colonel 
Burd,  unearthed  the  skeleton  and  trappings  of  a  British  officer. 
These  were,  very  probably,  General  Braddock's  bones.  Some  of 
the  bones  were  taken  away  by  relic  hunters,  but  all  were  later 
collected  by  Mr.  Stewart.  In  1820,  the  skeleton  was  reinterred  a 
few  rods  from  the  original  grave.  A  monument  now  marks  the 
spot  where  these  bones  repose  in  the  soil  of  the  historic  county  of 
Fayette.  Thousands  of  travelers  on  the  National  Pike  pause  at 
"Braddock's  Grave"  to  pay  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  haughty 
and  unfortunate  British  General.    Peace  to  his  ashes! 


Thomas  Fossit 

Thomas  Fossit  (Fausset),  a  soldier  in  Braddock's  army,  said  by 
some  to  have  been  enlisted  at  Shippensburg,  maintained  to  the 
end  of  his  long  life  that  he  fired  the  bullet  that  gave  General 
Braddock  his  mortal  wound.  Fossit  claimed  that  his  brother, 
Joseph,  was  killed  by  Braddock  for  attempting  to  seek  shelter, 
during  the  battle;  whereupon  he,  in  revenge,  shot  the  General. 
For  a  number  of  years,  Fossit  conducted  a  small  tavern  not  far 
from  Braddock's  burial  place,  where  he  related  his  story  to  the 
passing  traveler.  Some  historians,  among  them  Bancroft  and 
Egle,  accept  Fossit's  story  as  true;  others  give  it  little  or  no 
credence.  Perhaps  the  fairest  comment  to  make  is  to  say  that 
the  truth  of  the  old  soldier's  statement  can  be  neither  proved  nor 

Torture  of  the  Prisoners 

James  (later  Colonel)  Smith,  a  young  man  eighteen  years  of 
age,  was  one  of  the  force  of  three  hundred  men,  under  Colonel 
James  Burd,  engaged  in  cutting  the  Pennsylvania  road  from  Mc- 
Dowell's Mill  to  Turkey  Foot  as  Braddock  was  marching  on  Fort 
Duquesne.  At  a  point  four  or  five  miles  above  Bedford,  he  was 
captured,  about  July  5th,  by  Indian  allies  of  the  French  and 
carried  to  Fort  Duquesne,  where  he  was  a  prisoner  on  the  day  of 
Braddock's  defeat.  He  gives  the  following  description  of  the 
happenings  at  the  fort  on  that  dreadful  day: 

"Shortly  after  this,  on  the  9th  day  of  July,  1755,  in  the  morn- 
ing, I  heard  a  great  stir  in  the  fort.  As  I  could  then  walk  with  a 
staff  in  my  hand,  I  went  out  of  the  door,  which  was  just  by  the 
wall  of  the  fort,  and  stood  upon  the  wall  and  viewed  the  Indians 
in  a  huddle  before  the  gate,  where  were  barrels  of  powder,  bullets, 
flints,  &c.,  and  every  one  taking  what  suited;  I  saw  the  Indians 
also  march  off  in  rank  entire — likewise  the  French  Canadians,  and 
some  regulars.  After  viewing  the  Indians  and  French  in  different 
positions,  I  computed  them  to  be  about  four  hundred,  and  won- 
dered that  they  attempted  to  go  out  against  Braddock  with  so 
small  a  party.  I  was  then  in  high  hopes  that  I  would  soon  see 
them  fly  before  the  British  troops,  and  that  General  Braddock 
would  take  the  fort  and  rescue  me. 

"I  remained  anxious  to  know  the  advent  of  this  day;  and,  in 
the  afternoon,  I  again  observed  a  great  noise  and  commotion  in 
the  fort,  and  though  at  that  time  I  could  not  understand  French, 


yet  I  found  that  it  was  the  voice  of  joy  and  triumph,  and  feared 
that  they  had  received  what  I  called  bad  news. 

"I  had  observed  some  of  the  old  country  soldiers  speak  Dutch 
[German];  as  I  spoke  Dutch,  I  went  to  one  of  them,  and  asked 
him,  what  was  the  news?  He  told  me  that  a  runner  had  just 
arrived,  who  said  that  Braddock  would  certainly  be  defeated; 
that  the  Indians  and  French  had  surrounded  him,  and  were  con- 
cealed behind  trees  and  in  gullies,  and  kept  a  constant  fire  upon 
the  English,  and  that  they  saw  the  English  falling  in  heaps,  and  if 
they  did  not  take  the  river,  which  was  the  only  gap,  and  make 
their  escape,  there  would  not  be  one  man  left  alive  before  sun- 
down. Some  time  after  this,  I  heard  a  number  of  scalp  halloos, 
and  saw  a  company  of  Indians  and  French  coming  in.  I  observed 
they  had  a  great  many  bloody  scalps,  grenadiers'  caps,  British 
canteens,  bayonets,  &c.,  with  them.  They  brought  the  news  that 
Braddock  was  defeated.  After  that,  another  company  came  in 
which  appeared  to  be  about  one  hundred,  and  chiefly  Indians, 
and  it  seemed  to  me  that  almost  every  one  of  this  company  was 
carrying  scalps;  after  this,  came  another  company  with  a  number 
of  wagon  horses,  and  also  a  great  many  scalps.  Those  that  were 
coming  in,  and  those  that  had  arrived,  kept  a  constant  firing  of 
small  arms,  and  also  the  great  guns  in  the  fort,  which  were  ac- 
companied with  the  most  hideous  shouts  and  yells  from  all 
quarters;  so  that  it  appeared  to  me  as  if  the  infernal  regions  had 
broke  loose. 

"About  sundown  I  beheld  a  small  party  coming  in  with  about 
a  dozen  prisoners,  stripped  naked,  with  their  hands  tied  behind 
their  backs,  and  part  of  their  bodies  blackened, — these  prisoners 
they  burned  to  death  on  the  bank  of  the  Allegheny  River  opposite 
the  fort.  I  stood  on  the  fort  wall  until  I  beheld  them  begin  to 
burn  one  of  these  men;  they  had  him  tied  to  a  stake,  and  kept 
touching  him  with  fire-brands,  red-hot  irons,  &c.,  and  he  scream- 
ing in  the  most  doleful  manner, — the  Indians  in  the  meantime 
yelling  like  infernal  spirits.  As  this  scene  appeared  too  shocking 
for  me  to  behold,  I  retired  to  my  lodgings  both  sore  and  sorry." 

This  is  the  first  torture  of  white  prisoners  by  Indians  that  we 
have  seen  thus  far  in  this  volume.  We  shall  see  many  others  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  book.  In  this  connection  we  state  that  Hon. 
Warren  K.  Moorehead,  of  the  United  States  Board  of  Indian 
Commissioners,  who  has  made  the  American  Indians  a  life  study, 
believes  that  they  learned  their  cruel  treatment  of  prisoners  from 
the  early  Spanish  explorers.    However  this  may  be,  certainly  the 


Indians  never  exceeded  the  Spanish  explorers  in  cruelty.  And 
the  eternal  pages  of  history  will  say  that  the  American  Indians 
never  inflicted  more  horrible  tortures  on  prisoners,  white  or  red, 
than  civilized  white  men — Christians,  both  Catholic  and  Protes- 
tant— inflicted  on  one  another,  in  religious  persecutions  only  a 
few  centuries  ago.  It  is  well  to  keep  this  great  fact  of  history  in 
mind  as  we  read  the  accounts  of  Indian  tortures. 

But  to  quote  a  little  more  from  James  Smith's  account: 
"When  I  came  into  my  lodgings,  I  saw  Russel's  Seven  Ser- 
mons, which  they  had  brought  from  the  field  of  battle,  which  a 
Frenchman  made  a  present  of  to  me.  From  the  best  information 
I  could  receive,  there  were  only  seven  Indians  and  four  French 
killed  in  this  battle,  and  five  hundred  British  lay  dead  on  the 
field,  besides  what  were  killed  in  the  river  on  their  retreat.  The 
morning  after  the  battle,  I  saw  Braddock's  artillery  brought  into 
the  fort;  the  same  day  I  also  saw  several  Indians  in  British 
officers'  dress,  with  sash,  half  moons,  laced  hats,  &c.,  which  the 
British  then  wore." 

Smith  was  a  native  of  Franklin  County,  Pennsylvania.  He 
remained  in  captivity  among  the  Indians  at  Fort  Duquesne,  Ma- 
honing, and  Muskingum.  He  was  adopted  by  his  captors.  Dur- 
ing his  captivity  among  the  Indians,  he  was  carried  from  place  to 
place,  spending  most  of  his  time  at  Mahoning  and  Muskingum. 
In  about  1759,  he  accompanied  his  Indian  relatives  to  Montreal, 
where  he  managed  to  secrete  himself  on  board  a  French  ship.  He 
was  again  taken  prisoner  and  confined  for  four  months,  but  was 
finally  exchanged  and  reached  his  home  in  1760,  to  find  the  sweet- 
heart of  his  boyhood  married,  and  all  his  friends  and  relatives 
supposing  him  dead.  He  became  a  very  prominent  man  on  the 
Pennsylvania  frontier,  and  during  the  Revolution,  was  a  captain 
on  the  Pennsylvania  line,  being  promoted,  in  1778,  to  the  rank  of 
colonel.  In  1788,  he  removed  to  Kentucky,  where  he  at  once 
took  a  prominent  part  in  public  affairs,  serving  in  the  early  Ken- 
tucky conventions  and  in  the  legislature.  He  died  in  Washington 
County,  Kentucky,  in  1812,  leaving  behind  him  as  a  legacy  to 
historians  a  very  valuable  account  of  his  Indian  captivity. 

A  Final  View  of  the  Field 

Let  us  take  a  final  view  of  the  field  of  blood  and  death  by  the 
limpid  waters  of  the  Monongahela.  Hundreds  of  scalped  and 
mutilated  bodies  lie  amid  the  ferns,  the  laurel,  the  clinging  vines, 


and  by  the  mossy  logs  of  these  sylvan  shades.  They  He  on  the 
bank  of  the  river;  they  He  on  the  sides  of  the  ravines;  they  He  by 
the  rivulets.  The  ferns,  the  laurel,  the  vines,  the  moss  are  stained 
with  blood.  The  rivulets  run  red  with  blood.  Far  from  the  scene 
of  battle,  bodies  lie — bodies  of  the  wounded  who  dragged  them- 
selves deeper  into  the  forest  to  die,  or  perished  on  the  flight  from 
the  scene  of  slaughter.  Soon  these  bodies  will  be  torn  asunder  by 
wild  beasts.  Soon  wolves  and  bears  will  devour  their  flesh  and 
crunch  their  bones.  Later  the  voice  of  lamentation  will  be  heard 
in  hundreds  of  homes,  far  away  from  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gahela — agonizing  cries  of  fathers,  of  mothers,  of  sisters,  of 
brothers,  of  wives,  of  sweethearts  of  the  fallen.  For  long,  sad 
years,  the  mystic  cords  of  memory  and  affection,  stretching  from 
hundreds  of  homes  in  Virginia,  in  Maryland,  and  across  the  sea, 
will  bind  these  homes  to  this  Monongahela  battle  ground — bind 
them  until  these  relatives,  wives  and  sweethearts  meet  the  loved 
and  lost  in  the  land  where  there  are  no  wars,  no  partings  and  no 

General  Forbes  captured  Fort  Duquesne,  on  November  25th, 
1 758.  Three  days  later  he  sent  a  detachment  to  bury  the  bones  of 
the  soldiers  slain  at  Braddock's  defeat.  Among  those  who  went 
to  the  scene  of  the  battle  was  the  then  Sir  Peter  Halket,  son  of 
the  Sir  Peter  Halket  who  was  killed  at  the  battle,  as  was  also  one 
of  his  sons.  Young  Sir  Peter  Halket  had  accompanied  the  High- 
landers to  America  in  the  hope  of  finding  the  bones  of  his  father 
and  brother.  By  interrogating  some  Indians  who  had  fought 
against  Braddock  young  Sir  Peter  Halket  found  one  who  stated 
that  at  the  massacre  he  had  seen  an  officer  fall  near  a  tree,  that  a 
young  subaltern  ran  to  his  assistance,  was  shot  when  he  reached 
the  spot,  and  fell  across  the  other's  body.  On  hearing  the  Indian's 
story,  Halket  had  a  mournful  conviction  that  the  two  officers  were 
his  father  and  brother. 

Captain  West,  a  brother  of  the  famous  painter,  Benjamin  West, 
piloted  by  Indians  who  had  been  in  the  battle,  led  the  detachment 
which  buried  the  bones  of  Braddock's  soldiers.  In  Gait's  "Life 
of  Benjamin  West,"  we  learn  that  the  Indian  who  told  young 
Sir  Peter  Halket  the  incident  just  related,  accompanied  the  latter 
and  companions  to  the  scene  of  the  battle.  They  found  the 
ground  covered  with  skeletons.  Some  were  lying  across  trunks 
of  fallen  trees.  Skulls  and  bones  were  scattered  on  the  ground — 
a  certain  indication  that  the  bodies  had  been  torn  asunder  and 
devoured  by  wild  beasts.     In  a  short  time,  the  Indian  informant 


uttered  a  cry,  announcing  that  he  had  found  the  tree  near  which 
he  had  seen  the  officers  fall  on  the  day  of  battle.  Then  the 
Indian  removed  the  leaves  which  thickly  covered  the  ground. 
Presently  two  skeletons  were  found,  as  the  Indian  had  expected, 
lying  one  across  the  other.  Young  Peter  Halket  then  remember- 
ing that  his  father  had  an  artificial  tooth,  examined  the  jaw  bones 
of  the  skeletons  for  this  mark  of  identification.  In  a  short  time  he 
exclaimed,  "It  is  my  father!"  and  fell  into  the  arms  of  his 
companions.  The  two  skeletons,  covered  with  a  Highland  plaid, 
were  then  buried  together. 

Sargent,  one  hundred  years  after  Braddock's  defeat,  published 
his  "History  of  Braddock's  Expedition."     He  describes  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  place  of  battle  as  then  being  a  tranquil,  rural 
landscape  of  rare  charm  and  beauty,  where 
''Peaceful  smiles  the  harvest, 
And  stainless  flows  the  tide.'' 

Today,  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  years  after  the  battle, 
the  town  of  Braddock  has  replaced  the  forest  of  1755  and  the 
rural  landscape  of  1855.  Today  the  greater  part  of  the  battle- 
field is  covered  by  the  Edgar  Thompson  Steel  Works,  where  men 
face  the  hot  furnaces,  instead  of  the  rifle  of  the  Indian— where 
men  labor  amid  the  clang  and  roar  of  machinery,  instead  of  being 
shot  down  with  the  blood-curdling  yells  of  the  Indians  ringing  in 
their  ears. 

Some  of  the  Survivors 

Among  the  survivors  of  the  Braddock  campaign,  were  men 
who  lived  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 
Colonel  Gage  who  led  the  advance  on  the  day  of  battle,  was  the 
General  Gage  who  led  the  British  forces  at  Bunker  Hill.  Captain 
Horatio  Gates,  who  commanded  one  of  the  New  York  indepen- 
dent companies  in  the  Braddock  campaign,  was  the  General 
Gates  to  whom  Burgoyne  surrendered  at  Saratoga.  Captain 
Hugh  Mercer  Avho  was  in  the  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  was  the  General  Mercer  who  laid  down  his  life  for  the 
American  cause  at  the  battle  of  Princeton.  General  Daniel 
Morgan,  whose  famous  riflemen  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 
rendered  the  American  cause  such  great  service  during  the 
Revolutionary  War,  was  a  teamster  in  Braddock's  army.  For 
some  real  or  supposed  affront,  a  haughty  British  officer  caused 
him  to  be  whipped  on  the  bare  back. 

Daniel  Boone,  the  famous  Kentucky  pioneer,  was  in  Brad- 


dock's  fatal  expedition.    (Hanna's  Wilderness  Trail,  Vol.  2,  pages 
213  and  214.) 

Effects  of  Braddock's  Defeat 

The  news  of  Braddock's  defeat  quickly  spread  throughout  the 
settlements  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia  and  later 
to  the  other  Colonies,  filling  the  hearts  of  all,  especially  the  in- 
habitants of  the  frontiers,  with  dismay.  Fear  traveled  on  the 
wings  of  the  wind,  bringing  terror  to  those  who  had  believed 
Braddock's  proud  army  to  be  invincible  but  now  learned  that  it 
was  overwhelmingly  defeated. 

The  terrified  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  1,800  troops,  300  of  whom 
were  sick  and  wounded,  continued  his  retreat  to  Fort  Cumber- 
land, at  which  place  he  arrived  on  July  22nd.  About  the  only 
reason  he  gave  for  retreating  was  that  that  many  of  his  soldiers 
had  lost  their  clothes  in  the  battle.  It  was  midsummer.  Why  he 
should  attach  so  much  importance  to  lack  of  clothes  at  this  time 
of  year,  as  a  reason  for  retreating,  especially  when  he  had  so  great 
a  supply  of  ammunition  and  other  supplies  that  he  had  to  destroy 
most  of  the  same,  is  hard  to  see.  Then,  on  August  2nd,  he 
marched  away  to  "winter  quarters"  at  Philadelphia,  shamefully 
leaving  Fort  Cumberland,  the  only  fort  on  the  frontier,  with  a 
small  garrison  and  four  hundred  sick  and  wounded  soldiers.  On 
October  1st,  his  army,  fifteen  hundred  strong,  took  up  the  march 
from  Philadelphia  to  New  York  and  Albany.  When  the  news  of 
Dunbar's  cowardly  and  traitorous  action  spread  throughout  the 
settlements,  the  terror  in  the  log  cabins  on  the  frontier  was 
greatly  increased. 

If,  instead  of  destroying  the  larger  part  of  his  stores  and  am- 
munition and  then  retreating,  Dunbar  had  rested  his  troops  and 
gotten  reinforcements  from  Fort  Cumberland,  he  could  no  doubt 
have  captured  Fort  Duquesne.  This  is  unquestionably  what  he 
should  have  done.  With  reinforcements  from  Fort  Cumberland, 
he  would  have  had  about  three  times  as  many  troops  as  had  the 
French  at  Fort  Duquesne.  The  French  were  nearly  as  badly 
frightened  as  was  he.  They  expected  the  British  army  to  be 
reinforced  and  then  return.  Moreover,  nearly  all  of  their  Indian 
allies  had  returned  to  their  forest  homes  along  the  Great  Lakes. 
Gist,  Scarouady,  Montour  and  the  other  scouts  with  Dunbar, 
could  easily  have  ascertained  the  situation  and  number  of  the 
French.  Had  poor  Braddock  lived,  he  would  undoubtedly  have 
done  just  what  we  say  Dunbar  should  have  done. 


The  news  of  Dunbar's  action  soon  spread  among  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees.  Hesitating  no  longer,  they  went  over  to  the 
French  and  prepared  to  strike  the  frontier  settlements.  The 
Delawares  threw  off  the  yoke  of  subserviency  to  the  Six  Nations. 
In  doing  this,  they  declared  they  were  no  longer  "women"  but 
MEN  with  the  right  to  determine  their  own  actions.  Soon  the 
mountains  of  Pennsylvania  were  filled  with  war  parties  of  Dela- 
wares and  Shawnees,  coming  from  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny.  They  rushed  down  the  Braddock  road  into  Maryland, 
and  killed  and  scalped  settlers  almost  up  to  the  gates  of  Fort 
Cumberland.  A  little  later,  they  entered  the  Pennsylvania  settle- 
ments by  way  of  the  various  Indian  trails,  traders'  routes  and  the 
road  Colonel  Burd  had  cut  to  the  crest  of  the  Allegheny  Moun- 

The  bitter  fruits  of  the  fraudulent  Walking  Purchase  of  1737 
and  the  Albany  Purchase  of  1754  are  about  to  be  gathered.  The 
Delawares  and  Shawnees  are  about  to  wreak  terrible  and  bloody 
vengeance  on  defenseless  Pennsylvania.  In  our  next  chapter,  we 
shall  see  the  beginning  of  their  work  of  blood  and  death. 

A  Final  Word  as  to  General  Braddock 

General  Edward  Braddock  was  born  in  Perthshire,  Scotland, 
in  1695.  He  became  Lieutenant-Colonel,  in  1745,  Brigadier- 
General,  in  1746,  and  Major-General,  in  1754.  He  fought  val- 
iantly at  Fontenoy  and  Culloden. 

General  Braddock's  principal  shortcomings  were  that  he  paid 
too  little  attention  to  those  who  warned  him  of  the  dangers  of 
Indian  warfare  and  that  he  underestimated  the  worth  of  the 
Colonial  troops.  We  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  he  told  Benjamin  Franklin  that  it  was  impossible  for  the 
Indians  to  make  any  impression  whatever  on  the  British  regulars. 
But  it  must  be  remembered  that  it  was  natural  for  him  to  have 
an  exalted  opinion  of  the  efficiency  of  the  mode  of  warfare  in 
which  he  had  been  schooled  since  his  fifteenth  year,  at  which 
early  age  he  entered  the  British  army  as  an  Ensign  in  the  Cold- 
stream Guards,  a  very  aristocratic  division  of  the  army,  the  body- 
guard of  British  Royalty.  He  could  hardly  be  expected  suddenly 
to  adopt  a  radically  different  mode  of  warfare  in  his  sixtieth  year. 

His  Secretary,  William  Shirley,  son  of  Governor  Shirley,  of 
Massachusetts,  wrote  Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  from 
Fort  Cumberland,   almost  a  month   before  the  army  left  that 


place  for  Fort  Duquesne:  "We  have  a  general  most  judiciously 
chosen  for  being  disqualified  for  the  service  he  is  employed  in,  in 
almost  every  respect."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  405.)  Wash- 
ington, too,  criticised  him  "for  want  of  that  temper  and  modera- 
tion which  should  be  used  by  a  man  of  sense"  and  for  being  in- 
capable of  arguing  military  questions  without  inordinate  warmth 
of  feeling.  (Washington's  letter  of  June  7th,  1755,  to  William 
Fairfax.)  Also,  the  Indian  chief,  Scarouady,  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Provincial  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  on  August  22nd,  1755,  com- 
plained to  Governor  Morris  concerning  Braddock:  "It  is  now  well 
known  to  you  how  unhappily  we  have  been  defeated  by  the 
French  near  Monongahela.  We  must  let  you  know  that  it  was 
the  pride  and  ignorance  of  that  great  general  that  came  from 
England.  He  is  now  dead;  but  he  was  a  bad  man  when  he  was 
alive;  he  looked  upon  us  [the  Indians  who  were  with  Braddock] 
as  dogs;  would  never  hear  anything  that  was  said  to  him.  We 
often  endeavored  to  advise  him,  and  to  tell  him  of  the  danger  he 
v/as  in  with  his  soldiers;  but  he  never  appeared  pleased  with  us, 
and  that  was  the  reason  a  great  many  of  our  warriors  left  him, 
and  would  not  be  under  his  command."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6, 
page  589.) 

Bitterly  criticised  in  life,  reproach  did  not  spare  the  unfortunate 
Braddock  in  his  grave.  In  both  England  and  America,  the 
failure  of  the  expedition  was  attributed  to  his  obstinacy,  pedantry 
and  conceit.  But  the  mistakes  of  a  man  who  fails  are  always 
magnified.  Furthermore,  his  bitterest  critics  and  defamers  were 
compelled  to  admit  his  bravery.  He  was  as  brave  as  the  bravest 
of  the  brave.  Nor  was  he  without  kindness  of  heart.  Before  he 
closed  his  eyes  in  death,  in  that  Allegheny  Mountain  camp,  he 
acknowledged  his  mistake  in  not  heeding  the  advice  of  Washing- 
ton to  order  the  British  regulars  to  fight  the  Indians  in  the  manner 
of  the  Virginia  troops.  "We  shall  know  better  how  to  deal  with 
them  another  time,"  he  said.  It  is  also  said  that,  in  the  shadows 
of  the  receding  world,  he  bequeathed  Washington  his  favorite 
charger  and  his  body  servant,  Bishop,  an  evidence  of  his  affection 
for  the  Virginia  youth.  And  we  call  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Washington,  in  mature  years,  after  his  military  judgement  had 
been  strengthened  and  broadened  amid  the  mighty  throes  of 
the  American  Revolution,  said  the  following  of  his  former 
General : 

"True,  he  was  unfortunate,  but  his  character  was  much  too 
severely  treated.    He  was  one  of  the  honestest  and  best  men  of 


the  British  officers.  Even  in  the  manner  of  fighting  he  was  not 
more  to  blame  than  others,  for  of  all  that  were  consulted,  only 
one  person  [probably,  Washington,  himself]  objected  to  it.  He 
was  both  my  General  and  my  physician." 

General  Braddock  and  the  soldiers  who  went  down  to  death 
in  his  campaign  against  Fort  Duquesne,  did  not  die  in  vain. 
From  the  time  of  his  bloody  defeat,  the  frontiersmen  of  Virginia, 
Maryland  and  the  other  American  Colonies,  had  no  doubt  that 
they  were  the  equal  of  the  British  regulars.  Therefore,  they  did 
not  fear  to  take  up  arms  against  them  later  on,  in  resisting  British 
tyranny.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say,  then,  that  Braddock's  defeat 
was  the  first  step  in  the  direction  of  American  independence — 
that,  in  the  Providence  of  God,  his  defeat  was  one  of  the  links  in 
the  chain  of  events  that  led  to  American  independence — that, 
out  of  that  travail  of  blood  and  death  on  the  banks  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,  was  born  the  greatest  Nation  that  ever  stepped  forth 
upon  the  stage  of  time. 


''No  farther  seek  his  merits  to  disclose, 
Or  draw  his  frailties  from  their  dread  abode.'' 

Let  us  hope  that,  after  the  warfare  of  life,  General  Braddock 
and  those  who  criticised  him  so  severely,  have  reached  a  common 
consummation.  Let  us  hope  that  his  soul  and  theirs  found  the 
golden  key  that  unlocked  the  palace  of  a  peaceful  eternity. 


The  First  Delaware  Invasion 

IT  is  the  autumn  of  1755.  By  this  time,  nearly  all  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees  have  gone  over  to  the  French.  They  are 
about  to  invade  the  Pennsylvania  settlements  with  rifle,  toma- 
hawk and  scalping  knife.  The  storm  which  has  been  gathering 
in  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny,  is  about  to  pass  over  the 
Allegheny  Mountains  and  deluge  the  frontiers  with  indescribable 

But,  before  taking  up  the  recital  of  the  massacres  of  the  autumn 
of  1755,  let  us  again  call  attention  to  the  defenseless  condition  of 
the  Pennsylvania  frontier.  When  Governor  Morris  of  Penn- 
sylvania, learned  that  Colonel  Dunbar  was  bringing  his  army  to 
Philadelphia  to  go  into  "winter  quarters"  in  midsummer,  leaving 
the  Pennsylvania  frontier  exposed  and  unprotected,  he  was 
astounded,  and  wrote  Governor  Shirley  of  Massachusetts  to  this 
effect.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  513.)  Shirley  was  now  com- 
mander-in-chiefs, after  the  death  of  Braddock.  Furthermore, 
Governor  Morris  wrote  Dunbar,  urging  him  to  keep  his  army  on 
the  frontiers  for  the  protection  of  the  settlers.  Colonel  James 
Burd  urged  the  same  in  an  interview  with  Dunbar  at  Cumber- 
land. When  Governor  Shirley  received  the  information  that 
Dunbar  intended  to  march  to  Philadelphia,  he  wrote  that  there 
never  was  any  thing  equal  to  Braddock's  defeat  "unless  the  re- 
treat of  the  1,500  men  and  the  scheme  of  going  into  Winter 
Quarters  when  his  Majesty's  Service  stands  so  much  in  need  of 
the  troops."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  548.)  Then,  on  August 
6th,  Governor  Shirley  ordered  Dunbar  to  proceed  to  Albany,  New 
York,  with  his  troops.  Six  days  later,  he  ordered  him,  with  the 
assistance  of  troops  to  be  raised  in  Pennsylvania,  to  attack  Fort 
Duquesne  and  Fort  Presu'  Isle,  and,  in  case  of  failure  in  both 
these  attempts,  then  to  make  such  a  disposition  of  his  troops  as 
to  protect  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  especially  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Shippensburg,  Carlisle  and  McDowell's  Mill.  In  these 
orders  of  August  12th,  Shirley  told  him  that,  should  he,  "through 


any  unforeseen  Accident,"  find  it  "absolutely  impracticable"  to 
put  them  into  execution,  then  he  was  to  carry  out  the  orders  of 
August  6th,  and  come  to  Albany.  The  orders  of  August  6th  were 
the  orders  Dunbar  found  "practicable."  He  led  his  army  from 
Philadelphia  to  New  York,  as  was  seen  in  the  preceding  chapter. 
Furthermore,  Governor  Morris  was  not  able  to  raise  troops  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  wrote  Governor  Shirley,  on  August  19th,  tell- 
ing him  that  "uncommon  pains  have  been  taken  by  the  Quakers 
to  dissuade  the  people  from  taking  up  arms  upon  the  present 
occasion,"  and  explaining  that  a  great  majority  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly  were  Quakers.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Pennsylvania  when  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  in  the  autumn 
of  1755,  began  their  bloody  invasion  of  the  frontier  settlements. 
(See  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  558  to  563.) 

On  October  9th,  George  Croghan  wrote  from  Aughwick  to 
Charles  Swaine  at  Shippensburg  that  a  friendly  Indian,  coming 
from  the  Ohio,  warned  him  that  one  hundred  and  sixty  Indians 
were  ready  to  set  out  for  the  Pennsylvania  settlements.  (Pa.  Col. 
Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  642.)  This  Indian  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that 
these  Indians  would  attack  the  Province  as  soon  as  they  could 
persuade  the  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna  to  join  them.  Said 
Croghan:  "He  desires  me,  as  soon  as  I  see  the  Indians  remove 
from  Susquehanna  back  to  Ohio,  to  shift  my  quarters,  for  he  says 
that  the  French  will,  if  possible,  lay  all  the  back  frontiers  in  ruins 
this  Winter."  In  a  postscript  to  this  letter,  Croghan  asks  for 
guns  and  powder,  and  says  that  he  is  building  a  stockade,  which 
he  expects  to  complete  by  the  middle  of  the  next  week. 

Penn's  Creek  Massacre 

On  October  16th,  1755,  just  one  week  after  George  Croghan 
wrote  the  foregoing  letter,  began  the  terrible  massacre  of  the 
German  settlers  along  Penn's  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  Sus- 
quehanna near  Selinsgrove,  Snyder  County — the  first  Indian 
outrage  in  Pennsylvania,  after  Braddock's  defeat,  and  the  first 
actual  violation,  by  the  Delawares,  of  the  treaty  of  peace  which 
William  Penn  entered  into  with  the  great  Tamanend  shortly 
after  his  arrival  in  the  Province.  The  massacre  extended  from  a 
point  near  New  Berlin,  Union  County  to  a  point  near  Selinsgrove, 
and  lasted  for  two  days,  according  to  the  statements  of  Barbara 
Leininger  and  Marie  le  Roy  (Mary  King),  two  girls  captured  on 
this  occasion.     The  Indians,  fourteen  in  number,  and  all  Dela- 


wares,  came  from  the  Allegheny  Valley,  principally  from  Kit- 
tanning,  over  the  trail  used  by  the  Delawares  in  their  first  great 
exodus  from  the  region  of  Shamokin  to  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio 
and  Allegheny,  One  of  the  leaders  of  the  Indian  band  was  the 
chief,  Keckenepaulin,  who  lived  for  some  time  near  Jenners'  Cross 
Roads,  in  Somerset  County,  and  whose  name  has  been  applied 
to  the  Shawnee  town  at  the  mouth  of  the  Loyalhanna,  possibly 
due  to  the  fact  that  he  resided  there  for  a  time.  Other  members 
of  the  band  were  Joseph  Compass,  young  James  Compass,  young 
Thomas  Hickman,  Kalasquay,  Souchy,  Machynego  and  Katooch- 

The  first  account  of  this  massacre  was  given  by  John  Harris 
(later  founder  of  Harrisburg),  writing  from  his  trading  house  at 
Paxtang  (Harrisburg),  to  Governor  Morris,  on  October  20th: 

"I  was  informed  last  night  by  a  person  that  came  down  our 
river  that  there  was  a  Dutch  [German]  woman  who  had  made  her 
escape  to  George  Gabriel's,  [near  Selinsgrove],  and  informs  that 
last  Friday  Evening  on  her  way  home  from  this  Settlement  to 
Mahanoy  [Penn's  Creek]  where  her  family  lived,  she  called  at  a 
Neighbor's  House  and  saw  two  persons  laying  by  the  door  of  said 
house  murdered  and  scalped,  that  there  were  some  Dutch  [Ger- 
man] familys  that  lived  near  left  their  places  immediately,  not 
thinking  it  safe  to  stay  any  longer.  It's  the  opinion  of  the  people 
up  the  river  that  the  familys  on  Penn's  Creek,  being  but  scattered, 
that  few  in  number  are  killed  or  carried  off,  except  the  above  said 
woman,  the  certainty  of  which  will  soon  be  known,  as  there  are 
some  men  gone  out  to  bury  the  dead."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec.  Vol.  6, 
page  645.) 

In  a  postscript  to  the  above  letter,  Harris  says  that  a  man  has 
just  arrived  with  additional  information  as  to  the  number  of 
settlers  killed  and  captured  along  Penn's  Creek.  He  adds  that 
the  Indians  at  Paxtang,  mostly  of  the  Six  Nations,  urge  the  Gover- 
nor to  put  the  Province  in  a  state  of  defense.  Their  chief,  Belt 
of  Wampum,  strongly  insisted  on  this.  Then  Conrad  Weiser,  on 
October  22nd,  wrote  from  Reading  to  the  Governor,  stating  that 
information  has  been  received  that  six  families  have  been  mur- 
dered on  Penn's  Creek,  about  four  miles  from  its  mouth;  that 
altogether  twenty-eight  are  missing;  that  the  people  of  those 
parts  are  leaving  their  plantations  in  consternation,  and  that  two 
of  his  sons  have  gone  to  Penn's  Creek  to  help  one  of  their  cousins 
and  his  family  escape  with  their  lives. 

On  the  same  day  (October  20th),  the  following  petition  of  the 


inhabitants  "living  near  the  mouth  of  Penn's  Creek  on  the  West 
side  of  the  Susquehanna,"  signed  by  seventeen,  giving  some  of 
the  details  of  the  massacre,  was  sent  the  Governor: 

"That  on  or  about  the  sixteen  of  this  instant,  October,  the 
Enemy  came  down  upon  the  said  Creek  and  killed,  scalped  and 
carried  away  all  the  men,  women  and  children,  amounting  to 
25  persons  in  number,  and  wounded  one  man  who  fortunately 
made  his  escape  and  brought  us  the  news;  whereupon  we,  the 
Subscribers,  went  out  and  buried  the  dead,  whom  we  found  most 
barbarously  murdered  and  scalped.  We  found  but  13,  which 
were  men  and  elderly  women,  and  one  child  of  two  weeks  old,  the 
rest  being  young  women  and  children  we  suppose  to  be  carried 
away  prisoners;  the  House  (where  we  suppose  they  finished  their 
Murder),  we  found  burnt  up,  and  the  man  of  it,  named  Jacob 
King,  a  Swissar,  lying  just  by  it;  he  lay  on  his  back  barbarously 
burnt  and  two  Tomahawks  sticking  in  his  forehead;  one  of  the 
tomahawks,  marked  newly  with  W.  D.,  we  have  sent  to  your 
Honour.  The  terror  of  which  has  drove  away  almost  all  these 
back  inhabitants  except  us,  the  Subscribers,  with  a  few  more  who 
are  willing  to  stay  and  endeavor  to  defend  the  land;  but  as  we 
are  not  able  of  ourselves  to  defend  it  for  want  of  Guns  and  Ammu- 
nition, and  but  few  in  number,  so  that,  without  assistance  we  must 
fly  and  leave  the  Country  at  the  mercy  of  the  Enemy."  (Pa.  Col. 
Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  647-648.) 

The  persons  captured  during  this  horrible  massacre  were: 
Barbara  Leininger,  Rachel  (Regina)  Leininger,  Marie  le  Roy, 
Jacob  le  Roy,  Marian  Wheeler,  Hanna,  wife  of  Jacob  Breylinger, 
and  two  of  their  children,  one  of  whom  died  at  Kittanning  of 
starvation,  Peter  Lick  and  his  two  sons,  John  and  William.  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  633.) 

Barbara  Leininger  and  Marie  le  Roy  were  neighbor  girls,  aged 
about  twelve  years,  living  about  one  half  mile  apart  and  near  the 
present  town  of  New  Berlin,  Marie  le  Roy  was  a  daughter  of 
Jean  Jaques  le  Roy,  alias  Jacob  King,  one  of  the  victims  of  the 
massacre.  The  Indians  took  these  girls  and  others  with  them. 
When  they  arrived  at  Chinklacamoose  (Clearfield),  Marie's 
brother  Jacob  was  left  with  the  Delawares  of  that  place.  The 
Indians  then  took  the  two  girls  to  Punxsutawney,  thence  to 
Kittanning,  at  which  place  they  arrived  in  December  and  re- 
mained until  after  Colonel  John  Armstrong  destroyed  this  noted 
Delaware  town,  September  8th,  1756.  Here  they  were  compelled 
to  witness  the  torture  of  some  English  prisoners.    In  their  "Nar- 


rative,"  found  in  Pa.  Ar.,  Sec.  Series  Vol.  7,  pages  401  to  412,  they 
describe  one  of  these  tortures,  that  of  a  woman  who  had  attempted 
to  escape.    It  is  a  shocking  recital.    After  the  woman  was  dead, 

"an  English  soldier,  named  John ,  who  escaped  from  prison 

at  Lancaster,  and  joined  the  French,  had  a  piece  of  flesh  cut  from 
her  body,  and  ate  it." 

Barbara  and  Marie  were  taken  to  Fort  Duquesne  soon  after 
Colonel  Armstrong's  expedition,  where  they  remained  for  two 
months.  They  say  that  the  French  at  the  fort  tried  to  persuade 
them  to  leave  the  Indians  captors  and  stay  with  them,  but  that 
they  "could  not  abide  the  French,"  and  felt  that  they  were  better 
off  among  the  Indians.  From  Fort  Duquesne,  they  were  taken 
to  Sauconk,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  where  they  remained 
until  the  spring  of  1757,  when  they  were  taken  up  the  Beaver  to 
Kuskuskies.  They  were  among  the  Delawares  at  Kuskuskies 
when  Christian  Frederick  Post  visited  that  place,  in  the  autumn 
of  1758,  on  his  peace  mission  to  the  Western  Delawares.  They 
met  him,  but  the  Indians  did  not  permit  them  to  speak  with  him. 
Shortly  after  General  Forbes  captured  Fort  Duquesne,  on  Novem- 
ber 25th,  1758,  they  were  taken  to  the  Muskingum,  to  which 
place  the  Delawares  then  fled  from  Sauconk,,  Logstown,  Kus- 
kuskies, Shenango  (located  on  the  Shenango  River,  just  below  the 
town  of  Sharon,  Mercer  County)  and  other  Indian  towns  in 
Western  Pennsylvania.  From  Muskingum,  the  girls  made  their 
escape,  on  March  16th,  1759,  coming  to  the  newly  erected  Fort 
Pitt,  thence  by  way  of  Ligonier,  Bedford  and  Carlisle  to  Phila- 
delphia, at  which  place  they  arrived  on  May  6th,  being  conducted 
part  of  the  way  from  Fort  Pitt  by  soldiers  commanded  by  Captain 
Samuel  Weiser,  son  of  the  famous  Indian  interpreter  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Conrad  Weiser.  After  arriving  at  Philadelphia,  they 
appeared  before  the  Provincial  Council,  and  gave  an  account  of 
their  terrible  experiences.  (See  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  633.) 
Later  they  published  their  "Narrative,"  from  which  we  quote  the 
following  about  the  Penn's  Creek  massacre: 

"Early  in  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  October,  1755,  while 
le  Roy's  [the  father  of  Marie]  hired  man  went  out  to  fetch  the 
cows,  he  heard  the  Indians  shooting  six  times.  Soon  after,  eight 
of  them  came  to  the  house,  and  killed  Barbara  (Marie)  le  Roy's 
father  with  tomahawks.  Her  brother  defended  himself  des- 
perately for  a  time,  but  was  at  last  overpowered.  The  Indians  did 
not  kill  him,  but  took  him  prisoner,  together  with  Marie  le  Roy 
and  a  little  girl  who  was  staying  with  the  family.     Thereupon 


they  plundered  the  homestead,  and  set  it  on  fire.  Into  this  fire 
they  laid  the  body  of  the  murdered  father,  feet  foremost,  until  it 
was  half  consumed.  The  upper  half  was  left  lying  on  the  ground, 
with  the  two  tomahawks  with  which  they  had  killed  him,  sticking 
in  his  head.  Then  they  kindled  another  fire,  not  far  from  the 
house.  While  sitting  around  it,  a  neighbor  of  le  Roy,  named 
Bastian,  happened  to  pass  by  on  horseback.  He  was  immediately 
shot  down  and  scalped. 

"Two  of  the  Indians  now  went  to  the  house  of  Barbara  Leinin- 
ger,  where  they  found  her  father,  her  brother,  and  her  sister, 
Regina.  Her  mother  had  gone  to  the  mill.  They  demanded  rum, 
but  there  was  none  in  the  house.  They  then  called  for  tobacco, 
which  was  given  them.  Having  filled  and  smoked  a  pipe,  they 
said:  'We  are  Allegheny  Indians,  and  your  enemies.  You  must 
all  die!'  Thereupon,  they  shot  her  father,  tomahawked  her 
brother,  who  was  twenty  years  of  age,  took  Barbara  and  her 
sister  Regina  prisoners,  and  conveyed  them  into  the  forest  for 
about  a  mile.  They  were  soon  joined  by  the  other  Indians,  with 
Marie  le  Roy  and  the  little  girl. 

"Not  long  after,  several  of  the  Indians  led  the  prisoners  to  the 
top  of  a  high  hill,  near  the  two  plantations.  Toward  evening  the 
rest  of  the  savages  returned  with  six  fresh  and  bloody  scalps, 
which  they  threw  at  the  feet  of  the  poor  captives,  saying  that  they 
had  a  good  hunt  that  day. 

"The  next  morning  we  were  taken  about  two  miles  further 
into  the  forest,  while  the  most  of  the  Indians  again  went  out  to 
kill  and  plunder.  Toward  evening  they  returned  with  nine  scalps 
and  five  prisoners. 

"On  the  third  day  the  whole  band  came  together  and  divided 
the  spoils.  In  addition  to  large  quantities  of  provisions,  they  had 
taken  fourteen  horses  and  ten  prisoners,  namely:  One  man,  one 
woman,  five  girls  and  three  boys.  We  two  girls,  as  also  two  of 
the  horses,  fell  to  the  share  of  an  Indian  named  Galasko.  We 
traveled  with  our  new  master  for  two  days.  He  was  tolerably 
kind,  and  allowed  us  to  ride  all  the  way,  while  he  and  the  rest  of 
the  Indians  walked." 

It  is  significant  that  the  Penn's  Creek  Massacre  took  place 
almost  on  the  line  of  the  Albany  Purchase  of  July,  1754,  which 
so  offended  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees.  It  is  said  that  the  line 
would  have  passed  through  the  land  of  Jacob  King,  alias  le  Roy. 
The  Penn's  Creek  settlers  had  come  to  this  place  in  1754. 

Also,  it  is  a  strange  anomaly  in  the  record  of  Pennsylvania's 


relations  with  the  Indians  that  the  first  blow  struck  by  the  Indians 
against  the  Province  fell  upon  the  German  settlers,  who  had 
always  treated  the  Indian  kindly.  While  others  went  to  the 
Indian  "with  a  musket  in  one  hand  and  a  bottle  of  rum  in  the 
other,"  the  German  settlers  on  the  border  land  did  not  cheat  him 
or  take  advantage  of  him  in  any  way.  There  is  no  sublimer 
chapter  in  American  history  than  the  account,  for  instance,  of 
the  efforts  of  the  Moravian  Missionaries,  Germans,  to  win  the 
Indians  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Christian  faith. 

Attack  on  John  Harris 

On  October  23d,  John  Harris,  Thomas  Forster,  Captain  McKee 
and  Adam  Terence  went  from  Harris'  trading  house  at  Paxtang 
to  Penn's  Creek,  with  a  force  of  between  forty  and  fifty  men,  to 
bury  the  dead  of  the  massacre  of  October  16th  and  17th.  When 
they  arrived,  they  found  that  this  had  already  been  done.  They 
then  decided  to  return  immediately  to  the  settlement  at  Paxtang, 
but  were  urged  by  John  Shikellamy,  son  of  the  vice-gerent  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  the  Belt  of  Wampum,  (or  the  Belt,  also  called 
White  Thunder),  a  Seneca  chief,  to  go  to  Shamokin  (Sunbury), 
about  five  miles  farther  up  the  Susquehanna,  in  order  to  ascertain 
the  feelings  of  the  Indians  at  that  place,  which  they  did. 

Harris  and  his  companions  found  many  strange  Delawares  at 
Shamokin,  all  painted  black,  Andrew  Montour  being  with  them 
and  also  painted  black.  These  Delawares  had  come  from  the 
valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  to  advise  the  Delawares  at 
Shamokin  and  other  places  on  the  Susquehanna  that  the  Dela- 
wares of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  had  taken  up  arms  against  the 
English,  and  to  warn  all  those  of  this  tribe  on  the  Susquehanna 
who  would  not  join  them  to  move  away. 

Harris  and  his  men  spent  the  night  (October  24th)  at  Shamokin. 
In  the  night  time,  Adam  Terrence  overheard  Delawares  talking 
as  follows:  "What  are  the  English  [Harris  and  his  men]  come  here 
for?  To  kill  us,  I  suppose.  Can't  we  then  send  off  some  of  our 
nimble  young  men  to  give  our  friends  notice  that  will  soon  be 
here."  Then,  after  they  had  sung  a  war  song,  four  of  them  went 
off,  well  armed,  in  two  canoes,  one  across  the  Susquehanna  and 
the  other  down  the  river. 

At  this  point,  we  call  attention  to  the  fact  that,  after  the 
councils  held  at  Shamokin  that  night  and  later,  the  hostile  Dela- 
wares gathered  at  Nescopeck,  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  of  the 


same  name,  in  Luzerne  County,  where  later  many  a  bloody  ex- 
pedition was  planned  by  Shingas,  Captain  Jacobs,  Teedyuscung 
and  other  of  their  chiefs.  Also,  at  the  time  of  these  councils  at 
Shamokin,  the  Moravian  missionary,  Keifer,  was  residing  at  that 
place,  exposed  to  imminent  danger,  whereupon  the  friendly 
Shawnee  chief,  Paxinosa,  of  Wyoming,  sent  two  of  his  sons  who 
rescued  the  missionary  and  conducted  him  safely  to  the  Moravian 
mission  at  Gnadenhuetten. 

But  to  return  to  Harris  and  his  band.  They  left  Shamokin  on 
the  morning  of  October  25th.  Before  leaving  they  were  advised 
by  Scarouady  and  Andrew  Montour,  who  were  present,  not  to 
follow  the  western  side  of  the  river  on  their  return.  However, 
disregarding  this  advice,  they  marched  down  the  west  side  of  the 
river.  When  they  reached  the  mouth  of  Penn's  Creek,  they  were 
fired  upon  by  Delawares  hidden  in  the  bushes.  Harris  describes 
the  attack  as  follows : 

"We  were  attacked  by  about  twenty  or  thirty  Indians,  received 
their  fire,  and  about  fifteen  of  our  men  and  myself  took  to  the 
trees  and  attacked  the  villians,  killed  four  of  them  on  the  spot, 
and  lost  but  three  men,  retreating  about  half  a  mile  through  the 
woods  and  crossing  the  Susquehanna,  one  of  which  was  shot  from 
off  an  horse,  riding  behind  myself  through  the  river.  My  horse 
before  was  wounded,  and  falling  in  the  river,  I  was  obliged  to 
quit  and  swim  part  of  the  way.  Four  or  five  of  our  men  were 
drowned  crossing  the  river."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  654, 

John  Harris  gave  the  above  account  in  a  letter  written  to 
Governor  Morris,  on  October  28th.    He  adds: 

"The  old  Belt  of  Wampum  promised  me  at  Shamokin  to  send 
out  spies  to  view  the  enemy,  and  upon  his  hearing  of  our  Skirmish 
was  in  a  rage,  gathered  up  30  Indians  immediately  and  went 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  I  am  this  day  informed  .  .  .  The  Indians 
are  all  assembling  themselves  at  Shamokin  to  counsel;  a  large 
body  of  them  were  there  four  days  ago.  I  cannot  learn  their  in- 
tentions, but  it  seems  Andrew  Montour  and  Scarouady  are  to 
bring  down  the  news  from  them.  There  is  not  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  them  to  oppose  the  enemy ;  and  perhaps  they  will  all  join 
the  enemy  against  us.  There  is  no  dependence  on  Indians,  and 
we  are  in  imminent  danger. 

"I  got  information  from  Andrew  Montour  and  others  that  there 
is  a  body  of  French  with  fifteen  hundred  Indians  coming  upon  us, 
— Picks,  Ottawas,  Orandox,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  a  number 


of  the  Six  Nations, — and  are  not  many  days  march  from  this 
Province  and  Virginia,  which  are  appointed  to  be  attacked.  At 
the  same  time,  some  of  the  Shawnee  Indians  seem  friendly,  and 
others  appear  Hke  enemies.  Montour  knew  many  days  ago  of 
the  Indians  being  on  their  march  against  us  before  he  informed; 
for  which  I  said  as  much  to  him  as  I  thought  prudent,  considering 
the  place  I  was  in." 

"I  just  now  received  information  that  there  was  a  French 
Officer,  supposed  to  be  a  Captain,  with  a  party  of  Shawonese, 
Delawares,  etc.,  within  six  miles  of  the  Shamokin  two  days  ago, 
and  no  doubt  intends  to  take  possession  of  it,  which  will  be  of 
dreadful  consequence  to  us  if  suffered.  The  inhabitants  are 
abandoning  their  plantations,  and  we  are  in  a  dreadful  situation." 

Then  in  a  postscript,  he  says:  "The  night  ensuing  our  attack 
the  Indians  burnt  all  George  Gabriel's  Houses,  danced  around 
them,  etc." 

The  report  to  the  effect  that  there  was  a  "body  of  French  with 
fifteen  hundred  Indians"  on  the  march  from  the  Ohio  to  the 
Pennsylvania  settlements  was  but  one  of  the  rumors  that,  at  that 
dreadful  time,  filled  the  unprotected  frontier  with  terror. 

Massacre  on  East  Side  of  the  Susquehanna 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Delawares  made  the  attack  on  John 
Harris,  or  probably  the  next  day,  they  crossed  the  Susquehanna 
and  killed  many  settlers  from  Thomas  McKee's  to  Hunter's  Mill. 
Conrad  Weiser,  in  a  letter,  written  from  his  home  near  Womels- 
dorf  to  James  Reed  at  Reading  late  in  the  night  of  October  26th, 
describes  this  incursion  as  follows: 

"This  evening,  about  an  hour  ago,  I  received  the  news  of  the 
Enemy  having  crossed  the  Susquehanna  and  killed  a  great  many 
people  from  Thomas  McKee's  down  to  Hunter's  Mill.  Mr. 
Elders  [the  Rev.  John  Elder,  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church 
at  Paxtang,  later  Colonel],  the  minister  of  Paxton,  wrote  this  to 
another  Presbyterian  Minister  in  the  neighborhood  of  Adam  Reed 
Esq."  (Squire  Adam  Read  who  lived  on  Swatara  Creek.)  (Pa. 
Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  650.) 

Learning  of  this  incursion  so  closely  following  the  Penn's  Creek 
massacre  and  the  attack  on  his  party,  John  Harris  nevertheless 
determined  not  to  flee.  On  October  29ch,  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6, 
page  656),  he  wrote  Edward  Shippen,  of  Lancaster,  that  he  had 
that  day  cut  holes  in  his  trading  house  and  "determined  to  hold 


out  to  the  last  extremity."  "We  expect  the  Enemy  upon  us  every 
day,  and  the  Inhabitants  are  abandoning  their  Plantations," 
further  wrote  Harris,  in  his  letter. 

Attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  in  this  same  letter  John 
Harris  urged  the  erection  of  a  fort  at  some  "convenient  place  up 
the  Susquehannah,"  as  a  gathering  place  for  friendly  Delawares 
on  this  river  as  well  a  place  for  the  defense  of  the  Province  by  its 
white  inhabitants.  In  doing  this  he  was  in  line  with  the  urgent 
request  of  the  Belt,  the  friendly  Seneca.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  lack  of  such  a  fort  had  much  to  do  with  the  going  over  to  the 
French  of  many  Delawares  and  Shawnees  on  the  Susquehanna, 
who  otherwise  would  have  remained  at  peace  with  Pennsylvania. 
The  English  trade  was  blotted  out  by  the  French,  who,  after 
having  gotten  complete  possession  of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny 
and  the  allegiance  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of  their 
valleys,  were  now  planning  to  take  possession  of  the  Susquehanna 
and  erect  a  fort  at  Shamokin.  The  French  and  their  Indian 
allies  had  the  supplies  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  on  the 
Susquehanna  so  sorely  need,  and  being  unable  to  get  ammunition 
and  other  supplies  from  the  English,  many  of  the  Indians  on  the 
Susquehanna  now  turned  to  the  French. 

Weiser  Plans  Defense  of  the  Province 

The  news  of  the  massacres  at  Penn's  Creek  and  its  vicinity 
spread  fast,  and  from  a  letter  written  from  Reading  by  Conrad 
Weiser  to  Governor  Morris  on  October  30th,  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol. 
6,  pages  656-659),  we  find  that  he  immediately  alarmed  the 
settlers  of  Berks  County.  The  farmers,  to  the  number  of  more 
than  two  hundred,  armed  with  guns,  swords,  axes,  pitchforks  and 
whatever  they  chanced  to  possess,  gathered  at  Benjamin  Spicker's 
near  Stouchsburg,  about  six  miles  from  Weiser's  home.  Weiser 
sent  privately  for  Rev.  J.  N.  Kurtz,  a  Lutheran  clergyman,  who 
resided  about  a  mile  from  Spicker's,  and  after  an  exhortation  and 
prayer  by  this  clergyman,  the  farmers  were  divided  into  com- 
panies of  thirty,  each  under  a  captain  selected  by  themselves. 
Weiser  then  took  up  his  march  towards  the  Susquehanna  in  the 
early  morning  of  October  28th,  having  sent  fifty  men  "to  Tolheo 
in  order  to  possess  themselves  of  the  Capes  or  Narrows  of  Swaha- 
tawro,  where  we  expected  the  enemy  would  come  through."  These 
carried  a  letter  from  Weiser  to  William  Parsons,  who  happened  to 


be  at  his  plantation.  Weiser's  force  increased  rapidly  in  number 
on  the  way,  and  at  ten  o'clock  (October  28th),  reached  Adam 
Read's  on  Swatara  Creek,  in  East  Hanover  Township,  Lebanon 
County.  Here  intelligence  was  received  of  the  attack  on  John 
Harris  and  his  party  who  had  gone  to  bury  the  dead  of  the  Penn's 
Creek  Massacre.  This  news  dampened  the  ardor  of  Weiser's  men, 
and  they  concluded  that  they  could  afiford  more  protection  to 
their  families  by  remaining  at  home.  They  accordingly  wended 
their  way  back  to  their  homes,  hearing  a  rumor  as  they  were  re- 
turning, that  the  Indians  had  already  made  their  way  through 
Tolheo  Gap  and  killed  a  number  of  people. 

William  Parsons  received  the  letter  sent  him  by  Weiser.  In  a 
letter,  found  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  443,  he  tells  that  he  met 
the  advance  guard  of  Weiser's  forces,  and  advised  them  to  make  a 
breastwork  of  trees  at  Swatara  Gap.  They  went  as  far  as  the  top 
of  the  mountain,  fired  their  guns  in  the  air,  and  then  came  back, 
firing  the  whole  way  to  the  terror  of  the  inhabitants.  Presently 
came  the  news  of  the  murder  of  a  certain  Henry  Hartman,  who 
lived  over  the  mountain  just  beyond  Swatara  Gap.  As  Mr. 
Parsons  and  a  party  were  on  their  way  to  bury  Hartman 's  body, 
they  were  told  of  two  more  men  who  had  recently  been  killed  and 
scalped,  and  of  several  others  who  were  missing.  It  was  a  terrible 
time.  The  roads  were  filled  with  settlers  fleeing  from  their  homes. 
Confusion  reigned  supreme.  Though  the  settlers  lacked  military 
experience,  they  were,  at  heart,  brave  and  true  men.  Governor 
Morris,  on  October  31st,  answered  Weiser's  letter  of  October  30th, 
commending  his  conduct  and  zeal,  and  enclosing  him  a  commis- 
sion as  Colonel  that  he  might  have  greater  authority  in  those 
trying  times.  A  few  days  later,  Weiser  accompanied  Scarouady, 
Andrew  Montour  and  "drunken  Zigrea"  to  Philadelphia,  where 
Scarouady  held  the  important  conferences  with  Governor  Morris, 
on  November  8th  to  14th,  described  later  in  this  history. 

Benjamin  Spicker  or  Spycker,  above  mentioned,  lived  in  what 
is  now  Jackson  Township,  Lebanon  County,  not  far  from  the 
Berks  County  line.  Several  miles  west  of  Spicker's  and  a  short 
distance  east  of  Myerstown,  Lebanon  County,  was  the  fortified 
house  of  Philip  Breitenbach.  On  several  occasions,  when  there 
were  Indian  alarms,  Mr.  Breitenbach  took  a  drum  and  beat  it  on 
a  little  hill  near  his  house,  to  collect  his  neighbors  from  their  labors 
into  the  blockhouse.  On  one  occasion,  the  Indians  pursued  them 
so  close  to  the  blockhouse  that  one  of  the  inmates  shot  one  of  the 
red  men  dead  on  the  spot. 


Regina,  the  German  Captive 

We  close  this  chapter  with  the  interesting  narrative  of  "Regina, 
the  German  Captive,"  first  quoting  it  as  it  appears  in  "The 
Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania,"  and  then  adding  some  com- 
ments which  show  that  its  inclusion  in  the  present  chapter  is  not 
inappropriate.    The  story  is  as  follows: 

"The  Rev.  Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg  [a  son-in-law  of  Con- 
rad Weiser]  relates  in  the  'Hallische  Nachrichten,'  page  1029,  a 
touching  incident,  which  has  been  frequently  told,  but  is  so 
'apropos'  to  this  record  that  it  should  not  be  omitted.  It  was  of 
the  widow  of  John  Hartman  who  called  at  his  house  in  February, 
1765,  who  had  been  a  member  of  one  of  Rev.  Kurtz's  [a  Lutheran 
pastor  in  Berks  County]  congregations.  She  and  her  husband 
had  emigrated  to  this  country  from  Reutlingen,  Wurtemberg,  and 
settled  on  the  frontiers  of  Lebanon  County.  The  Indians  fell 
upon  them  in  October,  1755,  killed  her  husband,  one  of  the  sons, 
and  carried  off  two  small  daughters  into  captivity,  whilst  she  and 
the  other  son  were  absent.  On  her  return  she  found  the  home  in 
ashes,  and  her  family  either  dead  or  lost  to  her,  whereupon  she 
fled  to  the  interior  settlements  at  Tulpehocken  and  remained 

"The  sequel  to  this  occurrence  is  exceedingly  interesting  The 
two  girls  were  taken  away.  It  was  never  known  what  became  of 
Barbara,  the  elder,  but  Regina,  with  another  little  girl  two  years 
old,  were  given  to  an  old  Indian  women,  who  treated  them  very 
harshly.  In  the  absence  of  her  son,  who  supplied  them  with  food, 
she  drove  the  children  into  the  woods  to  gather  herbs  and  roots 
to  eat,  and,  when  they  failed  to  get  enough,  beat  them  cruelly. 
So  they  lived  until  Regina  was  about  nineteen  years  old  and  the 
other  girl  eleven.  Her  mother  was  a  good  Christian  woman,  and 
had  taught  her  daughters  their  prayers,  together  with  many  texts 
from  the  Scriptures,  and  their  beautiful  German  hymns,  much  of 
which  clung  to  her  memory  during  all  these  years  of  captivity. 

"At  last,  in  the  providence  of  God,  Colonel  Bouquet  brought 
the  Indians  under  subjection  in  1764,  [at  the  end  of  Pontiac's 
War]  and  obliged  them  to  give  up  their  captives.  More  than  two 
hundred  of  these  unfortunate  beings  were  gathered  together  at 
Carlisle,  amongst  them  the  two  girls,  and  notices  were  sent  all 
over  the  country  for  those  who  had  lost  friends  and  relatives,  of 
that  fact.  Parents  and  husbands  came,  in  some  instances, 
hundreds  of  miles,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  those  they  had  lost, 


the  widow  being  one  of  the  number.  There  were  many  joyful 
scenes,  but  more  sad  ones.  So  many  changes  had  taken  place, 
that  in  many  instances,  recognition  seemed  impossible.  This  was 
the  case  with  the  widow.  She  went  up  and  down  the  long  line, 
but,  in  the  young  women  who  stood  before  her,  dressed  in  Indian 
costume,  she  failed  to  recognize  the  little  girls  she  had  lost.  As 
she  tood,  gazing  and  weeping,  Colonel  Bouquet  compassionately 
suggested  that  she  do  something  which  might  recall  the  past  to 
her  children.  She  could  think  of  nothing  but  a  hymn  which  was 
formerly  a  favorite  with  the  little  ones: 

'AUein,  und  doch  nicht  ganz  allein. 

Bin  ich  in  meiner  Einsamkeit.' 
[The  English  translation  of  the  first  stanza  of  this  hymn  is  as 
follows : 

'Alone,  yet  not  alone  am  I, 

Though  in  this  solitude  so  drear; 

I  feel  my  Saviour  always  nigh. 

He  comes  the  very  hour  to  cheer; 

I  am  with  Him,  and  He  with  me. 

E'en  here  alone  I  cannot  be.'  ] 

"She  commenced  singing,  in  German,  but  had  barely  completed 
two  lines,  when  poor  Regina  rushed  from  the  crowd,  began  to 
sing  also  and  threw  her  arms  around  her  mother.  They  both 
wept  for  joy  and  the  Colonel  gave  the  daughter  up  to  her  mother. 
But  the  other  girl  had  no  parents,  they  having  probably  been 
murdered.  She  clung  to  Regina  and  begged  to  be  taken  home 
with  her.  Poor  as  was  the  widow  she  could  not  resist  the  appeal 
and  the  three  departed  together." 

The  foregoing  account  is  all  based  on  the  original  account 
written  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Melchior,  Muhlenberg,  D.D.,  in  his 
"Hallische  Nachrichten,"  with  the  exception  of  the  family  name 
of  the  mother  and  daughter.  Muhlenberg  does  not  give  the  name 
of  the  family  and  does  not  definitely  give  the  location  of  the 
tragedy.  In  time  the  belief  became  quite  general  among  Penn- 
sylvania historians  that  Regina  was  a  daughter  of  John  Hartman, 
born  June  20th,  1710,  and  that  the  scene  of  the  tragedy  is  at  or 
near  the  site  of  the  town  of  Orwigsburg,  Schuylkill  County. 

Captain  H.  M.  M.  Richards,  a  descendant  of  Muhlenberg,  con- 
tends in  his  "The  Pennsylvania-German  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War"  (Vol.  XV  of  the  Publications  of  the  Pennsylvania  German 
Society),  that  Regina  was  none  other  than  Regina  Leininger,  who, 


as  we  have  seen,  was  captured  at  the  Penn's  Creek  massacre  of 
October  16th,  1755,  the  very  date  Muhlenberg  gives  as  the  date 
of  the  tragedy  described  in  his  account.  In  addition  to  the  date 
of  the  alleged  Hartman  tragedy  being  the  same  as  the  date  of 
the  Leininger  tragedy,  the  following  points  of  similarity  in  the 
narrative  of  Rev.  Muhlenberg  and  the  narrative  of  Marie  Le 
Roy  and  Barbara  Leininger  will  be  noted:  In  each  tragedy,  the 
mother  was  absent,  the  father  was  killed,  a  son  was  killed  and 
two  daughters,  one  named  Regina  and  the  other  Barbara,  were 

Furthermore,  Muhlenberg  says  that  the  father  "was  already 
advanced  in  years,  and  too  feeble  to  endure  hard  labor;"  but 
John  Hartman  would  have  been  only  forty-five  years  old  at  the 
time  of  the  tragedy.  Also,  there  is  no  record  of  Indian  outrages 
east  of  the  Susquehanna  until  after  the  attack  on  John  Harris 
(October,  25th),  and  none  in  the  neighborhood  of  Orwigsburg 
until  at  least  the  middle  of  November. 

We  believe  that  any  one  who  will  closely  compare  the  narrative 
of  Barbara  Leininger  and  Marie  le  Roy  with  Muhlenberg's  ac- 
count will  agree  with  Captain  Richards  that  each  narrative 
describes  the  same  tragedy — that  Regina  "Hartman"  was  Regina 
Leininger,  and  that  she  became  permanently  separated  from  her 
sister  Barbara  at  the  time  of  the  flight  of  the  Indians  and  their 
captives  from  Kuskuskies  to  the  Muskingum,  after  General 
Forbes  captured  Fort  Duquesne. 

"Regina,  the  German  Captive,"  and  her  mother  are  said  to  be 
buried  in  Christ  Lutheran  Cemetery,  near  Stouchsburg,  Berks 
County.  Whether  or  not  the  dust  of  this  daughter  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania frontier  reposes  in  this  cemetery,  and  whether  her 
name  was  Regina  Leininger  or  Regina  Hartman,  God  knows 
where  she  sleeps  and  has  written  her  name  in  his  book  of  ever- 
lasting remembrance. 


Invasion  of  Great  and  Little  Coves 
and  the  Conolloways 

ON  October  31st,  1755,  one  hundred  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
from  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  began  an  invasion  of  the  Scotch 
Irish  settlements  in  the  Great  or  Big  Cove  and  along  the  Big  and 
Little  Conolloway  Creeks  in  Fulton  County  and  the  Little  Cove 
in  Franklin  County.  This  incursion  lasted  for  several  days  and 
virtually  blotted  out  these  settlements.  Of  the  ninety-three 
settlers  in  the  Great  Cove,  forty-seven  were  killed  and  captured. 
No  pen  can  describe  the  horrors  of  this  bloody  incursion.  In- 
furiated Indians  dashed  out  the  brains  of  little  children  against 
the  door-posts  of  cabins  of  the  settlers  in  the  presence  of  shrieking 
mothers,  and,  it  is  said,  in  some  cases,  cut  off  the  heads  of  children 
and  drank  their  warm  blood.  Wives  and  mothers  were  tied  to 
trees,  and  compelled  to  witness  the  torture  of  their  husbands  and 
children.  One  woman,  over  ninety  years  of  age,  was  found  with 
her  breasts  cut  ofif  and  a  stake  driven  through  her  body.  Scores 
of  houses  and  barns  were  burned.  Horses  and  cattle  were  killed 
or  driven  off.  The  captured  settlers  were  taken  to  Kittanning 
and  other  Delaware  and  Shawnee  towns  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Allegheny  and  Ohio,  and  later  to  the  Tuscarawas  and  Muskin- 
gum, few  of  whom  ever  returned. 

The  leader  of  the  Indians  was  Shingas,  the  "Delaware  King," 
a  brother  of  King  Beaver  or  Tamaque,  and  Pisquetomen  and  said 
by  some  authorities  to  have  been  a  nephew  of  the  great  Sassoonan, 
or  Allumapees.  This  was  the  first  of  those  incursions  which  made 
the  name  of  Shingas  "a  terror  to  the  frontier  settlements  of 
Pennsylvania."  Heckewelder  says  of  him:  "Were  his  war  ex- 
ploits all  on  record,  they  would  form  an  interesting  document, 
though  a  shocking  one.  Conococheague,  Big  Cove,  Sherman's 
Valley  and  other  settlements  along  the  frontier  felt  his  strong 
arm  sufficiently  that  he  was  a  bloody  warrior,  cruel   his  treat- 


ment,  relentless  his  fury.  His  person  was  small,  but  in  point  of 
courage  and  activity,  savage  prowess,  he  was  said  to  have  never 
been  exceeded  by  any  one."  Yet  Heckewelder  further  says  that, 
though  Shingas  was  terrible  and  vindictive  in  battle,  he  was 
nevertheless  kind  to  prisoners  whose  lives  he  intended  to  spare. 
"One  day,"  he  says,  "in  the  summer  of  1762,  while  passing  with 
him  [Shingas]  near  by  where  two  prisoners  of  his,  boys  about 
twelve  years  of  age,  were  amusing  themselves  with  his  own  boys, 
as  the  chief  observed  that  my  attention  was  arrested  by  them,  he 
asked  me  at  what  I  was  looking.  Telling  him  in  reply  that  I  was 
looking  at  his  prisoners,  he  said:  'When  I  first  took  them,  they 
were  such ;  but  now  they  and  my  children  eat  their  food  from  the 
same  bowl,  or  dish.*  Which  was  equivalent  to  saying  that  they 
were,  in  all  respects,  on  an  equal  footing  with  his  own  children,  or 
alike  dear  to  him."  Shingas  was  at  that  time  living  on  the 

But  let  us  return  to  the  scenes  of  blood  and  death  in  the  Coves 
and  along  the  Conolloways.  The  following  letters  vividly  tell 
the  story  of  this  incursion : 

Benjamin  Chambers  (later  Colonel),  writing  from  his  home  at 
Falling  Springs,  now  Chambersburg,  Franklin  County,  on  Nov- 
ember 2nd,  "to  the  inhabitants  of  the  lower  part  of  the  County  of 
Cumberland,"  tells  of  this  bloody  incursion  as  follows: 

"If  you  intend  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  your  neighbours,  you 
need  wait  any  longer  for  the  certainty  of  the  news.  The  Great 
Cove  is  destroyed ;  James  Campbell  left  this  company  last  night 
and  went  to  the  fort  at  Mr.  Steel's  meeting  house,  and  there  saw 
some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Great  Cove,  who  gave  this  account 
that,  as  they  came  over  the  hill,  they  saw  their  houses  in  flames. 
The  messenger  says  that  there  is  but  100,  and  that  they  divided 
into  two  parts.  The  one  part  to  go  against  the  Cove  and  the  other 
against  the  Conolloways,  and  that  there  are  no  French  among 
them.  They  are  Delawares  and  Shawnees.  The  part  that  came 
against  the  Cove  are  under  the  command  of  Shingas,  the  Dela- 
ware King;  the  people  of  the  Cove  that  came  off  saw  several  men 
lying  dead;  they  heard  the  murder  shout  and  the  firing  of  guns, 
and  saw  the  Indians  going  into  the  houses  that  they  had  come  out 
of  before  they  left  sight  of  the  Cove.  I  have  sent  express  to  Marsh 
Creek  at  the  same  time  that  I  send  this,  so  I  expect  there  will  be 
a  good  company  from  there  this  day,  and  as  there  is  but  100  of 
the  enemy,  I  think  it  is  in  our  power  (if  God  permit)  to  put  them 
to  flight,  if  you  turn  out  well  from  your  parts.    I  understand  that 


the  west  settlement  is  designed  to  go  if  they  can  get  any  assistance 
to  repel  them."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  675-676.) 

Likewise,  John  Armstrong  (later  Colonel)  wrote  Governor 
Morris  from  Carlisle,  on  November  2nd: 

"At  four  o'clock  this  afternoon  by  expresses  from  Conego- 
chego,  we  are  informed  that  yesterday  about  100  Indians  were 
seen  in  the  Great  Cove.  Among  whom  was  Shingas,  the  Delaware 
King;  that  immediately  after  the  discovery,  as  many  as  had 
notice  fled,  and  looking  back  from  an  high  hill,  they  beheld  their 
houses  on  fire,  heard  several  guns  fired  and  the  last  shrieks  of 
their  dying  neighbours;  'tis  said  the  enemy  divided  and  one  part 
moved  towards  Canallowais.  Mr.  Hamilton  was  here  with  60 
men  from  York  County  when  the  express  came,  and  is  to  march 
early  tomorrow  to  the  upper  part  of  the  county.  We  have  sent 
out  expresses  everywhere,  and  intend  to  collect  the  forces  of  this 
lower  part,  expecting  the  enemy  every  moment  at  Sherman's 
Valley,  if  not  nearer  hand.  I'm  of  opinion  that  no  other  means 
than  a  chain  of  block  houses  along  or  near  the  south  side  of  the 
Kittatinny  Mountain,  from  Susquehannah  to  the  temporary  line, 
can  secure  the  lives  and  properties  even  of  the  old  inhabitants  of 
this  county,  the  new  settlement  being  all  fled  except  Sherman's 
Valley,  whom  (if  God  do  not  preserve)  we  fear  will  suff'er  very 
soon."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  676.) 

The  following  day  (November  3d),  Adam  Hoops  wrote  Gover- 
nor Morris,  from  Conococheague,  concerning  the  same  incursion, 
as  follows: 

"I  am  sorry  I  have  to  trouble  you  with  this  melancholy  and 
disagreeable  news,  for  on  Saturday  I  received  an  express  from 
Peters  Township  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Great  Cove  were  all 
murdered  or  taken  captive  and  their  houses  and  barns  all  in 
flames.  Some  few  fled,  upon  notice  brought  them  by  a  certain 
Patrick  Burns,  a  captive,  that  made  his  escape  that  very  morning 
before  this  sad  tragedy  was  done. 

"Upon  this  information,  John  Potter,  Esq.,  and  self,  sent  ex- 
press through  our  neighborhood,  which  induced  many  of  them  to 
meet  with  us  at  John  McDowell's  Mill,  where  I  with  many  others 
had  the  unhappy  prospect  to  see  the  smoke  of  two  houses  that 
were  set  on  fire  by  the  Indians,  viz,  Matthew  Patton's  and  Mes- 
check  James',  where  their  cattle  were  shot  down,  the  horses 
standing  bleeding  with  Indian  arrows  in  them,  but  the  Indians 

"The  Rev.  Mr.  Steel,  John  Potter,  Esq.,  and  several  others 


with  us,  to  the  number  of  about  an  hundred,  went  in  quest  of  the 
Indians,  with  all  the  expedition  imaginable,  but  to  no  success. 
These  Indians  have  likewise  taken  two  women  captives,  belonging 
to  said  township.  I  very  much  fear  the  Path  Valley  has  under- 
gone the  same  fate.  George  Croghan  was  at  Aughwick,  where  he 
had  a  small  fort  and  about  35  men,  but  whether  he  has  been 
molested  or  not  we  cannot  say. 

"We,  to  be  sure,  are  in  as  bad  circumstances  as  ever  any  poor 
Christians  were  in,  for  the  cries  of  the  widowers,  widows,  father- 
less and  motherless  children,  with  many  others,  for  their  relations, 
are  enough  to  pierce  the  hardest  of  hearts;  likewise  it's  a  very  sor- 
rowful spectacle  to  see  those  that  escaped  with  their  lives  with 
not  a  mouthful  to  eat,  or  bed  to  lie  on,  or  clothes  to  cover  their 
nakedness,  or  keep  them  warm,  but  all  they  had  consumed  into 

"These  deplorable  circumstances  cry  aloud  for  your  Honour's 
most  wise  consideration,  that  you  would  take  cognizance  of  and 
grant  what  shall  seem  most  meet,  for  it  is  really  very  shocking,  it 
must  be,  for  the  husband  to  see  the  wife  of  his  bosom,  her  head 
cut  off,  and  the  children's  blood  drank  like  water  by  these  bloody 
and  cruel  savages  as  we  are  informed  has  been  the  fate  of  many. 

"Whilst  I  am  writing,  I  had  intelligence  by  some  that  fled  out 
of  the  Coves  that  chiefly  the  upper  part  of  it  was  killed  and  taken. 
One,  Galloway's  son,  escaped  after  he  saw  his  grand-mother  shot 
down  and  other  relations  taken  prisoners.  Likewise,  from  some 
news  I  have  likewise  heard,  I  am  apprehensive  that  George 
Croghan  is  in  distress,  though  just  now  Mr.  Burd,  with  about  40 
men,  left  my  house  and  we  intend  to  join  him  tomorrow  at 
McDowell's  Mill,  with  all  the  force  we  can  raise,  in  order  to  see 
what  damages  are  done,  and  for  his  relief.  As  we  have  no 
magazines  at  present  to  supply  the  guards  or  scouts,  the  whole 
weight  of  their  maintenence  lies  chiefly  upon  a  few  persons." 
(Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  462  and  463.) 

Also,  on  November  3d,  John  Potter,  Sheriff  of  Cumberland 
County,  wrote  Secretary  Richard  Peters,  from  Conococheague, 
as  follows: 

"Sir:  This  comes  ye  melancholy  account  of  the  ruin  of  the 
Great  Cove,  which  is  reduced  to  ashes,  and  numbers  of  the  in- 
habitants murdered  and  taken  captives  on  Saturday  last  about 
three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon.  I  received  intelligence  in 
conjunction  with  Mr.  Adam  Hoopes,  and  sent  immediately  and 
appointed  our  neighbors  to  meet  at  McDowell's.     On  Sunday 


morning,  I  was  not  there  six  minutes  till  we  observed,  about  a 
mile  and  half  distant,  one  Mathew  Patton's  house  and  barn  in 
flames,  on  which  we  sat  off  with  about  forty  men,  tho'  there  was 
as  least  one  hundred  and  sixty  there.  Our  old  officers  hid  them- 
selves for  (ought  as  I  know)  to  save  their  scalps  until  afternoon 
when  danger  was  over;  we  went  to  Patton's  with  a  seeming  resolu- 
tion and  courage  but  found  no  Indians  there,  on  which  we 
advanced  to  a  rising  ground,  where  we  immediately  discovered 
another  house  and  barn  on  fire  belonging  to  Mesach  James,  about 
one  mile  up  the  creek  from  Thomas  Bar's;  we  set  off  directly  for 
that  place,  but  they  had  gone  up  the  creek  to  another  plantation 
left  by  one  widow  Jordan  the  day  before,  but  had  unhappily 
gone  back  that  morning  with  a  young  woman,  daughter  to  one 
William  Clark,  for  some  milk  for  childer,  were  both  taken  captives 
but  neither  house  nor  barn  hurt.  I  have  heard  of  no  more  burnt 
in  that  valley  yet,  which  makes  me  believe  they  have  gone  off  for 
some  time,  but  I  much  fear  they  will  return  before  we  are  prepared 
for  them,  for  it  was  three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon  before  a 
recruit  came  of  about  sixty  men.  Then  we  held  council  whether 
to  pursue  up  the  valley  all  night  or  return  to  McDowell's,  the 
former  of  which  I  and  Mr.  Hoop  and  some  others  plead  for,  but 
could  not  obtain  without  putting  it  to  votes,  which  done,  we 
were  out  voted  by  a  considerable  number,  upon  which  I  and  my 
company  was  left  by  them  that  night  and  came  home,  for  I  will 
not  guard  a  man  that  will  not  fight  when  called  in  so  eminent 
manner,  for  there  was  not  six  of  these  men  that  would  consent  to 
go  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians. 

"I  am  much  afraid  that  Juniata,  Tuscaroro,  and  Sherman's 
Valley  hath  suffered.  There  is  two-thirds  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  valley  who  hath  already  fled,  leaving  their  plantations,  and, 
without  speedy  succor  be  granted,  I  am  of  opinion  this  county 
will  be  lead  dissolute  without  inhabitant.  Last  night  I  had  a 
family  of  upwards  of  an  hundred  of  women  and  children  who  fled 
for  succor.  You  cannot  form  no  just  idea  of  the  distressed  and 
distracted  condition  of  our  inhabitants  unless  your  eyes  seen  and 
your  ears  heard  their  crys.  I  am  of  opinion  it  is  not  in  the  power 
of  our  representatives  to  meet  in  assembly  at  this  time.  If  our 
Assembly  will  give  us  any  additional  supply  of  arms  and  am- 
munition, the  latter  of  which  is  most  wanted,  I  could  wish  it 
were  put  into  the  hands  of  such  persons  as  would  go  out  upon 
scouts  after  the  Indians  rather  than  for  the  supply  of  forts."  (Pa. 
Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  673,  674.) 


Then,  on  November  6th,  Adam  Hoops  again  wrote  Governor 
Morris,  from  Conococheague : 

"I  have  Sent  in  Closed,  Is  2  quaUfications  of  which  is  Patrick 
Burns,  who  is  the  bearer,  and  a  tameyhak  which  was  found 
Sticking  in  the  brest  of  one,  David  McClellan.  The  people  of 
the  path  valley  is  all  Gethered  Unto  a  small  fort,  and  the  last 
account,  was  Safe.  The  Great  Cove  and  Kennalaways  is  all 
Burned  to  Ashes,  and  about  50  persons  killed  or  taken.  There  is 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  County  have  moved  their 
families.  Sum  to  York  County,  and  Sum  to  Maryland;  Hans 
Hamilton,  Esq.  is  now  at  John  McDowell's  mill  with  upwards  of 
200  men  and  about  200  from  this  County,  in  all  about  four 
hundred  men,  and  tomorrow  we  entends  To  go  into  the  Cove 
and  to  the  Path  Valley,  in  order  To  Bring  what  Cattle  and  horses 
that  the  Indians  hath  Left  alive;  we  are  informed  by  a  Dolloway 
Indian,  which  lives  munghts  us,  on  the  same  day  The  Murder 
was  Committed,  he  Seen  four  hundred  Indians  in  the  Cove,  and 
we  have  Sum  Reason  to  Believe  they  are  about  there  yet;  the 
people  of  Sheer  Man's  Crick  and  Juneate  is  all  Cum  away  and 
left  there  houses,  and  there  is  now  about  30  miles  Of  this  County 
laid  waste,  and  I  am  afraid  there  will  Be  Soon  more. 

"P.  S.  I  just  now  have  received  ye  Account  of  one,  George 
McSwane,  who  was  taken  captive  about  14  Days  ago,  and  has 
made  his  Escape,  and  has  brought  two  Scalps  and  a  Tomahawk 
with  Him."     (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  474,  475.) 

The  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  November  13th,  1755,  gives  a 
partial  list  of  those  killed  and  captured  in  the  Great  Cove,  Little 
Cove  and  the  Conolloways,  as  follows:  Elizabeth  Galloway, 
William  Fleming's  son  and  one,  Hicks,  Henry  Gilson,  Robert 
Peer  and  David  McClellan  were  all  killed;  while  John  Martin's 
wife  and  five  children,  William  Galloway's  wife  and  two  children, 
a  certain  young  woman,  Charles  Stewart's  wife  and  two  children, 
David  McClellan's  wife  and  two  children  and  William  Fleming 
and  wife  were  captured. 

Other  captives,  taken  in  this  incursion  and  later  delivered  up 
by  the  Delaware  chief,  King  Beaver,  at  the  Lancaster  Council  of 
August,  1762,  were  Elizabeth  McAdam  and  John  Lloyd,  from  the 
Little  Cove,  and  Dorothy  Shobrian,  from  the  Big  Cove.  (Pa. 
Col.  Rec,  Vol.  8,  page  728.)  Many  of  the  captives,  taken  in  this 
incursion,  were  delivered  up  to  Colonel  Bouquet  at  the  time  of 
his  expedition  to  the  Muskingum,  in  the  autumn  of  1764. 


In  the  Penna.  Col.  Records,  Vol.  6,  page  767,  is  found  another 
reference  to  this  incursion,  as  follows: 

"October  31st.  An  Indian  Trader  and  two  other  men  in  the 
Tuscarora  Valley  were  killed  by  Indians,  and  their  Houses  burnt, 
on  which  most  of  the  Settlers  fled  and  abandoned  their  Planta- 

(One  of  these  men  was  the  Indian  trader,  Peter  Shaver,  for 
whom  Shaver's  Creek,  in  Huntingdon  County,  is  named.  An- 
other was  John  Savage.) 

"November  3d.  Two  women  are  carried  away  from  Conego- 
chege  (Conococheague)  by  the  Indians,  and  the  same  day  the 
Canalaways  and  Little  Cove,  two  other  considerable  settlements, 
were  attacked  by  them,  their  Houses  burnt,  and  the  whole 
Settlement  deserted." 

The  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  February  12th,  1756,  gives  the 
number  of  people  murdered  and  captured  along  the  Conolloways. 
James  Seaton,  Catherine  Stillwell  and  one  of  her  children  were 
killed  and  scalped,  while  two  others  of  her  children,  one  aged 
eight  years  and  the  other  three,  were  captured.  Richard  Still- 
well,  her  husband,  was  at  a  neighbors  when  the  tragedy  at  his 
home  occurred,  and  made  his  escape  to  a  block  house  in  the 
neighborhood.  The  houses  of  Elias  Stillwell,  John  McKinney 
and  Richard  Malone  were  burned. 

Rev.  John  Steel 

The  "fort  at  Mr.  Steel's  meeting  house,"  mentioned  in  Ben- 
jamin Chambers'  letter  of  November  2nd,  where  the  survivors  of 
the  Great  Cove  massacre  found  refuge,  was  named  in  honor  of 
the  Presbyterian  minister.  Rev.  John  Steel,  and  was  one  of  the 
first  forts  erected  after  Braddock's  defeat,  being  a  stockade 
around  the  church,  and  located  about  three  miles  east  of  Mercers- 
burg,  Franklin  County.  It  was  known  as  the  "Old  White 
Church,"  and  was  subsequently  burned  by  the  Indians  in  one  of 
their  forays.  In  1756,  Rev.  Steel  was  appointed  Captain  in  a 
company  in  the  pay  of  the  Province,  and  for  a  time,  made  his 
headquarters  at  McDowell's  Mill,  or  Fort  McDowell,  located  in 
the  western  part  of  Franklin  County.  From  this  place  he  de- 
tached parties  from  time  to  time  to  scour  the  woods  in  search  of 
hostile  Indians.  About  1758,  he  took  charge  of  the  Presbyterian 
church  at  Carlisle,  where  he  ended  his  days.  In  March  and 
April,  1768,  he  and  John  Allison,  Cristopher  Lemes  and  James 


Potter  were  sent  by  Governor  John  Penn  to  warn  the  settlers  in 
the  vicinity  of  Redstone  (Brownsville)  to  remove  from  lands  not 
purchased  from  the  Indians.  Rev.  Steel  and  his  men  are  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  records  of  the  troublesome  times  of 
which  we  are  writing.  On  page  553  of  Vol.  1  of  "The  Frontier 
Forts  of  Pennsylvania,"  we  read  the  following  concerning  this 
preacher  and  soldier  of  the  Pennsylvania  frontier: 

"At  one  time,  it  is  stated.  Rev.  Steel  was  in  charge  of  Fort 
Allison,  located  just  west  of  the  town,  near  what  afterward  be- 
came the  site  of  McCaulay's  Mill.  At  this  time  the  congregation 
had  assembled  in  a  barn  .  .  .  During  this  period,  when  Mr.  Steel 
entered  the  church  and  took  his  place  back  of  the  rude  pulpit, 
he  hung  his  hat  and  rifle  behind  him,  and  this  was  done  also  by 
many  of  his  parishoners.  On  one  occasion,  while  in  the  midst  of 
his  discourse,  some  one  stepped  into  the  church  quietly,  and 
called  a  number  of  the  congregation  out,  and  related  the  facts  of 
a  murder  of  a  family  by  the  name  of  Walker  by  the  Indians  at 
Rankin's  Mill.  The  tragic  story  was  soon  whispered  from  one  to 
another.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Steel  discovered  what  had  taken  place, 
he  brought  the  services  to  a  close,  took  his  hat  and  rifle,  and  at 
the  head  of  the  members  of  his  congregation,  went  in  pursuit  of 
the  murderers." 

The  murder  above  mentioned,  was  probably  that  of  William 
Walker,  in  Silver  Spring  Township,  Cumberland  County,  on 
May  13th,  1757. 

Capture  of  the  Martin  and  Knox  Families 

Among  the  outrages  committed  by  Shingas  during  the  above 
incursion  into  Fulton  County,  was  as  has  been  seen,  the  capture 
of  the  family  of  John  Martin,  a  settler  in  the  Big  Cove.  On 
Saturday  morning,  November  1,  1755,  Mrs.  Martin  learned  that 
Indians  were  in  the  neighborhood,  and,  thereupon,  sent  her  son, 
Hugh,  aged  seventeen,  to  their  neighbor,  Captain  Stewart,  re- 
questing him  to  come  and  take  her  family  with  his  to  the  block- 
house, as  her  husband,  John  Martin,  had  gone  to  Philadelphia  for 
supplies  for  the  family,  and  had  not  returned.  When  Hugh  came 
in  sight  of  his  home  on  his  way  back  from  Captain  Stewart's, 
whose  house  was  burned,  he  saw  the  Indians  capture  his  mother; 
his  sister,  Mary,  aged  nineteen;  his  sister,  Martha,  aged  twelve; 
his  sister,  Janet,  aged  two;  his  brother,  James  aged  ten;  and  his 
brother,  William,  aged  eight.     Hugh  hid  where  a  fallen  tree  lay 


on  the  bank  of  Cove  Creek  not  far  from  the  Martin  house,  which 
the  Indians  now  burned  to  the  ground. 

It  has  been  said  that  there  were  some  Tuscaroras  among  the 
band  that  captured  Mrs.  Martin  and  her  children.  At  least 
such  is  the  tradition  among  her  descendants.  It  may  be  that 
some  of  this  tribe  were  among  the  hostile  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
in  this  incursion,  as  there  is  evidence  that  there  were  a  few 
Tuscaroras  lingering  in  the  Tuscarora  or  Path  Valley  as  late  as 
1755,  stragglers  of  the  Tuscarora  migration  to  New  York.  These 
may  have  been  influenced  by  the  hostile  Delawares  and  Shawnees. 

After  the  Indians  left,  Hugh  started  toward  Philadelphia  to 
meet  his  father.  All  that  day  he  found  nothing  but  desolation, 
and  in  the  evening,  he  came  to  a  stable  with  some  hay  in  it.  Here 
he  lay  until  morning.  During  the  night  something  jumped  on 
him,  which  proved  to  be  a  dog.  In  the  morning  he  found  some 
fresh  eggs  in  the  stable,  which  he  ate.  When  he  was  ready  to 
leave,  a  large  colt  came  to  the  stable.  Making  a  halter  of  rope, 
he  mounted  the  colt  and  rode  on  his  way.  In  the  afternoon,  he 
met  some  men  who  had  gathered  to  pursue  the  Indians,  among 
them  being  the  owner  of  the  colt,  who  was  much  surprised  to  find 
it  so  easily  managed,  as  it  was  considered  unruly.  It  is  not  known 
when  Hugh  met  his  father,  but,  at  any  rate,  they  returned  and 
rebuilt  the  house. 

Mrs,  Martin  and  her  children  were  taken  to  the  Indian  town 
of  Kittanning.  A  warrior  wished  to  marry  Mary,  which  made 
the  squaws  jealous  and  they  beat  her  dreadfully,  so  much  so 
that  her  health  rapidly  declined,  and  one  morning  she  was  found 
on  her  knees  dead  in  the  wigwam.  An  Indian  squaw  claimed 
little  Janet,  and  tied  her  to  a  rope  fastened  to  a  post.  While  she 
was  thus  confined,  a  French  trader  named  Baubee  came  to  the 
child,  and  she  reached  out  her  arms  and  called  him  father.  He 
then  took  her  in  his  arms,  and  the  Indian  woman  who  claimed  her 
sold  her  to  the  trader  for  a  blanket,  who  carried  her  to  Quebec 
intending  to  adopt  her.  Later,  Mrs.  Martin  was  bought  by  the 
French,  and  also  taken  to  Quebec,  not  knowing  her  child  was 
there.  Still  later,  Mrs.  Martin  bought  her  own  freedom,  and  one 
day  she  found  little  Janet  on  the  streets  of  Quebec.  Janet  was 
well  dressed  and  had  all  appearances  of  being  well  cared  for,  but 
did  not  recognize  the  mother.  Mrs.  Martin  followed  Janet  to 
the  home  of  the  French  family  who  had  her,  identified  her  by 
some  mark,  and  the  family  reluctantly  gave  up  the  child  to  the 
mother,  who  paid  them  what  they  had  paid  the  Indians  for  her. 


Mrs.  Martin  then  sailed  with  Janet  to  Liverpool,  England, 
from  which  place  she  took  ship  to  Philadelphia,  and  joined  her 

The  boys,  James  and  William,  and  the  daughter,  Martha,  were 
taken  to  the  Tuscarawas  and  Muskingum,  in  the  state  of  Ohio. 
After  Mrs.  Martin  and  Janet  returned  to  their  home  in  the  Big 
Cove,  Mr.  Martin,  upon  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian  War, 
endeavored  to  recover  his  child  from  the  Indians.  Traveling  on 
horseback  to  the  Ligonier  Valley,  he  found  an  encampment  of 
Indians,  and  tried  to  make  arrangements  with  them  for  the  return 
of  his  children,  when  they  claimed  to  have  raised  his  family  and 
wanted  pay.  Being  unable  to  pay  them,  he  said  something  about 
not  having  employed  them  to  raise  his  family;  thereupon,  they 
became  angry,  and  he  made  his  escape  as  fast  as  he  could,  being 
chased  by  two  Indians  on  horseback  to  a  point  on  the  Allegheny 
Mountain,  where  the  sound  of  the  bells  of  the  Indian  horses 

In  the  Penna.  Archives  (Vol.  4,  page  100),  is  a  petition  of  John 
Martin,  dated  August  13th,  1762,  presented  to  Governor  James 
Hamilton  at  the  Lancaster  Council  of  that  month  and  year,  in 
which  he  says: 

"I,  one  of  the  bereaved  of  my  wife  and  five  children,  by  savage 
war,  at  the  captivity  at  the  Great  Cove,  after  many  and  long 
journeys,  lately  went  to  an  Indian  town,  viz.^  Tuskoraways 
[Tuscarawas,  a  Delaware  and  Wyandot  village  on  the  Tuscarawas 
River  just  above  the  mouth  of  Big  Sandy  Creek,  in  Tuscarawas 
County,  Ohio]  150  miles  beyond  Fort  Pitt,  and  entreated  in 
Colonel  Bouquet's  and  Colonel  Croghan's  favour,  so  as  to  bear 
their  letters  to  King  Beaver  and  Captain  Shingas,  desiring  them 
to  give  up  one  of  my  daughters  to  me,  while  I  have  yet  two  sons 
and  one  other  daughter,  if  alive,  among  them — and  after  seeing 
my  daughter  with  Shingas,  he  refused  to  give  her  up,  and  after 
some  expostulating  with  him,  but  all  in  vain,  he  promised  to 
deliver  her  up  with  the  other  captives,  to  your  Excellency." 

Many  captives  were  delivered  by  King  Beaver  at  the  Lancaster 
Council  of  August,  1762,  but  the  Martin  children  were  not 
among  them.  These  Martin  children,  James,  William  and 
Martha,  were  finally  liberated  by  Colonel  Henry  Bouquet  when 
he  made  his  expedition  to  the  Muskingum  and  Tuscarawas,  in 
the  late  autumn  of  1764.  He  brought  them  to  Pittsburgh.  Here 
Mr.  Martin  received  them  on  November  28th,  1764,  and  then 


returned  with  them  to  his  home,  taking  with  him  another 
liberated  captive,  John  McCuUough,  who  was  captured  in  Frank- 
lin County,  on  July  26th,  1756.  (*See  John  McCullough's" Narra- 
tive.") Martha  could  read  when  captured,  but  during  her 
captivity,  she  had  forgotten  this  art.  William  and  James,  during 
their  captivity,  assisted  the  squaws  in  raising  vegetables,  caring 
for  the  children  and  old  people,  and  grew  up  as  Indians,  in  con- 
trast to  their  brother,  Hugh,  who  had  escaped  capture  and  be- 
came a  man  of  considerable  influence  on  the  Pennsylvania 
frontier.  Before  being  taken  to  the  Muskingum,  Martha, 
James,  and  William  spent  some  time  with  their  Indian  captors  on 
Big  Sewickley  Creek,  in  Westmoreland  County.  The  boys  be- 
came attached  to  the  locality,  and  after  their  return,  they 
patented  two  tracts  of  land  in  that  vicinity,  and  lived  there  most 
of  their  lives. 

Janet  Martin,  in  1774,  married  John  Jamison.  She  has  many 
descendants  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  especially  in  Westmore- 
land County,  among  them  being  the  well-known  Robert  S. 
Jamison  family,  of  Greensburg. 

During  the  same  incursion,  occurred  the  capture  of  the  Knox 
family,  who  lived  some  distance  from  the  Big  Cove.  On  Sunday 
morning,  November  2nd,  1755,  while  the  family  were  engaged  in 
morning  worship,  they  were  alarmed  by  the  barking  of  their  dogs. 
Then,  two  men  of  their  acquaintance,  who  had  come  to  the  Knox 
home  on  Saturday  evening  for  the  purpose  of  attending  religious 
services  the  next  day,  went  to  the  door.  They  were  immediately 
shot  down  by  the  Indians,  and  the  rest  of  the  family  taken 
prisoners.  After  the  Indians  returned  to  the  town  from  where 
they  had  come,  no  doubt  Kittanning,  each  warrior  who  had  lost 
a  brother  in  the  incursion  was  given  a  prisoner  to  kill.  As  there 
were  not  enough  men  to  go  around,  little  Jane  Knox  was  given  to 
one  of  the  warriors  as  his  victim.  Placing  her  at  the  root  of  a  tree, 
this  savage  commenced  throwing  his  tomahawk  close  to  her  head, 
exclaiming  that  his  brother,  who  was  killed,  was  a  warrior,  and 
that  the  other  Indians  had  given  him  only  a  squaw  to  kill.  Jane 
expected  that  every  moment  would  be  her  last.  Presently,  an 
Indian  squaw  came  running  and  claimed  Jane  as  her  child,  thus 
saving  her  life.  She  later  returned  to  the  settlements,  and  be- 
came the  wife  of  Hugh  Martin,  mentioned  above. 

*  While  this  is  McCullough's  statement,  data  in  the  possession  of  the  descendants  of 
Janet  Martin  indicates  that  the  Martin  children  were  delivered  by  the  Shawnees  to  George 
Croghan,  at  Fort  Pitt,  early  in  May,  1765. 



In  concluding  this  chapter  on  the  bloody  incursion  of  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees  into  the  Scotch- Irish  settlements  in  Fulton 
and  Franklin  Counties,  in  the  late  autumn  days  of  1755,  we  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  some  historians  have  erroneously  stated 
that  the  massacres  mentioned  in  Penna,  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page 
375,  and  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  641  and  642,  took  place  on 
Pennsylvania  soil,  the  former  in  the  Great  Cove  and  on  the 
Conolloways,  in  Fulton  County,  and  the  latter  in  the  vicinity  of 
Patterson's  Fort,  in  Juniata  County.  The  former  took  place  in 
the  vicinity  of  Cumberland,  Maryland,  shortly  after  General 
Braddock's  army  left  that  place  on  its  March  against  Fort 
Duquesne.  The  latter  took  place,  October  2nd,  1755,  on  Patter- 
son's Creek,  Maryland,  a  few  miles  from  its  mouth.  The  error 
on  page  600  of  Vol.  1  of  "The  Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania" 
in  stating  that  this  massacre  of  October  2nd  took  place  near 
Patterson's  Fort,  in  Juniata  County,  no  doubt  is  due  to  confusing 
Patterson's  Creek,  in  Maryland,  with  Patterson's  Fort,  in  Juniata 
County,  Pennsylvania.  As  stated  in  Chapter  VII,  the  Penn's 
Creek  massacre  of  October  16th,  1755,  was  the  first  massacre 
committed  by  the  Indians  on  Pennsylvania  soil  following  Brad- 
dock's  defeat. 

We  also,  at  this  point,  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  Scotch- 
Irish  settlers  entered  Franklin  County  prior  to  1730.  In  this 
year,  Benjamin  and  Joseph  Chambers  located  at  Falling  Springs, 
now  Chambersburg,  coming  from  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna 
above  Harrisburg,  and  erecting  a  log  house,  a  saw  mill  and  grist 
mill  at  Falling  Springs.  After  Braddock's  defeat,  Benjamin 
(Colonel)  Chambers  erected  a  large  stone  house  at  Falling  Springs 
for  the  security  of  his  family  and  neighbors.  It  was  surrounded 
by  water  from  the  spring,  the  roof  was  of  lead  to  prevent  its  being 
set  on  fire  by  the  Indians,  and  it  was  also  stockaded.  The 
stockade  also  included  the  mill  near  the  house.  This  fort  was 
known  as  Chambers'  Fort. 

About  1740,  many  Scotch  Irish  settlers,  mostly  from  Mary- 
land entered  the  Great  Cove  and  the  valleys  of  the  Conol- 

As  was  pointed  out  in  Chapter  IV,  in  connection  with  the 
account  of  the  Treaty  of  1742,  the  Iroquois  complained  at  this 
treaty,  through  their  spokesman,  Canassatego,  that  Pennsyl- 
vania was  permitting  squatters  to  remain  on  lands  not  purchased 


irom  the  Six  Nations — in  the  Juniata  Valley,  in  the  Great  and 
Little  Coves,  in  the  valleys  of  Big  and  Little  Conolloways,  in  the 
valley  of  Aughwick  Creek,  in  Path  Valley  and  Sherman's  Valley. 
But  Pennsylvania  made  no  really  energetic  effort  to  remove 
these  settlers  until  May,  1750,  when,  as  was  also  pointed  out  in 
Chapter  IV,  they  were  removed  by  Richard  Peters,  George  Cro- 
ghan,  Conrad  Weiser,  James  Galbraith  and  others  by  authority 
of  Lieutenant-Governor  Morris.  Many  of  their  cabins  were 
burned  on  this  occasion.  But  the  restless  spirit  of  these  settlers 
impelled  them  to  return  to  their  desolated  homes,  and  with  them 
came  others  willing  to  risk  the  wrath  of  the  Indians.  Then  came 
the  Albany  Purchase  of  July  6th,  1754,  by  which  the  Iroquois 
conveyed  these  lands  to  Pennsylvania — a  purchase  which  mor- 
tally offended  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  who  claimed  that 
the  Six  Nations,  their  conquerors,  had  guaranteed  these  lands  to 
them  upon  their  migration  from  the  Susquehanna.  "Our  lands 
are  sold  from  under  our  feet,"  said  they.  Later  came  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  which  gave  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  an  op- 
portunity to  wreak  awful  vengenance  upon  the  Scotch-Irish 
settlers  within  the  bounds  of  the  Albany  Purchase. 


Massacres  of  November  and 
December,  1755 

THIS  chapter  will  be  devoted  principally  to  massacres  east 
of  the  Susquehanna  in  November  and  December,  1755,  but, 
before  narrating  their  details,  we  shall  devote  a  few  paragraphs 
to  events  that  preceded  them. 

On  November  3d,  1755,  Governor  Morris  received  John  Arm- 
strong's letter,  quoted  in  Chapter  VHI,  advising  him  of  the  mur- 
der of  the  settlers  in  the  Great  Cove.  He  immediately  called 
the  attention  of  the  Assembly  to  the  acts  of  the  hostile  Indians 
and  the  terror  throughout  the  frontier,  and  asked  that  something 
be  done  to  put  the  Province  in  a  state  of  defense.  The  Assembly 
replied,  on  November  5th,  that  it  "requires  great  Care  and  Judge- 
ment in  conducting  our  Indian  Affairs  at  this  critical  Juncture," 
and  requested  the  Governor  to  inform  the  House  "if  he  knew  of 
any  injury  which  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  had  received  to 
alienate  their  affections,  and  whether  he  knew  the  part  taken  by 
the  Six  Nations  in  relation  to  this  incursion." 

Robert  Strettell,  Joseph  Turner,  and  Thomas  Cadwalader, 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  inspect  all  "minutes  of  Council 
and  other  books  and  papers"  relating  to  Pennsylvania's  trans- 
actions with  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  from  the  beginning  of 
the  Colony.  The  committee  made  an  elaborate  report,  which 
was  approved  and  sent  to  the  House  on  November  22nd,  setting 
forth  the  findings  of  the  committee  that  "the  conduct  of  the 
Proprietaries  and  this  Government  has  been  always  uniformly 
just,  fair,  and  generous  towards  these  Indians." 

In  the  meantime,  the  Governor  had  informed  the  inhabitants 
of  the  frontier  counties  from  whom  he  received  petitions  for  arms 
and  ammunition  that,  if  they  would  organize  themselves  into  com- 
panies, he  would  give  commissions  to  fit  persons  as  officers.  As 
a  result  of  his  offer,  companies  were  raised  and  officers  commis- 
sioned.   Then,  on  November  8th,  the  Governor  sent  a  message 


to  the  Assembly  in  which  he  said:  "You  have  now  been  sitting 
six  days,  and  instead  of  strengthening  my  Hands  and  providing 
for  the  safety  and  defense  of  the  people  and  Province  in  this 
Time  of  imminent  danger.  You  have  sent  me  a  message  wherein 
you  talk  of  retaining  the  Affections  of  the  Indians  now  em- 
ployed in  laying  waste  the  Country  and  butchering  the  Inhabi- 
tants, and  of  inquiring  what  injustice  they  have  received,  and 
into  the  Causes  of  their  falling  from  their  alliance  with  us  and 
taking  part  with  the  French."  In  the  same  message,  he  informed 
the  Assembly  that  the  Provincial  Council  had  advised  him  to 
visit  the  frontiers  in  order  to  superintend  the  work  of  organizing 
the  settlers  for  defense;  that  he  had  waited  to  see  what  the  As- 
sembly would  do  before  his  setting  out,  but  now  realizing  that  the 
Assembly  would  do  nothing,  he  proposed  to  start  on  his  journey 
at  once.  However,  Conrad  Weiser,  Scarouady,  Andrew  Montour 
and  "drunken  Zigrea,"  a  Mohawk,  arrived  at  Philadelphia  that 
very  day  (November  8th)  for  the  councils  presently  to  be  men- 
tioned, which  caused  the  Governor  to  postpone  his  trip  until 
early  in  1756.  The  cause  of  the  lack  of  action  to  put  the  Province 
in  a  state  of  defense  at  this  terrible  time  was  the  endless  discus- 
sion, to  be  mentioned  later  in  this  chapter,  between  the  Governor 
and  the  Assembly  as  to  whether  the  proprietary  estates  should 
be  taxed  in  raising  money  for  defense.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6, 
pages  676  to  681.) 

Scarouady  Threatens  to  Go  to  the  French 

While  the  terrible  things  related  in  Chapter  VIII  were  hap- 
pening, Scarouady  was  exerting  his  utmost  influence  on  behalf  of 
the  English.  On  November  1st,  he  and  Andrew  Montour  came 
from  Shamokin  to  Harris'  Ferry,  where  he  delivered  a  message 
to  John  Harris,  who  forwarded  it  to  the  Governor,  advising, 
among  other  things,  that  "about  twelve  days  ago  the  Delawares 
sent  for  Andrew  Montour  to  go  to  Big  Island  [Lock  Haven],  on 
which  he  [Scarouady]  and  Montour  with  three  more  Indians  went 
up  immediately,  and  found  there  about  six  of  the  Delawares  and 
four  Shawnees,  who  informed  them  that  they  had  received  a 
hatchet  from  the  French,  on  purpose  to  kill  what  game  they  could 
meet  with,  and  to  be  used  against  the  English  if  they  proved 

At  this  time  (November  1st),  Scarouady  and  Montour  both 
told  John  Harris  that  a  fort  should  immediately  be  erected  at 


Shamokin.  "They  said  that  our  own  Neglect  had  brought  all 
this  upon  us;  That  the  Delawares  being  asked  why  they  took  up 
the  Hatchet,  said  the  English  had  for  some  time  called  them 
Frenchmen,  and  yet  fell  upon  no  measures  to  defend  themselves, 
whereupon  they  thought  it  not  safe  to  stick  by  Us,  and  would  now 
publicly  declare  themselves  Frenchmen.  That  Scarouady  En- 
quiring from  George  Croghan  was  answered  by  Mr.  Buchannan 
he  was  fortified  at  Aughwick,  whereupon  the  Indian  desired  Mr. 
Buchannan  to  give  him  speedy  notice  to  remove,  or  he  would 
certainly  be  killed.  They  say  Carlisle  is  Severly  threatened,  and 
Adviseth  that  the  Women  and  Children  be  removed."  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  452.) 

On  November  8th,  Scarouady  and  Montour,  accompanied  by 
Conrad  Weiser,  appeared  before  the  Provincial  Council,  and, 
gave  additional  details  of  their  trip  to  Big  Island.  Scarouady 
said  that  two  Delawares  from  the  Ohio  appeared  at  the  meeting 
at  Big  Island  and  spoke  as  follows:  "We  the  Delawares  of  Ohio, 
do  proclaim  war  against  the  English.  We  have  been  their  friends 
many  years,  but  now  have  taken  up  the  hatchet  against  them, 
and  will  never  make  it  up  with  them  whilst  there  is  an  English 
man  alive. 

"When  Washington  was  defeated,  we,  the  Delawares,  were 
blamed  as  the  cause  of  it.  We  will  now  kill.  We  will  not  be 
blamed  without  a  cause.  We  make  up  three  parties  of  Delawares. 
One  party  will  go  against  Carlisle;  one  down  the  Susquehanna; 
and  .  .  .  another  party  will  go  against  Tulpehocken  to  Conrad 
Weiser.  And  we  shall  be  followed  by  a  thousand  French  and 
Indians,  Ottawas,  Twigh twees,  Shawnees,  and  Delawares." 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  Delawares  gave  their  being  blamed 
for  Washington's  defeat  at  the  Great  Meadows,  in  the  summer  of 
1754,  as  the  cause  of  their  having  taken  up  arms  against  Penn- 
sylvania. Later  they  told  the  Shawnee  chief,  Paxinosa,  of 
Wyoming,  that  the  cause  of  their  hostility  was  the  Walking  Pur- 
chase of  1737  and  the  Albany  Purchase  of  1754;  and  the  great 
Delaware  chief,  Teedyuscung,  stoutly  insisted  that  it  was  these 
wrongs  upon  the  Delawares  that  caused  these  friends  of  William 
Penn  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Colony  he  founded. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  November  8th,  Scarouady 
again  appeared  before  the  Governor,  his  Council,  and  the  Provin- 
cial Assembly,  and  told  them  of  the  journey  which  he  had  recently 
made  in  the  interest  of  the  English,  up  the  North  Branch  of  the 
Susquehanna  "as  far  as  the  Nanticokes  live."    He  stated  that  he 


had  told  the  Nanticokes  and  other  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna 
that  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock  had  brought  about  a  great 
turn  of  affairs;  that  it  was  a  great  blow,  but  that  the  English  had 
strength  enough  to  recover  from  it.  He  further  said  that  there 
were  three  hundred  friendly  Indians  on  the  Susquehanna.  (Dela- 
wares  and  Nanticokes)  "who  were  all  hearty  in  the  English  in- 
terest." For  these  he  desired  the  Colony's  assistance  with  arms 
and  ammunition.  He  insisted  that  they  should  be  given  the 
hatchet  and  that  a  fort  should  be  built  for  the  protection  of  their 
old  men,  women,  and  children.  They  had  told  him,  he  said,  that 
whichever  party,  the  French  or  English,  would  seek  their  assis- 
tance first,  would  be  first  assisted;  and  that  he  "should  go  to 
Philadelphia  and  apply  immediately  to  the  Government  and  ob- 
tain explicit  answer  from  them  whether  they  would  fight  or  no." 
These  Indians  "waited  with  impatience  to  know  the  success  of 
his  application." 

Then  the  old  chief  threw  down  his  belts  of  wampum  upon  the 
table  before  the  members  of  the  Assembly  and  said:  "I  must 
deal  plainly  with  you,  and  tell  you  if  you  will  not  fight  with  us, 
we  will  go  somewhere  else.  We  never  can  nor  ever  will  put  up  the 
affront.  If  we  cannot  be  safe  where  we  are,  we  will  go  somewhere 
else  for  protection  and  take  care  of  ourselves.  We  have  no  more 
to  say,  but  will  first  receive  your  answer  to  this,  and  as  the  times 
are  too  dangerous  to  admit  of  our  staying  long  here,  we  therefore 
entreat  you  will  use  all  the  dispatch  possible  that  we  may  not  be 
detained."  It  is  possible  that  Scarouady  meant  that  he  and  his 
followers  would  go  to  one  of  the  other  colonies,  but  he  was  under- 
stood as  meaning  that,  unless  the  Pennsylvania  Authorities  acted 
promptly,  he  and  his  followers  would  go  over  to  the  French. 

Governor  Morris  then  said  to  the  Provincial  Assembly:  "You 
have  heard  what  the  Indians  have  said.  Without  your  aid,  I  can 
not  make  a  proper  answer  to  what  they  now  propose  and  expect 
of  us."  The  Assembly  replied  that,  as  Captain  General,  the 
Governor  had  full  authority  to  raise  men,  and  that  "the  Bill  now 
in  his  hands  granting  Sixty  Thousand  Pounds  will  enable  him  to 
pay  the  expenses."  This  was  a  bill  just  passed  by  the  Assembly, 
granting  this  sum  for  the  defense  of  the  Colony,  to  be  raised  by  a 
tax  on  estates.  The  Governor  opposed  the  bill  on  the  ground  that 
the  Proprietary  estates  should  not  be  taxed.  He  then  explained 
to  Scarouady  how  his  controversy  with  the  Assembly  stood,  and 
that  he  did  not  know  what  to  do.  Scarouady  was  amazed  and 
said  that  Pennsylvania's  failure  to  comply  with  his  (Scarouady's) 


request  in  behalf  of  his  three  hundred  friendly  Indians  would 
mean  their  going  over  to  the  French.  However,  he  still  offered 
his  own  services  and  counseled  the  Governor  not  to  be  cast  down, 
but  to  keep  cool. 

After  long  consultations  between  Scarouady  and  Conrad 
Weiser,  it  was  determined  that  Scarouady  could  render  an  im- 
portant service  to  the  Colony  by  visiting  the  Six  Nations  and  Sir 
William  Johnson,  and,  after  gaining  what  intelligence  he  could  on 
his  way  to  New  York,  as  to  the  actions  of  the  Indians  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna, by  laying  before  the  Great  Confederation  such  intelli- 
gence as  well  as  the  recent  conduct  of  the  Delawares. 

Scarouady's  decided  stand  had  a  good  effect  on  the  Governor 
and  Council.  On  November  14th,  the  old  chief  and  Andrew 
Montour  were  sent  by  the  Governor  on  a  mission  to  the  Six 
Nations.  They  were  instructed  to  convey  the  condolence  of  Penn- 
sylvania to  the  Six  Nations  on  the  death  of  several  of  their 
warriors  who  had  joined  General  Shirley  and  General  Johnson 
and  had  fallen  in  battle  with  the  French,  and  to  advise  the  Six 
Nations  how  the  Delawares  had,  in  a  most  cruel  manner,  fallen 
upon  and  murdered  so  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania. 
In  a  word,  Scarouady  was  to  give  the  Six  Nations  a  complete 
account  of  the  terrible  invasion  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
and  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  this  invasion  was  made  with  the 
knowledge,  consent,  or  order  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  whether  the 
Six  Nations  would  chastise  the  Delawares.  (For  account  of 
above  conferences  between  Scarouady  and  the  Governor,  see  Pa. 
Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  682  to  689.) 

Swatara  and  Tulpehocken  Massacres 

While  Conrad  Weiser,  Scarouady  and  Andrew  Montour  were 
holding  their  final  councils  with  Governor  Morris,  on  November 
14th,  the  hostile  Delawares,  possibly  accompanied  by  some 
Shawnees,  entered  Berks  County,  the  home  of  Weiser,  and  com- 
mitted terrible  atrocities  upon  the  German  settlers.  On  this  day, 
as  six  settlers  were  on  their  way  to  Dietrick  Six's  plantation,  near 
what  is  now  the  village  of  Millersburg,  they  were  hred  upon  by  a 
party  of  Indians.  Hurrying  toward  a  watch-house,  about  half  a 
mile  distant,  they  were  ambushed  before  reaching  the  same,  and 
three  of  them  killed  and  scalped.  A  settler  named  Ury,  however, 
succeeded  in  shooting  one  of  the  Indians  through  the  heart,  and 
his  body  was  dragged  off  by  the  other  savages.    The  Indians  then 


divided  into  two  parties.  The  one  party,  lying  in  ambush  near 
the  watch-house,  waylaid  some  settlers  who  were  fleeing  toward 
that  place,  and  killed  three  of  them. 

The  next  night  some  savages  crept  up  to  the  home  of  Thomas 
Bower,  on  Swatara  Creek,  and  pushing  their  guns  through  a  win- 
dow of  the  house,  killed  a  cobbler  who  was  repairing  a  shoe.  They 
set  fire  to  the  house  before  being  driven  off.  The  Bower  family, 
having  sought  refuge  through  the  night  at  the  home  of  a  neighbor, 
named  Daniel  Snyder,  and  returning  to  their  home  in  the  morn- 
ing, saw  four  savages  running  away  and  having  with  them  the 
scalps  of  three  children,  two  of  whom  were  still  alive.  They  also 
found  the  dead  body  of  a  woman  with  a  two  week's  old  child 
under  her  body,  but  unharmed. 

Such,  in  brief,  is  the  account  of  the  atrocities  committed  in 
Berks  County  during  the  absence  of  Weiser  at  Philadelphia.  It 
is  interesting  to  read  his  report  of  the  same,  written  to  Governor 
Morris  on  November  19th,  after  arriving  at  his  home  in  Heidel- 
berg Township,  as  follows : 

"On  my  return  from  Philadelphia,  I  met  in  the  township  of 
Amity,  in  Berks  County,  the  first  news  of  our  cruel  enemy  having 
invaded  the  Country  this  Side  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  to  witt, 
Bethel  and  Tulpenhacon  [Tulpehocken].  I  left  the  papers  as  they 
were  in  the  messengers  Hands,  and  hastened  to  Reading,  where 
the  alarm  and  confusion  was  very  great.  I  was  obliged  to  stay 
that  Night  and  part  of  the  next  Day,  to  witt,  the  17th  of  this 
Instant,  and  sat  out  for  Heidelberg,  where  I  arrived  that  Evening. 
Soon  after,  my  sons  Philip  and  Frederick  arrived  from  the  Persuit 
of  the  Indians,  and  gave  me  the  following  Relation,  to  witt,  that 
on  Saturday  last  about  4  of  the  Clock,  in  the  Afternoon,  as  some 
men  from  Tulpenhacon  were  going  to  Dietrich  Six's  Place  under 
the  Hill  on  Shamokin  Road  to  be  on  the  watch  appointed  there, 
they  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians  but  none  hurt  nor  killed, 
(Our  people  were  but  Six  in  number,  the  rest  being  behind.)  Upon 
which  our  people  ran  towards  the  Watch-house  which  was  about 
one-half  mile  off,  and  the  Indians  persued  them,  and  killed  and 
scalped  several  of  them.  A  bold,  Stout  Indian  came  up  with  one 
Christopher  Ury,  who  turned  about  and  shot  the  Indian  right 
through  his  Breast.  The  Indian  dropped  down  dead,  but  was 
dragged  out  of  the  way  by  his  own  Companions.  (He  was  found 
next  day  and  scalped  by  our  People.) 

'  'The  Indians  devided  themselves  into  two  Parties.  Some  came 
this  way  to  meet  the  Rest  that  was  going  to  the  Watch,  and  killed 


some  of  them,  so  that  six  of  our  men  were  killed  that  Day,  and  a 
few  wounded. 

"The  Night  following  the  Enemy  attacked  the  House  of  Thos. 
Bower,  on  Swatara  Creek.  They  came  to  the  House  in  the  Dark 
night,  and  one  of  them  put  his  Fire-arm  through  the  window  and 
shot  a  Shoemaker  (that  was  at  work)  dead  upon  the  spot.  The 
People  being  extremely  Surprised  at  this  Sudden  attack,  defended 
themselves  by  firing  out  of  the  windows  at  the  Indians.  The 
Fire  alarmed  a  neighbor  who  came  with  two  or  three  more  men ; 
they  fired  by  the  way  and  made  a  great  noise,  scared  the  Indians 
away  from  Bower's  House,  after  they  had  set  fire  to  it,  but  by 
Thomas  Bower's  Deligence  and  Conduct  was  timely  put  out 
again.  So  Thos.  Bower,  with  his  Family,  went  off  that  night  to 
his  neighbour,  Daniel  Schneider,  who  came  to  his  assistance. 

"By  8  of  ye  Clock,  Parties  came  up  from  Tulpenhacon  and 
Heidelberg.  The  first  Party  saw  four  Indians  running  off.  They 
had  some  Prisoners  whom  they  scalped  immediately,  three 
children  lay  scalped  yet  alive,  one  died  since,  the  other  two  are 
likely  to  do  well.  Another  Party  found  a  woman  just  expired, 
with  a  male  Child  on  her  side,  both  killed  and  scalped.  The 
woman  lay  upon  her  Face,  my  son  Frederick  turned  her  about  to 
see  who  she  might  have  been  and  to  his  Companion's  Surprize 
they  found  a  Babe  of  about  14  Days  old  under  her,  rapped  up  in 
a  little  Cushion,  his  nose  quite  flat,  which  was  set  right  by 
Frederick,  and  life  was  yet  in  it,  and  recovered  again.  Our  people 
came  up  with  two  parties  of  Indians  that  Day,  but  they  hardly 
got  sight  of  them,  the  Indians  Ran  off  Immediately.  Either  our 
party  did  not  care  to  fight  them  if  they  could  avoid  it,  or  (which 
is  most  likely)  the  Indians  were  too  alarmed  first  by  the  loud 
noise  of  our  People  coming,  because  no  order  was  observed.  Upon 
the  whole,  there  is  about  15  killed  of  our  People,  Including  men, 
women  and  children,  and  the  Enemy  not  beat  but  scared  off. 
Several  Houses  and  Barns  are  Burned;  I  have  not  true  account 
how  many.  We  are  in  a  Dismal  Situation,  Some  of  this  murder 
has  been  committed  in  Tulpenhacon  Township.  The  People  left 
their  Plantation  to  within  6  or  7  miles  from  my  house  [located 
near  the  present  town  of  Wolmesdorf]  against  another  attack, 

"Guns  and  Ammunition  is  very  much  wanted  here,  my  Sons 
have  been  obliged  to  part  with  most  of  that,  that  was  sent  up 
for  the  use  of  the  Indians.  I  pray  your  Honour  will  be  pleased, 
if  it  lies  in  your  Power,  to  send  us  up  a  quantity  upon  any  Con- 
dition.    I  must  stand  my  Ground  or  my  neighbours  will  all  go 


away,  and  leave  their  Habitations  to  be  destroyed  by  the  Enemy 
or  our  own  People. 

"P.  S.  I  am  creditably  informed  just  now  that  one  Wolf,  a 
Single  man,  killed  an  Indian  the  same  Time  when  Ury  killed  the 
other  but  the  Body  is  not  found  yet.  The  Poor  Young  Man  since 
died  of  his  wound  through  his  Belly."  (Pa.  Archives  Vol.  2, 
pages  503,  504.) 

The  following  is  a  partial  list  of  the  slain : 

A  man  named  Beslinger,  Sebastian  Brosius,  the  wife  and  eight- 
year-old  child  of  a  settler  named  Cola,  Rudolph  Candel,  John 
Leinberger,  Casper  Spring,  a  child  of  Jacob  Wolf  and  a  young  man 
also  named  Wolf. 

Following  the  murders,  the  Rev.  J.  N.  Kurtz  conducted  funeral 
services  for  seven  of  the  victims  of  the  Indians'  wrath  who  were 
buried  from  his  church,  Christ  Lutheran,  near  Stouchsburg,  at 
one  time.  The  opening  hymn  at  these  solemn  services  was 
Martin  Luther's  famous  "Ein'  feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott"  (A 
Mighty  Fortress  is  Our  God).  Rev.  Kurtz  was  pastor  of  the 
Lutheran  congregation  at  Tulpehocken  to  which  Conrad  Weiser 
and  many  of  his  neighbors  belonged. 

At  various  other  times  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  the 
soil  of  Berks  County  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  German 
settlers.  It  is  claimed  that,  during  this  conflict,  almost  one 
hundred  and  fifty  inhabitants  of  Bethel  and  Tulpehocken  Town- 
ships were  slain,  and  more  than  thirty  carried  into  captivity, 
most  of  whom  never  returned. 

Weiser  and  Scarouady  in  Danger  from  Settlers 

Conrad  Weiser,  as  has  been  seen,  returned  home  from  Philadel- 
phia on  November  17th,  accompanied  by  Scarouady  and  Andrew 
Montour  on  their  way  to  the  Six  Nations.  He  found  the  Berks 
County  settlers  in  a  state  of  great  excitement,  on  account  of  the 
Indian  outrages.  The  settlers  of  Berks  County  knew  that  he  had 
frequently  accompanied  delegations  of  friendly  Indians  to  Phila- 
delphia. To  many  of  the  settlers  whose  homes  and  barns  were 
destroyed  and  whose  dear  ones  were  murdered  or  carried  into 
captivity,  all  Indians  looked  alike.  Consequently,  many  of  the 
settlers  were  now  suspicious  of  Weiser,  and  believed  that  he  was 
protecting  Indians  who  did  not  deserve  it.  Consequently,  also, 
he  had  now  great  difficulty  in  conducting  Scarouady  and  Montour 
towards  the  Susquehanna.    Said  he,  in  another  letter  to  Governor 


Morris  on  November  19th :  "I  made  all  the  haste  with  the  Indians 
[Scarouady  and  Montour]  I  could,  and  gave  them  a  letter  to 
Thomas  McKee,  to  furnish  them  with  necessaries  for  their 
journey.  Scarouady  had  no  creature  to  ride  on.  I  gave  him  one. 
Before  I  could  get  done  with  the  Indians,  three  or  four  men  came 
from  Benjamin  Spikers  to  warn  the  Indians  not  to  go  that  way 
for  the  people  were  so  enraged  against  all  the  Indians  and  would 
kill  them  without  distinction.  I  went  with  them.  So  did  the 
gentlemen  before  named.  When  we  came  near  Benjamin  Spikers, 
I  saw  about  400  or  500  men,  and  there  was  loud  noise.  I  rode 
before,  and  in  riding  along  the  road  and  armed  men  on  both  sides 
of  the  road,  I  heard  some  say:  'Why  must  we  be  killed  by  the 
Indians,  and  not  kill  them.  Why  are  our  hands  so  tied. '  I  got 
the  Indians  into  the  house  with  much  ado,  where  I  treated  them 
with  a  small  dram,  and  so  parted  in  love  and  friendship.  Captain 
Diefenback  undertook  to  conduct  them,  with  five  of  our  men,  to 
the  Susquehanna."     (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  504  to  506.) 

Continuing  the  above  letter,  Weiser  says: 

"After  this,  a  sort  of  a  counsel  of  war  was  held  by  the  ofificers 
present,  the  before  named,  and  other  Freeholders. 

"It  was  agreed  that  150  men  should  be  raised  immediately  to 
serve  as  out  scouts,  and  as  Guards  at  Certain  Places  under  the 
Kittitany  Hills  for  40  days.  That  those  so  raised  to  have  2  Shill- 
ings a  Day  and  2  Pounds  of  Bread,  2  Pounds  of  Beafif  and  a  jill  of 
rum,  and  Powder  and  lead.    Arms  they  must  find  themselves. 

"This  Scheme  was  signed  by  a  good  many  Freeholders,  and 
read  to  the  people.  They  cried  out  that  so  much  for  an  Indian 
scalp  would  they  have,  be  they  friends  or  enemies,  from  the  Gov- 
ernor. I  told  them  I  had  no  such  power  from  the  Governor  nor 
Assembly.  They  began  some  to  curse  the  Governor;  some  the  As- 
sembly; called  me  a  traitor  of  the  country,  who  held  with  the  In- 
dians, and  must  have  known  this  murder  beforehand.  I  sat  in 
the  house  by  a  lowe  window;  some  of  my  friends  came  to  pull  me 
away  from  it,  telling  me  some  of  the  people  threatened  to  shoot 

"I  offered  to  go  out  to  the  people  and  either  pasefy  them  or 
make  the  King's  Proclamation.  But  those  in  the  house  with  me 
would  not  let  me  go  out.  The  cry  was.  The  Land  was  betrayed 
and  sold.  The  common  people  from  Lancaster  [now  Lebanon 
County]  were  the  worst.  The  wages  they  said  was  a  Trifle  and 
some  Body  pocketed  the  Rest,  and  they  would  resent  it.  Some 
Body  had  put  it  in  their  head  that  I  had  it  in  my  power  to  give 


them  as  much  as  I  pleased.  I  was  in  danger  of  being  shot  to 

"In  the  meantime,  a  great  smoke  arose  under  Tulpenhacon 
Mountain,  with  the  news  following  that  the  Indians  had  com- 
mitted a  murder  on  Mill  Creek  (a  false  alarm)  and  set  fire  to  a 
barn;  most  of  the  people  ran,  and  those  that  had  horses  rode  off 
without  any  order  or  regulation.  I  then  took  my  horse  and  went 
home,  where  I  intend  to  stay  and  defend  my  own  house  as  long  as 
I  can.  The  people  of  Tulpenhacon  all  fled;  till  about  6  or  7  miles 
from  me  some  few  remains.  Another  such  attack  will  lay  all  the 
country  waste  on  the  west  side  of  Schuylkill," 

In  a  subsequent  chapter  will  be  found  Scarouady's  report  of 
his  mission  to  the  Six  Nations.  In  the  meantime,  the  Indians, 
entering  the  passes  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  committed  many 
murders  and  devastations  in  Berks,  Lebanon,  Northampton  and 
Carbon  Counties.  Independent  companies  were  hastily  organized 
which  later  were  incorporated  into  the  Provincial  Regiment. 
Captain  Thomas  McKee  ranged  the  territory  along  the  Susque- 
hanna; Colonel  Conrad  Weiser,  Captain  Adam  Read,  of  Swatara 
Creek  and  Captain  Peter  Heydrick,  of  Swatara  Gap,  ranged  the 
territory  between  the  Susquehanna  and  Schuylkill  Rivers;  the  two 
Captains  Wetterholt  ranged  the  district  along  the  Lehigh;  and 
Captains  Wayne,  Hays,  Jenning,  McLaughlin  and  Van  Etten 
ranged  the  territory  between  the  Lehigh  and  Delaware.  Never- 
theless, the  Indians  crept  stealthily  upon  the  settlers,  murdered 
them  in  cold  blood,  often  in  the  dead  hours  of  the  night,  and  then 
disappeared  before  the  alarm  could  be  spread  to  the  citizen 

The  Kobel  Atrocity 

On  November  24th,  1755,  Governor  Morris  received  a  letter 
from  Conrad  Weiser  in  which  he  describes  the  attack  on  the 
Kobel  family,  one  of  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  Indians  in 
the  invasion  of  Berks  County,  described  in  this  chapter.  The 
letter,  found  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  511  and  512,  is  as 
follows : 

"I  cannot  forbear  to  acquaint  your  Honor  of  a  certain  Cir- 
cumstance of  the  late  unhappy  Affair:    One Kobel, 

with  his  wife  and  eight  children,  the  eldest  about  fourteen  Years 
and  the  youngest  fourteen  Days,  was  flying  before  the  Enemy,  he 
carrying  one,  and  his  wife  and  a  Boy  another  of  the  Children, 


when  they  were  fired  upon  by  two  Indians  very  nigh,  but  hit  only 
the  Man  upon  his  Breast,  though  not  Dangerously.  They,  the 
Indians,  then  came  with  their  Tomahawks,  knocked  the  woman 
down,  but  not  dead.  They  intended  to  kill  the  Man,  but  his  Gun 
(though  out  of  order  so  that  he  could  not  fire)  kept  them  off. 
The  Woman  recovered  so  farr,  and  seated  herself  upon  a  Stump, 
with  her  Babe  in  her  Arms,  and  gave  it  Suck,  and  the  Indians 
driving  the  children  together,  and  spoke  to  them  in  High  Dutch, 
'Be  still;  we  won't  hurt  you.'  Then  they  struck  a  Hatchet  into 
the  woman's  Head,  and  she  fell  upon  her  Face  with  her  Babe 
under  her,  and  the  Indian  trod  on  her  neck  and  tore  off  the  scalp. 
The  children  then  run;  four  of  them  were  scalped,  among  which 
was  a  Girl  of  Eleven  Years  of  Age,  who  related  the  whole  Story; 
of  the  Scalped,  two  are  alive  and  like  to  do  well.  The  Rest  of  the 
Children  ran  into  the  Bushes  and  the  Indians  after  them,  but 
our  People  coming  near  to  them,  and  hallowed  and  made  noise; 
the  Indians  Ran,  and  the  Rest  of  the  Children  were  saved.  They 
ran  within  a  Yard  by  a  Woman  that  lay  behind  an  Old  Log,  with 
two  Children;  there  was  about  Seven  or  Eight  of  the  Enemy." 

Other  Atrocities  of  1755 

Other  atrocities,  committed  in  the  autumn  of  1755,  were  the 

Two  brothers,  named  Ney,  were  ambushed  by  Indians,  in  the 
Tulpehocken  region,  while  gathering  a  load  of  fire  wood  for 
winter.  The  one  brother,  Michael,  was  killed  and  scalped.  The 
other  brother  was  tomahawked  and  left  for  dead,  but  afterwards 
regained  consciousness  and  made  his  way  back  home.  Some 
neighbors  then  went  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians.  They  found  the 
body  of  Michael,  but  the  Indians  had  fled. 

As  the  Indian  depredations  spread  eastward  from  Swatara 
Gap,  they  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  present  town  of  Pine  Grove. 
Schuylkill  County.  Here  George  Everhart  and  his  entire  family 
except  his  little  daughter,  Margaret,  were  killed.  The  little 
girl  was  taken  captive.  She  was  released  by  Colonel  Bouquet, 
when  he  made  his  expedition  to  the  Muskingum,  in  the  autumn 
of  1764,  and  returned  to  her  friends.  (H.  M.  M.  Richards' 
"Pennsylvania  Germans  in  the  French  and  Indian  War,"  pages 
79  to  81.) 


Moravians  Massacred 

Scarouady  was  hardly  started  on  his  journey  to  the  Six  Nations 
when  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  of  the  Delawares  became 
stained  anew  with  the  blood  of  the  settlers  of  Eastern  Pennsyl- 
vania. On  November  24th,  the  Moravian  missionaries  at  Gnaden- 
huetten.  Carbon  County,  were  cruelly  murdered  by  a  band  of 
twelve  warriors  of  the  Munsee  Clan  of  Delawares,  led  by  Jachebus, 
chief  of  the  Assinnissink,  a  Munsee  town  in  Steuben  County, 
New  York.  The  bodies  of  the  dead  were  placed  in  a  grave.  A 
monument  marks  the  spot  where  the  dust  of  these  victims  of 
savage  cruelty  reposes,  a  short  distance  from  Lehighton,  and  bears 
the  following  inscription : 

"To  the  memory  of  Gottlieb  and  Joanna  Anders,  with  their 
child,  Christiana;  Martin  and  Susanna  Nitschman;  Anna  Cath- 
erine Senseman;  John  Gattermeyer;  George  Fabricius,  clerk; 
George  Schweigert;  John  Frederick  Lesly;  and  Martin  Presser; 
who  lived  here  at  Gnadenhuetten  unto  the  Lord,  and  lost  their 
lives  in  a  surprise  from  Indian  warriors,  November  24,  1755. 
Precious  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  is  the  death  of  his  saints." 

Bishop  Loskiel's  "History  of  the  Moravian  Mission"  thus 
dej^cribes  the  massacre  of  the  Moravians  at  Gnadenhuetten: 

"The  family  were  at  supper;  and  on  the  report  of  a  gun,  several 
ran  together  to  open  the  house-door;  the  Indians  instantly  fired 
and  killed  Martin  Nitschman.  His  wife  and  some  others  were 
wounded,  but  fled  with  the  rest  to  the  garret,  and  barricaded  the 
door.  Two  escaped  by  leaping  out  of  a  back  window.  The 
savages  pursued  those  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  garret,  but 
finding  the  door  too  well  secured,  they  set  fire  to  the  house,  which 
was  soon  in  flames.  A  boy  and  a  woman  leaped  from  the  burning 
roof,  and  escaped  almost  miraculously.  Br.  Fabricius  then  leaped 
off  the  roof,  but  he  was  perceived  by  the  Indians,  and  wounded 
with  two  balls;  they  dispatched  him  with  their  hatchets,  and 
took  his  scalp.  The  rest  were  all  burnt  alive,  except  Br.  Sense- 
man,  who  got  out  at  the  back  door.  The  house  being  consumed, 
the  murderers  set  fire  to  the  barns  and  stables,  by  which  all  the 
corn,  hay  and  cattle  were  destroyed." 

The  light  of  the  burning  buildings  was  seen  at  Bethlehem, 
although  nearly  thirty  miles  distant  and  with  the  ridge  of  the 
Blue  Mountains  between. 

On  the  day  of  the  massacre,  the  Moravian  missionary,  David 


Zeisberger,  had  been  sent  from  Bethlehem  to  Gnadenhuetten, 
bearing  a  letter  relative  to  the  convoy  of  some  friendly  Indians 
at  Wyoming  who  wished  to  visit  the  Governor.  He  had  reached 
the  Lehigh  River  and  was  just  ready  to  cross  to  the  other  side, 
before  it  became  quite  dark,  when  he  heard  gun-shots,  which  he 
supposed  to  be  those  of  militia  patroling  the  woods.  Suddenly 
a  piteous  cry  floated  on  the  evening  air,  but  Zeisberger  did  not 
hear  it,  as  his  horse  was  now  wading  the  river  and  the  splashing 
water  and  the  crack  of  the  stones  under  his  horse's  hoofs  prevented 
his  hearing  anything  else.  Nor  did  he  see  the  flames,  as  the  thick 
underbrush  of  the  river  bank  and  the  bluff  beyond  concealed 
their  light  from  him.  Having  reached  the  west  shore,  he  paused 
a  moment  and  took  in  the  awful  situation,  just  as  young  Joseph 
Sturgis,  who  had  escaped  with  a  slight  wound  on  his  face,  rushed 
down  to  the  river.  Turning  his  horse,  he  crossed  back  to  the 
east  side  of  the  stream,  where  he  found  some  Moravian  Indians 
in  great  terror.  Gathering  what  particulars  he  could,  he  rode 
through  the  night  to  Bethlehem,  arriving  there  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  and  telling  Bishop  Spangenberg  of  the  Moravian 
Church  the  terrible  story,  (See  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages 
736,  737.) 

For  some  time  prior  to  the  massacre  of  the  Moravian  mission- 
aries, these  good  people  had  been  suspected  of  being  in  sympathy 
with  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies — an  altogether  unjust 
suspicion.  Just  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  unfriendly 
Indians  made  frequent  visits  to  the  Delawares  who  had  been 
converted  to  the  Christian  religion  by  the  Moravians,  and  made 
efforts  to  win  them  to  their  cause.  Some  of  the  Christianized 
Delawares  yielded  to  the  persuasion  of  the  unfriendly  Indians, 
and,  in  time,  were  recognized  among  the  marauders.  Then  the 
cry  went  up  that  the  Moravian  missionaries  were  training  the 
Indians  for  the  French  service.  Furthermore,  the  fact  that  the 
missionaries  spoke  German,  a  language  foreign  to  that  of  their 
English  and  Scotch-Irish  neighbors,  tended  to  put  them  under 
suspicion.  But  now  that  these  missionaries  fell  victims  to  the 
wrath  of  the  Indians  in  league  with  the  French,  the  eyes  of  their 
traducers  were  opened.  Even  before  the  corpses  of  the  murdered 
Moravians  were  buried,  it  is  said,  many  people  came  to  the  scene 
of  the  massacre  and  shed  tears  of  penitence. 

In  closing  the  account  of  this  terrible  atrocity,  we  call  attention 
to  the  fact  that  Susanna  Nitschman,  long  believed  to  have  been 
killed  at  the  time  of  the  massacre  of  the  other  missionaries,  was. 


according  to  De  Schweinitz's  "Life  of  David  Zeisberger,"  carried 
to  Tioga,  where  she  was  compelled  to  share  the  wigwam  with  a 
brutal  Indian  and  where,  having  lapsed  into  profound  melancholy, 
death  came  to  her  relief  after  a  half  year  of  captivity. 

Attack  on  the  Hoeth  and  Brodhead  Families 

On  December  10th  and  11th,  1755,  occurred  the  attack  on  the 
Hoeth  and  Brodhead  families.  The  Frederick  Hoeth  family 
lived  on  Poco-Poco  Creek,  afterwards  known  as  Hoeth's  Creek, 
and  now  generally  known  as  Big  Creek,  a  tributary  to  the  Lehigh 
above  Weissport.  The  Indians  attacked  the  house  on  the  evening 
of  the  10th,  killing  and  capturing  all  the  family  except  a  son  and 
a  smith,  who  made  their  escape.  This  son,  John  Michael  Hoeth, 
or  Hute  as  he  is  called  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records, 
made  a  deposition  before  William  Parsons  at  Easton,  on  Decem- 
ber 12th,  as  follows: 

"The  12th  Day  of  December,  1755,  Personally  appeared  before 
me,  William  Parsons,  one  of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  the  Peace 
for  the  County  of  Northampton,  Michael  Hute,  aged  about  21 
Years,  who  being  duly  sworn  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  of  Almighty 
God  did  depose  and  declare  that  last  Wednesday,  about  6  of  the 
Clock,  Afternoon,  a  Company  of  Indians,  about  5  in  number, 
attacked  the  House  of  Frederick  Hoeth,  about  12  miles  East- 
ward from  Gnadenhutten,  on  Pocho-Pocho  Creek.  That  the 
family  being  at  Supper,  the  Indians  shot  into  the  House  and 
wounded  a  woman ;  at  the  next  shot  they  killed  Frederick  Hoeth 
himself,  and  shot  several  times  more,  whereupon  all  ran  out  of 
the  house  that  could.  The  Indians  immediately  set  fire  to  the 
House,  Mill  and  Stables.  Hoeth's  wife  ran  into  the  Bakehouse, 
which  was  also  set  on  fire.  The  poor  woman  ran  out  thro'  the 
Flames,  and  being  very  much  burnt  she  ran  into  the  water  and 
there  dyed.  The  Indians  cut  her  belly  open,  and  used  her  other- 
wise inhumanely.  They  killed  and  Scalped  a  Daughter,  and  he 
[Hute]  thinks  that  three  other  Children  who  were  of  the  Family 
were  burnt.  Three  of  Hoeth's  Daughters  are  missing  with  an- 
other Woman,  who  are  supposed  to  be  carried  off.  In  the  action 
one  Indian  was  killed  and  another  wounded."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  6,  pages  758,  759.) 

Attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  Barbara  Leininger  and 
Marie  le  Roy,  in  their  Narrative,  recorded  in  Pa.  Archives,  Sec. 
Series,  Vol.  7,  pages  401  to  412,  state  that,  at  the  time  of  their 


escape  from  the  Indians,  March  16th,  1759,  three  sisters  "from 
the  Blue  Mountains,  Mary,  CaroUne  and  Catherine  Hoeth,"  were 
still  in  captivity  among  the  Indians,  but  do  not  state  whether  at 
Sauconk,  Kuskuskies  or  Muskingum. 

The  Hoeth  tragedy  occurred  in  the  vicinity  of  where  Fort 
Norris,  about  a  mile  southeast  of  Kresgeville,  Monroe  County, 
was  afterwards  built.  Other  families  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Hoeths 
— the  Hartmans,  the  Culvers  and  the  McMichaels — were  at- 
tacked by  daylight  the  next  morning.  Many  of  their  members 
were  killed  and  captured,  and  their  buildings  were  burned. 
Terror  spread  throughout  the  region  upon  the  report  that  there 
were  two  hundred  Indians  ravaging  that  part  of  the  frontier. 
Families  fled  to  the  Moravian  stockades  at  Nazareth,  North- 
ampton County,  and  the  infants  of  that  place  were  taken  to 
Bethlehem  for  greater  security.  Among  the  fugitives  who  took 
refuge  among  the  Moravians  at  Nazareth  were  a  poor  German, 
his  wife  and  child,  the  latter  only  several  days  old.  It  was  late 
at  night  when  he  received  word  of  the  tragedy  at  Hoeth 's.  Taking 
his  wife  and  child  on  his  back,  he  fled  for  his  life. 

On  the  morning  of  December  1 1th,  the  Indians  who  committed 
the  atrocities  at  Hoeth's  and  in  the  vicinity,  made  an  assault  on 
Brodhead's  house,  near  the  mouth  of  Brodhead  Creek,  not  far 
from  where  Stroudsburg,  Monroe  County,  now  stands.  The 
barracks  and  barn  at  Brodhead's  were  set  on  fire.  Refugees 
hastening  to  Easton  heard  firing  and  crying  at  Brodhead's 
throughout  the  day.  However,  the  Indians  met  such  a  deter- 
mined resistance  by  the  Brodhead  family  that  they  were  finally 
obliged  to  retire.  All  the  members  of  this  family  were  noted  for 
their  bravery.  Among  the  sons  was  the  famous  Colonel  (later 
General)  Brodhead  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  who  no  doubt 
aided  in  the  defense  of  his  father's  home.  For  account  of  the 
outrages  at  Hoeth's  and  Brodhead's,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  756  to  760. 

Massacres  Continue 

The  Indians  continued  their  murders  and  depredations  in 
Monroe,  Carbon  and  Northampton  Counties  throughout  the 
month  of  December  and  into  the  following  January,  as  we  shall 
see  in  the  next  chapter.  The  following  quotation  from  Pa.  Col. 
Rec,  Vol.  6,  page  767,  briefly  describes,  under  date  of  December 
29th,  their  atrocities  and  devastation  in  this  region  in  December: 


"During  all  this  month  [December,  1755]  the  Indians  have  been 
burning  and  destroying  all  before  them  in  the  County  of  North- 
ampton, and  have  already  burned  fifty  houses  here,  murdered 
above  one  hundred  persons,  and  are  still  continuing  their  Ravages, 
Murders  and  Devastations,  and  have  actually  overrun  and  laid 
waste  a  great  part  of  that  County,  even  as  far  as  within  twenty 
miles  of  Easton,  its  chief  Town.  And  a  large  Body  of  Indians, 
under  the  Direction  of  French  Officers,  have  fixed  their  head 
Quarters  within  the  Borders  of  that  County  for  the  better  security 
of  their  Prisoners  and  Plunder  .  .  .  All  the  settlements  between 
Shamokin  and  Hunter's  Mill  for  a  space  of  50  Miles  along  the 
River  Susquehanna  were  deserted." 

Continuing,  the  same  account  describes  the  horrors  on  the 
Pennsylvania  frontier  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  as 
follows : 

"Such  schocking  descriptions  are  given  by  those  who  have 
escaped  of  the  horrid  Cruelties  and  Indecencies  committed  by 
these  merciless  Savages  on  the  Bodies  of  the  unhappy  wretches 
who  fell  into  their  Barbarous  hands,  especially  the  Women, 
without  regard  to  Sex  or  Age,  as  far  exceeds  those  related  of  the 
most  abandoned  Pirates;  which  has  occasioned  a  general  Conster- 
nation and  has  struck  so  great  a  Pannick  and  Damp  upon  the 
Spirits  of  the  people  that  hitherto  they  have  not  been  able  to 
make  any  considerable  resistance  or  stand  against  the  Indians." 

One  of  the  atrocities,  committed  in  the  Minisink  region,  in 
December,  1755,  was  that  described  in  the  affidavit  of  Daniel 
McMullen,  found  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  282  and  283. 
A  party  of  five  Delawares  captured  McMullen  and  a  woman,  and 
at  the  same  time,  killed  eight  men  in  the  neighborhood.  Mc- 
Mullen and  the  woman  were  taken  to  Tioga,  where  McMullen 
was  sold  to  a  Mohawk,  who  treated  him  very  kindly,  and  after- 
wards sold  him  to  the  daughter  of  French  Margaret,  who  was 
the  daughter  of  Madam  Montour.  Later  French  Margaret's 
daughter  went  to  see  Colonel  Johnson  in  order  to  ransom  the 
woman  who  was  taken  when  McMullen  was  captured.  While 
French  Margaret's  daughter  was  absent  on  this  journey,  Mc- 
Mullen made  his  escape,  and  he  and  Thomas  Moffit,  another 
captive  belonging  to  French  Margaret's  daughter,  made  their 
way  down  the  Susquehanna  to  Fort  Augusta,  in  September,  1756. 

In  December,  1755,  Nicholas  Weiss  was  killed,  near  Fenners- 
ville,  Monroe  County,  and  his  family  captured  and  taken  to 
Canada  (Egle's  "History  of  Pennsylvania,"  page  948.) 


During  November  and  December,  1755,  as  stated  in  a  former 
chapter,  the  Shawnee  and  Delaware  town  of  Nescopeck  at  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  Nescopeck,  in  Luzerne  County,  was 
the  rallying  point  for  the  Indians  who  were  devastating  the 
settlements  and  murdering  the  inhabitants.  Many  bloody  ex- 
peditions were  sent  out  from  this  place  until  the  building  of  Fort 
Augusta,  at  Shamokin  (Sunbury),  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1756,  drove  the  hostile  Indians  away  from  Nescopeck.  They 
then  went  up  the  North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna  to  the  Dela- 
ware town  of  Assarughney,  located  about  two  miles  north  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Lackawanna,  near  the  present  town  of  Ransom,  in 
Luzerne  County.  At  the  time  of  the  assembling  of  the  hostile 
Indians  at  Nescopeck,  John  Shikellamy,  son  of  the  great  vice- 
gerent of  the  Six  Nations,  moved  away  from  that  place  to 
Wyoming,  near  Plymouth,  Luzerne  County,  where  the  friendly 
Shawnee  chief,  Paxinosa,  lived. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  some  settlers  at  Paxtang 
"took  an  enemy  Indian  on  the  other  side  of  the  Narrows  above 
Samuel  Hunter's  and  brought  him  down  to  Carson's,  where  they 
examining  him,  the  Indian  begged  for  his  Life  and  promised  to 
tell  all  what  he  knew  tomorrow  morning,  but  (shocking  to  me) 
they  shot  him  in  the  midst  of  them,  scalped  him  and  threw  his 
Body  into  the  River.  The  Old  Belt  told  me  that,  as  a  child  of 
Onontio  [the  French],  he  deserved  to  be  killed,  but  that  he  would 
have  been  glad  if  they  had  delivered  him  up  to  the  Governor  in 
order  to  be  examined  stricter  and  better."  Thus  wrote  Conrad 
Weiser  to  Governor  Morris,  on  December  22nd. 

Capture  of  Peter  Williamson 

Loudon's  "Indian  Narratives"  contains  an  account  of  the 
capture  and  subsequent  experiences  of  Peter  Williamson,  who, 
according  to  Loudon,  was  living  near  the  "Forks  of  the  Dela- 
ware" in  the  terrible  autumn  of  1755.  He  was  alone  at  midnight, 
when  the  Indians  came  upon  him,  his  wife  being  away  visiting 
relatives  at  the  time.  They  made  him  prisoner,  burned  his 
house,  barn,  cattle  and  200  bushels  of  grain.  Taking  him  with 
them,  they  fell  upon  the  Jacob  Snyder  family  "at  the  Blue  Hills 
near  the  Susquehanna,"  killing  the  parents  and  their  five  chil- 
dren, burning  the  house,  and  capturing  the  hired  man,  whom 
they  tortured  to  death  after  going  some  distance.  The  band 
then  lay  hid  near  the  Susquehanna  for  several  days.    They  then 


attacked  the  home  of  an  old  man,  named  John  Adams,  burning 
the  home  and  killing  Mrs.  Adams  and  her  four  small  children 
before  the  eyes  of  the  horrified  father.  Taking  Mr.  Adams  with 
them,  they  went  to  the  "Great  Swamp,"  where  they  remained 
eight  or  nine  days,  inflicting  many  cruelties  on  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
meantime.  While  at  the  "Great  Swamp,"  twenty-five  Indians 
arrived  one  night  from  the  Conococheague,  with  twenty  scalps 
and  three  prisoners.  This  second  band  had  murdered  John 
Lewis,  his  wife  and  three  small  children,  also  Jacob  Miller,  his 
wife  and  six  children.  The  prisoners  from  the  Conococheague 
were  tortured  to  death  at  the  "Great  Swamp."  Peter  Williamson 
was  then  taken  to  the  Indian  town  of  Alamingo,  where  he  re- 
mained two  or  three  months  until  the  snow  was  gone.  In  the 
spring,  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians  left  Alamingo,  taking 
Williamson  with  them,  to  attack  the  settlements  along  the  base 
of  the  Blue  Mountains  and  along  the  Conococheague.  Arriving 
near  the  settlements,  the  Indians  separated  into  small  bands. 
Williamson  and  ten  Indians  were  left  behind  at  a  certain  place  to 
await  the  return  of  the  rest  who  went  to  kill  and  scalp  the  settlers. 
Before  the  marauders  returned,  Williamson  made  his  escape 
from  his  ten  Indian  companions.  For  some  time  he  hid  in  a 
hollow  log,  and  then  made  his  way  through  the  forest  and  over 
the  mountains  to  the  home  of  his  father-in-law,  in  Chester  County 
to  receive  the  sad  news  that  his  wife  had  died  two  months  before 
his  return. 

Murder  of  William  McMullin  and  James  Watson 

In  Loudon's  "Indian  Narratives"  is  found  the  account  of  the 
murder  of  William  McMullin  and  his  brother-in-law,  James 
Watson.  This  murder  most  likely  occurred  in  November,  1755. 
These  men  went  from  a  block  house  between  the  Conodoguinet 
Creek,  in  Cumberland  County,  and  the  Blue  Mountains  to  their 
home  to  look  after  things  there.  While  in  the  barn,  they  were 
attacked  by  Indians.  They  then  started  to  flee  to  the  block 
house,  and,  as  they  were  running  through  a  buckwheat  field, 
other  Indians  hidden  there,  attacked  them,  and  fatally  wounded 
McMullin,  who  crawled  into  a  thicket,  where  he  died  and  his 
body  was  afterwards  found.  During  this  attack,  Watson  shot 
four  or  five  Indians  in  a  running  fight.  Finally,  while  going  up  a 
hill,  he  was  shot,  then  tomahawked  and  scalped.  When  found, 
his  hands  were  full  of  an  Indian's  hair. 


Samuel  Bell 

In  Loudon's  "Indian  Narratives"  is  also  found  the  account  of 
the  experiences  of  Samuel  Bell,  who,  in  the  late  autumn  of  1755, 
with  his  brother,  James,  left  their  home  on  Stony  Ridge,  five 
miles  below  Carlisle,  Cumberland  County,  to  go  into  Sherman's 
Valley,  Perry  County,  to  hunt  deer.  The  brothers  agreed  to 
meet  at  Croghan's  (now  Sterret's)  Gap,  in  the  Blue  Mountains, 
but  for  some  reason  they  failed  to  meet.  Samuel  spent  the  night 
in  a  deserted  cabin  on  Sherman's  Creek,  belonging  to  a  Mr. 
Patton.  In  the  morning  he  had  not  gone  far  before  he  saw  three 
Indians,  who  saw  him  at  same  time  and  each  party  fired  at  the 
other.  Samuel  wounded  one  of  the  Indians  and  several  bullets 
passed  through  his  own  clothes.  Each  side  took  to  trees.  Samuel 
took  his  tomahawk  and  stuck  it  into  the  tree,  so  that  he  might  be 
prepared  if  the  Indians  advanced.  The  tree  was  hit  with  several 
bullets.  After  some  time,  the  two  Indians  carried  the  wounded 
one  over  the  fence,  and  one  ran  one  direction  and  the  other  an- 
other, trying  to  get  on  both  sides  of  the  tree  where  Bell  was. 
Bell  shot  one  of  them  dead  and  the  other  took  the  dead  Indian 
on  his  back  with  a  leg  over  each  shoulder.  Bell  ran  after  him  and 
fired  a  bullet  through  the  dead  Indian's  body  into  the  body  of  the 
one  who  was  carrying  him.  The  Indian  dropped  the  dead  com- 
panion and  ran  off.  Bell  then  ran  away,  and  found  the  first 
Indian  dead,  and  later  the  bodies  of  the  three  were  found. 

Hugh  McSwane 

Loudon  also  relates  the  account  of  the  experiences  of  Hugh 
McSwine  (McSwane),  who  was  captured  by  a  band  of  Delawares, 
led  by  the  noted  Delaware  chief,  Captain  Jacobs,  during  one  of 
the  incursions  into  the  counties  of  Fulton,  Franklin  and  Cumber- 
land, in  the  autumn  of  1755.  McSwine  was  away  from  home  at 
the  time  when  the  Indians  came  into  his  neighborhood.  He 
followed  them,  and  the  place  of  his  capture  was  at  Tussey's 
Narrows.  There  was  with  the  Indians  a  man  named  Jackson, 
who  had  joined  them.  Captain  Jacobs  left  McSwine  and  another 
prisoner  under  care  of  Jackson  and  another  Indian,  while  the  rest 
went  against  other  settlers.  The  Indian  and  Jackson,  with  two 
prisoners,  travelled  all  night,  and  then  they  entered  a  deserted 
cabin  and  sent  McSwine  to  cut  rails  to  make  a  fire.  McSwine  took 
his  ax  and  killed  the  Indian  and  then  tried  to  kill  Jackson.    They 


had  a  desperate  struggle.  Both  were  v^ery  strong.  McSwine's 
strength  began  to  fail  and  he  kept  calling  on  the  other  white  man 
to  assist,  but  he  stood  trembling.  Finally  McSwine  got  hold  of 
one  of  the  guns  and  killed  Jackson  and  scalped  both  him  and  the 
Indian.  The  next  evening  McSwine  arrived  at  Fort  Cumberland 
with  Captain  Jacobs'  gun  and  horse,  which  had  been  left  with 
him.  George  Washington  sent  McSwine  to  Winchester  where  he 
got  paid  for  horse,  gun,  and  scalps,  and  was  made  a  lieutenant. 

About  this  time  the  Cherokees  came  to  help  Pennsylvania. 
They  pursued  a  band  of  Indians  to  the  west  side  of  Sidling  Hill 
where  they  started  back.  Among  the  Cherokees  was  Hugh 
McSwine.  On  their  way  back  they  fell  in  with  another  party  of 
Indians  and  had  a  battle  with  them.  McSwine  was  parted  from 
the  rest.  He  was  pursued  by  three  Indians.  He  turned  and  shot 
one,  and  ran  some  distance  and  turned  and  shot  another.  Then 
the  third  Indian  turned  back.  The  Cherokees  soon  after  brought 
14  scalps  and  two  prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  a  squaw  who  had 
been  twelve  times  at  war. 

About  the  same  time  some  Cherokees  and  white  men  scouted 
in  neighborhood  of  Fort  Duquesne.  Coming  back  the  white  men 
were  not  able  to  keep  up  with  the  Indians  and  arrived  home  in 
very  distressing  condition.  Hugh  McSwine  later  was  killed  by 
the  Indians,  near  Ligonier. 

Such  is  Loudon's  account.  It  may  be  that  Hugh  McSwane 
was  the  same  person  mentioned  by  Adam  Hoops  in  a  letter  written 
from  Conococheague  to  Governor  Morris,  on  November  6th: 
"I  just  now  have  received  ye  account  of  one  George  McSwane, 
who  was  taken  Captive  about  14  Days  ago,  and  has  made  his 
escape,  and  has  brought  two  Scalps  and  a  Tomahawk  with  Him." 

Assistance  of  Cherokees  and  Catawbas 

Loudon,  as  has  been  seen,  mentions  the  fact  that  the  Cherokees 
of  the  South  helped  the  English  to  resist  the  bloody  incursions  of 
the  Delawares  and  Shawnees.  In  the  latter  part  of  1755,  Gover- 
nor Dinwiddie,  of  Virginia,  succeeded  in  persuading  the  Chero- 
kees to  declare  war  against  the  Shawnees.  They  then  sent  one 
hundred  and  thirty  of  their  warriors  to  protect  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia,  and  later  sent  many  to  assist  Pennsylvania,  especially 
into  the  Cumberland  Valley.  The  Cherokees  occupied  a  very 
dangerous  position  on  the  Pennsylvania  frontier,  especially 
among  the  Scotch-Irish  settlers  of  the  Cumberland  Valley,  who, 


on  account  of  the  terrible  atrocities  committed  upon  them,  were 
ready  to  shoot  and  scalp  any  Indian  on  sight.  Colonel  John 
Armstrong,  in  a  letter  written  to  Governor  Denny,  from  Carlisle, 
on  May  5th,  1757,  and  recorded  in  Pa.  Col,  Rec,  Vol,  7,  pages 
503-505,  mentions  a  case  in  point.  The  Catawbas  also  sent  many 
of  their  warriors  to  assist  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  seen  later  in 
this  history.  While  these  Southern  tribes  were  assisting  the 
English,  the  French  were  busy  in  efforts  to  persuade  them  to 
join  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  in  their  incursions  into  the 
English  settlements. 

Tom  Quick 

Frederick  A,  Godcharles,  in  his  "Daily  Stories  of  Pennsyl- 
vania," gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  experiences  of  Tom 
Quick,  "the  Indian  killer,"  who  is  said  to  have  declared  on  his 
death  bed,  in  1795,  that  he  had  killed  ninety-nine  Indians,  and 
begged  that  an  old  Indian,  who  lived  near,  might  be  brought  to 
him  in  order  that  he  might  kill  this  old  red  man  and  thus  bring 
his  record  to  an  even  hundred.  Early  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  no  doubt  in  the  autumn  of  1755,  Tom  Quick's  father,  also 
named  Tom,  was  killed  by  the  Delawares,  in  Pike  County,  in  the 
presence  of  the  son  and  his  brother-in-law.  Young  Tom  was 
wounded  at  the  same  time,  and  almost  frantic  with  rage  and 
grief,  he  swore  that  he  would  never  make  peace  with  the  Indians 
as  long  as  one  remained  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  Some 
years  later,  he  met  an  Indian,  named  Muskwink,  at  Decker's 
Tavern,  on  the  Neversink,  Muskwink,  on  this  occasion,  claimed 
that  it  was  he  who  scalped  the  elder  Quick.  Tom  followed  him 
from  the  tavern  about  a  mile,  and  then  shot  him  dead.  Some 
time  later,  he  espied  an  Indian  family  in  a  canoe  on  Butler's  Rift. 
Concealing  himself  in  the  tall  grass,  he  shot  the  Indian  warrior, 
and  then  tomahawked  his  squaw  and  three  children.  He  sank 
the  bodies,  and  destroyed  the  canoe.  Upon  being  asked  later 
why  he  killed  the  children,  he  replied:  "Nits  make  lice,"  On 
another  oc^i-asion,  several  Indians  came  to  him  while  he  was 
splitting  rails,  and  told  him  to  go  along  with  them.  Quick  asked 
them  to  help  him  to  split  open  the  last  log,  and  as  they  put  their 
fingers  in  the  crack  to  help  pull  the  log  apart,  Tom  knocked  out 
the  wedge,  and  thus  caught  them  all.  He  then  killed  them.  On 
another  occasion,  he  killed  an  Indian,  while  hunting  with  him, 
by  shooting  him  in  the  back.    At  another  time  he  killed  an  In- 


dian,  while  hunting  with  him,  by  pushing  him  off  the  high  rocks 
into  the  ravine  below. 

Egle,  in  his  "History  of  Pennsylvania,"  says  that  Tom  Quick 
made  a  vow  early  in  life  to  kill  one  hundred  Indians;  that  he 
took  seriously  ill  before  he  had  slain  the  hundred,  and  prayed 
earnestly  for  life  and  health  to  carry  out  his  "project;"  that  he 
eventually  recovered,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  the  number  to 
one  hundred;  whereupon  he  laid  aside  his  rifle,  and  died  soon 
thereafter.  He  is  buried  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  between 
the  towns  of  Milford  and  Shohola,  Pike  County. 

Governor  and  Assembly  Dispute  as  Settlers  Die 

Indeed,  from  the  Penn's  Creek  massacre  until  well  into  the 
year  of  1756,  terror  reigned  throughout  the  Pennsylvania  settle- 
ments. It  is  a  sad  fact,  already  referred  to  in  this  chapter,  that, 
while  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  were  thus  burning  and 
scalping  on  the  frontier,  the  Assembly  and  Governor,  instead  of 
putting  the  Province  in  a  state  of  defense,  spent  their  time  in 
disputes  as  to  whether  or  not  the  Proprietary  estates  should  be 
taxed  to  raise  money  to  defend  the  settlers  against  the  hostile 
Indians.  Noted  men  on  the  frontier,  such  as  Rev.  John  Elder, 
pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  at  Paxtang,  raised  their  voice 
in  protest  against  such  action  on  the  part  of  the  Colonial  Author- 
ities. William  Plumstead,  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  and  the 
Aldermen  and  Common  Council  of  that  city  remonstrated  in  the 
most  forceful  language.  The  smoke  of  burning  farm  houses 
darkened  the  heavens;  the  soil  of  the  forest  farms  of  the  German 
and  Scotch-Irish  settlers  was  drenched  with  their  blood;  the 
tomahawk  of  the  savage  dashed  out  the  brains  of  the  aged  and 
the  infant;  hundreds  were  carried  into  captivity,  many  of  whom 
were  tortured  to  death  by  fire  at  Kittanning  and  other  Indian 
towns  in  the  valleys  of  the  Allegheny  and  the  Ohio  to  which  they 
were  taken — all  of  these  dreadful  things  were  taking  place  as  the 
disputes  between  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly  continued. 

Says  Egle,  in  his  "History  of  Pennsylvania:"  "The  cold  in- 
difference of  the  Assembly  at  such  a  crisis  awoke  the  deepest  in- 
dignation throughout  the  Province.  Public  meetings  were  held 
in  various  parts  of  Lancaster  and  in  the  frontier  counties,  at 
which  it  was  resolved  that  they  would  repair  to  Philadelphia  and 
compel  the  Provincial  authorities  to  pass  proper  laws  to  defend 
the  country  and  oppose  the  enemy.    In  addition,  the  dead  bodies 


of  some  of  the  murdered  and  mangled  were  sent  to  that  city  and 
hauled  about  the  streets,  with  placards  announcing  that  these 
were  the  victims  of  the  Quaker  policy  of  non-resistance.  A  large 
and  threatening  mob  surrounded  the  house  of  Assembly,  placed 
the  dead  bodies  in  the  doorway,  and  demanded  immediate  relief 
for  the  people  of  the  frontiers.  Such  indeed  were  the  desperate 
measures  resorted  to  for  self  defense." 

Some  of  these  dead  bodies  were  those  of  the  victims  of  the  raids 
of  Shingas  in  October  and  November,  described  in  Chapter  VIII. 

Finally,  on  November  26th,  the  very  day  that  the  news  reached 
Philadelphia  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Moravian  missionaries  at 
Gnadenhuetten,  "An  Act  For  Granting  60,000  pounds  to  the 
King's  Use"  was  passed,  after  the  Proprietaries  had  made  a  grant 
of  5,000  pounds  in  lieu  of  the  tax  on  the  Proprietary  estates, 

Pennsylvania  Begins  Erection  of  Chain  of  Forts 

Pennsylvania  then  began  erecting  a  chain  of  forts  and  block- 
houses to  guard  the  frontier.  These  forts  extended  along  the 
Kittatinny  or  Blue  Mountains  from  the  Delaware  River  to  the 
Maryland  line,  and  the  cost  of  erection  was  eighty-five  thousand 
pounds.  They  guarded  the  important  mountain  passes,  were  gar- 
risoned by  from  twenty-five  to  seventy-five  men  in  pay  of  the 
Province,  and  stood  almost  equi-distant,  so  as  to  be  a  haven  of 
refuge  for  the  settlers  when  they  fled  from  their  farms  to  escape 
the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife.  The  Moravians  at  Bethlehem 
cheerfully  fortified  their  town  and  took  up  arms  in  self-defense. 
Benjamin  Franklin  and  James  Hamilton  were  directed  to  go  to 
the  Forks  of  the  Delaware  and  raise  troops  in  order  to  carry  the 
plan  into  execution.  On  December  29th,  1755,  they  arrived  at 
Easton,  and  appointed  William  Parsons  major  of  the  troops  to  be 
raised  in  the  county  of  Northampton.  In  the  meantime.  Captain 
Hays  had  been  ordered  to  New  Gnadenhuetten,  the  scene  of  the 
massacre  of  the  Moravian  missionaries  on  November  24th,  with 
his  militia  from  the  Irish  settlement  in  the  county.  The  attack 
on  these  militia  on  New  Year's  Day,  1756,  will  be  described  in 
Chapter  X.  Finally,  the  Assembly  requested  Franklin's  ap- 
pearance, and,  responding  to  this  call,  he  turned  his  command 
over  to  Colonel  William  Clapham. 

This  chain  of  forts  began  with  Fort  Dupui,  erected  on  the 
property  of  the  Hugenot  settler,  Samuel  Dupui,  in  the  present 
town  of  Shawnee,  on  the  Delaware  River,  in  Monroe  County. 


Next  came  Fort  Hamilton,  on  the  site  of  the  present  town  of 
Stroudsburg,  in  Monroe  County.  Fort  Penn  was  also  erected  in 
the  eastern  part  of  this  town.  These  three  forts  were  in  the  heart 
of  the  territory  of  the  Munsee  Clan  of  Delawares.  Next  was  Fort 
Norris,  about  a  mile  southeast  of  Kresgeville,  Monroe  County; 
and  fifteen  miles  west  was  Fort  Allen  where  Weissport,  Carbon 
County  now  stands.  Then  came  Fort  Franklin  near  Snydersville 
Schuylkill  County;  and  nineteen  miles  west  was,  Fort  Lebanon, 
also  known  as  Fort  William,  not  far  from  the  present  town  of 
Auburn,  in  Schuylkill  County.  Then  came  Fort  Henry  at  Die- 
trick  Six's,  near  Millersburg,  Berks  County.  This  post  is  some- 
times called  "Busse's  Fort"  from  its  commanding  olilicer,  also  the 
"Fort  at  Dietrick  Six's."  Fort  Lebanon  and  Fort  Henry  were 
twenty-two  miles  apart,  and  midway  between  them  was  the  small 
post,  Fort  Northkill,  near  Strausstown,  Berks  County.  Next 
came  Fort  Swatara,  located  in  the  vicinity  of  Swatara  Gap,  or 
Tolihaio  Gap,  Lebanon  County;  then  Fort  Manada  at  Manada 
Gap,  Dauphin  County;  then  Fort  Hunter,  on  the  east  bank  of 
the  Susquehanna  River  at  the  mouth  of  Fishing  Creek,  six  miles 
north  of  Harrisburg;  then  Fort  Halifax  at  the  mouth  of  Arm- 
strong Creek,  half  a  mile  above  the  present  town  of  Halifax,  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  Dauphin  County;  then 
Fort  Augusta  at  Sunbury,  Northumberland  County.  While  there 
were  numerous  block-houses,  these  posts  were  the  principal  forts 
east  of  the  Susquehanna. 

Crossing  the  Susquehanna,  we  find  Fort  Patterson  in  the 
Tuscarora  Valley  at  Mexico,  Juniata  County;  Fort  Granville, 
near  Lewistown,  Mifflin  County;  Fort  Shirley,  at  Shirleysburg, 
Huntingdon  County;  Fort  Lyttleton  at  Sugar  Cabins,  in  the 
northeastern  part  of  Fulton  County;  Fort  McDowell,  where  Mc- 
Dowell's Mill,  Franklin  County,  now  stands;  Fort  Loudon, 
about  a  mile  distant  from  the  town  of  Loudon,  Franklin  County; 
Fort  Morris  at  Shippensburg,  Cumberland  County;  and  Fort 
Lowther,  at  Carlisle,  Cumberland  County.  Like  the  forts  east 
of  the  Susquehanna,  these  forts  were  supplemented  with  block- 
houses in  the  vicinity.  The  erection  of  the  entire  chain  of  forts 
was  completed  in  1756. 

To  garrison  these  forts  and  intervening  posts  and  for  patroling 
the  neighborhood  of  each,  a  body  of  troops,  called  the  "Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment,"  was  organized,  of  which  the  Governor  was,  ex- 
ofificio,  commander-in-chief.  It  was  divided  into  three  battalions. 
The  First  Battalion,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Conrad 


Weiser,  consisting  of  ten  companies  and  five  hundred  men, 
guarded  the  territory  along  the  Blue  or  Kittatinny  Mountains  from 
the  Susquehanna  to  the  Delaware.  The  Second  Battalion,  com- 
manded by  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Armstrong,  consisting  of 
eight  companies  and  four  hundred  men,  guarded  the  district 
west  of  the  Susquehanna,  The  Third  Battalion,  commanded  by 
Colonel  William  Clapham,  consisting  of  eight  companies  and 
four  hundred  men,  guarded  the  region  at  and  around  Fort 
Augusta.  Because  of  its  location,  it  was  called  the  "Augusta 
Regiment."  Major  James  Burd  was  also  in  command  of  this 
regiment  for  a  time.  The  troops  not  only  garrisoned  the  regular 
forts,  but  were  also  located  at  stockaded  mills  and  farm  houses, 
from  three  to  twenty  at  a  place,  at  the  disposition  of  the  captains 
of  the  companies. 

A  final  word  as  to  the  distinction  between  the  various  places 
of  defense  and  refuge.  Reference  is  made  in  all  chronicles  deal- 
ing with  the  border  wars  in  Pennsylvania  to  "forts,"  "block- 
houses" and  "stations."  Frequently  the  term  "fort"  is  applied 
as  well  to  "block-houses"  and  "stations."  A  "fort,"  especially 
the  forts  erected  by  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania,  was  a  strong 
place  of  defense  and  refuge,  stockaded  and  embracing  cabins 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  garrison  and  of  families  who  sought 
refuge  there.  A  "station"  was  a  parallelogram  of  cabins,  so 
united  by  palisades  as  to  present  a  continued  wall  on  the  outer 
side.  A  "block-house"  was  a  strong,  square,  two-storied  struc- 
ture, having  the  upper  story  projecting  over  the  lower  about  two 
feet,  so  that  the  inmates  could  shoot  from  above  upon  the 
Indians  attempting  to  fire  the  building,  to  burst  open  the  door 
or  to  climb  its  walls.  Many  stations  and  block-houses  were 
erected  by  the  harrassed  settlers  at  their  own  expense  and  by 
their  own  labors. 


Massacres  Early  In  1756 

GOVERNOR  MORRIS  spent  the  greater  part  of  January, 
1756,  in  visiting  the  frontiers  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  to 
the  erection  of  forts  and  block  houses.  He  was  at  Reading  on 
January  5,  and  attended  the  Carhsle  council  of  January  13th  to 
17th,  to  be  described  in  Chapter  XL  Taking  leave,  very  largely, 
of  the  Governor,  the  Provincial  Council  and  the  Assembly  for  a 
time,  we  shall  devote  the  present  chapter  to  the  narration  of 
Indian  atrocities  in  the  early  part  of  1756. 

Massacre  of  Soldiers  at  Gnadenhuetten 

After  the  massacre  of  the  Moravian  missionaries  at  Gnaden- 
huetten, now  Weissport,  Carbon  County,  on  the  evening  of 
November  24th,  1755,  the  surviving  missionaries  and  the  Chris- 
tianized Delawares  of  that  place  hastened  to  Bethlehem,  leaving 
their  effects  and  harvest  behind.  As  stated  in  Chapter  IX,  the 
hostile  Indians  spread  devastation  and  death  throughout  that 
region  in  the  closing  weeks  of  1755,  and  a  thorough  and  systematic 
plan  of  defense  was  formulated.  Benjamin  Franklin  and  James 
Hamilton,  being  selected  to  execute  this  plan,  went  to  Easton, 
and,  on  December  29th,  after  their  arrival,  appointed  William 
Parsons  Major  of  the  troops  to  be  raised  in  Northampton  County. 
In  the  meantime.  Captain  Hayes  had  been  ordered  to  lead  his 
company  of  troops  from  the  Irish  Settlement  in  Northampton 
County  to  Gnadenhuetten  to  guard  the  mills  of  the  Moravians, 
which  were  filled  with  grain  and  had  escaped  the  torch  of  the 
Indians,  to  keep  the  property  of  the  Christian  Delawares  from 
being  destroyed,  and  to  protect  the  few  settlers  who  still  remained 
in  the  neighborhood.  Hayes  stationed  his  troops  in  the  forsaken 
village  and  erected  a  temporary  stockade. 

Then,  on  January  1st,  1756,  a  number  of  the  soldiers,  due  to 
their  lack  of  experience,  fell  victims  to  an  Indian  stratagem.  While 
amusing  themselves  by  skating  on  the  Lehigh  River,  not  far  from 


the  stockade,  they  saw  two  Indians  farther  up  the  stream,  and, 
thinking  to  kill  or  capture  them,  gave  chase  while  the  Indians 
ran  further  up  the  river.  These  two  Indians  were  decoys,  who 
skillfully  drew  the  soldiers  into  an  ambush.  After  the  soldiers 
had  pursued  them  for  some  distance,  a  large  party  of  Indians 
rushed  out  behind  the  troops,  cut  off  their  retreat,  fell  upon  them 
with  great  fury,  and  quickly  dispatched  them.  Some  of  the 
soldiers,  remaining  in  the  stockade,  terrorized  and  horrified  by 
the  murder  of  their  companions,  deserted,  while  the  others, 
despairing  of  defending  the  place,  fled,  leaving  the  mills,  the 
stockade  and  the  houses  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  be  burned  to 
ashes  by  the  hostile  Indians. 

Massacres  in  Monroe  County 

Also,  on  January  1st,  1756,  the  Delaware  chief,  Teedyuscung 
led  a  band  of  about  thirty  Indians  into  lower  Smithfield  Town- 
ship, Monroe  County,  destroying  the  plantation  of  Henry  Hess, 
killing  Nicholas  Colman  and  a  laborer  named  Gotlieb,  and  captur- 
ing Peter  Hess  and  young  Henry  Hess,  son  of  Peter  Hess  and 
nephew  of  Henry  Hess,  the  owner  of  the  plantation.  This  attack 
took  place  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Teedyuscung's 
band  then  went  over  the  Blue  Mountains  and  overtook  five  In- 
dians with  two  prisoners,  Leonard  and  William  Weeser,  and  a 
little  later  killed  Peter  Hess  in  the  presence  of  his  son. 

In  a  few  days  the  Indians  over-ran  the  country  from  Fort 
Allen  as  far  as  Nazareth,  burning  plantations,  and  killing  and 
scalping  settlers.  During  this  same  month,  the  Delawares  entered 
Moore  Township,  Northampton  County,  burning  the  buildings  of 
Christian  Miller,  Henry  Shopp,  Henry  Diehl,  Peter  Doll,  Nicholas 
Scholl,  and  Nicholas  Heil,  and  killing  one  of  Heil's  children  and 
John  Bauman.  The  body  of  Bauman  was  found  two  weeks  later, 
and  buried  in  the  Moravian  cemetery  at  Nazareth. 

Young  Henry  Hess,  one  of  the  captives  in  this  incursion,  was 
delivered  up  by  the  Indians  at  the  Easton  Conference  of  Novem- 
ber, 1756,  at  which  conference  he  made  an  affidavit,  recorded  in 
Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  56,  from  which  the  following  state- 
ments are  taken: 

That,  on  January  1st,  1756,  he  was  at  the  plantation  of  his 
uncle,  Henry  Hess,  in  Lower  Smithfield  Township,  and  that  his 
father,  Peter  Hess,  Nicholas  Coleman  and  one,  Gotlieb,  a 
laborer,  were  also  there;  that,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning, 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  257 

they  were  surprised  by  a  party  of  twenty-five  Indians,  let  by 
Teedyuscung,  some  of  whom  were  then  attending  the  Easton 
Conference,  namely,  Peter  Harrison,  Samuel  Evans,  Christian, 
and  Tom  Evans;  that  the  Indian  band  killed  Nicholas  Coleman 
and  Gotlieb,  took  him  and  his  father  prisoners,  set  fire  to  the 
stable,  and  then  hunted  up  the  horses  and  took  three  of  them; 
that  the  Indians  then  went  over  the  second  range  of  the  Blue 
Mountains,  and  overtook  five  other  Indians  with  two  prisoners, 
Leonard  and  William  Weeser;  that  a  little  later,  they  killed  and 
scalped  his  father,  Peter  Hess,  in  his  presence;  that  the  two  bands, 
now  being  united,  stopped  in  the  evening,  kindled  a  fire,  tied  him 
and  the  two  Weesers  to  a  tree  with  ropes,  in  which  manner  they 
remained  all  night,  although  the  night  was  extremely  cold,  the 
coldest  night  of  the  year;  that  the  next  day  he  and  the  other 
prisoners  were  taken  to  Wyoming,  which  they  found  deserted, 
its  Indian  population  having  fled  to  the  Delaware  village  of 
Tunkhannock,  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  the  same  name,  in 
Wyoming  County;  that  their  captors  then  took  them  to  Tunk- 
hannock, where  they  found  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians; 
that  after  the  severe  weather  abated,  all  the  Indians  left  Tunk- 
hannock, taking  the  prisoners  with  them,  and  went  to  Tioga,  near 
the  present  town  of  Athens,  Bradford  County;  that,  during  his 
stay  with  the  Indians,  small  parties  of  five  or  six  warriors,  oc- 
casionally went  to  war,  and  returned  with  scalps  and  captives, 
which  they  said  they  had  taken  at  Allemangle,  in  the  northern 
part  of  Berks  County,  and  in  the  Minisink  region;  and  that  he 
frequently  heard  his  captors  say  that  "all  the  country  of  Penn- 
sylvania did  belong  to  them,  and  the  Governors  were  always 
buying  their  lands  from  them  but  did  not  pay  them  for  it." 

Leonard  Weeser,  one  of  the  captives  taken  in  this  incursion, 
was  also  delivered  up  at  the  Easton  Conference  of  November, 
1756,  at  which  conference  he  made  the  following  affidavit,  giving 
the  date  of  the  beginning  of  the  incursion  as  December  31st,  1 755 : 

"This  examinant  says  that  on  the  31st  of  Dec'r  last,  he  was  at 
his  father's  House  beyond  the  Mountains,  in  Smithfield  Town- 
ship, Northampton  County,  w'th  his  Father,  his  Bro'r  William 
and  Hans  Adam  Hess;  that  Thirty  Indians  from  Wyomink  sur- 
rounded them  as  they  were  at  Work,  killed  his  Father  and  Hans 
Adam  Hess  and  took  this  Examinant  and  his  Brother  William, 
aged  17,  Prisoners.  The  next  day  the  same  Indians  went  to 
Peter  Hess's,  Father  of  the  s'd  Hans  Adam  Hess;  they  killed  two 
young  men,  one  Nicholas  Burman,  ye  others  name  he  knew  not, 


and  took  Peter  Hess  and  his  elder  son,  Henry  Hess,  and  went  off 
ye  next  morning  at  the  great  Swamp,  distant  about  30  miles  from 
Weeser's  Plantation;  they  killed  Peter  Hess,  sticking  him  with 
their  knives,  as  this  Examinant  was  told  by  ye  Indians,  for  he 
was  not  present.  Before  they  went  off,  they  burned  the  Houses 
and  a  Barrack  of  Wheat,  killed  all  ye  Cattle  and  Horses  and  Sheep 
and  destroyed  all  they  could.  Thro'  ye  Swamp  they  went  directly 
to  Wyomink,  where  they  stayed  only  two  days  and  then  went  up 
the  river  to  Diahogo  [Tioga],  where  they  stayed  till  the  Planting 
Time,  and  from  thence  they  went  to  little  Passeeca,  an  Indian 
Town  up  the  Cayuge  Branch,  and  there  they  stayed  till  they 
brought  him  [Leonard  Weeser]  down.  Among  the  Indians  who 
made  this  attack  and  took  him  Prisoner,  were  Teedyuscung,  alias 
Gideon,  alias  Honest  John,  and  three  of  his  Sons,  Amos  and 
Jacob,  ye  other's  name  he  knew  not.  Jacobus  and  his  Son, 
Samuel  Evans  and  Thomas  Evans  were  present;  Daniel  was 
present,  one  Yacomb,  a  Delaware  who  used  to  live  in  his  Father's 
Neighborhood.  They  said  that  all  the  country  was  theirs  and 
they  were  never  paid  for  it,  and  this  they  frequently  gave  as  a 
reason  for  their  conduct.  The  King's  [Teedyuscung]  Son,  Amos, 
took  him,  this  Examinant,  and  immediately  gave  him  over  to  his 
Father  .  .  .  This  Examinant  saw  at  Diahogo  a  Boy  of  Henry 
Christmans,  who  lived  near  Fort  Norris,  and  one  Daniel  William's 
Wife  and  five  children,  Ben  Feed's  wife  and  three  children;  a 
woman,  ye  wife  of  a  Smith,  who  lived  with  Frederick  Head,  and 
three  children;  a  woman  taken  at  Cushictunk,  a  boy  of  Hunt's 
who  lived  in  Jersey,  near  Canlin's  Kiln  and  a  Negro  man;  a  boy 
taken  about  four  miles  from  Head's,  called  Nicholas  Kainsein, 
all  of  which  were  prisoners  with  the  Indians  at  Diahogo  and 
Passeeca,  and  were  taken  by  the  Delaware  Indians;  that  Teedy- 
uscung did  not  go  against  the  English  after  this  Examinant  was 
taken,  Tho'  his  Sons  did."     (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  45.) 

It  will  be  noted  that,  in  the  above  affidavit,  Leonard  Weeser 
says  that  the  Indians  said  "that  all  the  country  was  theirs  and 
they  were  never  paid  for  it,  and  this  they  frequently  gave  as  a 
reason  for  their  conduct."  The  murders  that  these  Delawares 
committed  were  within  the  bounds  of  the  "Walking  Purchase." 
In  a  subsequent  chapter,  we  shall  find  the  able  Delaware  chief, 
Teedyuscung,  of  the  Turtle  Clan,  boldly  telling  Governor  Denny 
at  the  Easton  Conference  of  November,  1756,  that  the  injustice 
done  the  Delawares  in  this  fraudulent  land  purchase  was  the 
principal  reason  why  they  took  up  arms  against  the  Province. 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  259 

Not  only  the  atrocities  we  are  now  describing, but  those  at  Hoeth's 
and  Brodheads,  described  in  Chapter  IX,  were  committed  within 
the  bounds  of  the  "Walking  Purchase."  It  was  natural  that  the 
Delawares  of  the  Munsee  Clan  headed  for  their  own  locality  in 
striking  their  blows  against  the  Province. 

The  massacres  of  the  first  week  in  January  filled  the  Province 
with  alarm  and  confusion.  Governor  Morris  was  discouraged,  as 
is  shown  in  his  letter  written  from  Reading,  on  January  5th,  to 
the  Provincial  Council,  recorded  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages 
771  and  772: 

"The  Commissioners  [Benjamin  Franklin  and  James  Hamilton] 
have  done  everything  that  was  proper  in  the  County  of  North- 
ampton, but  the  People  are  not  satisfied,  nor,  by  what  I  can  learn 
from  the  Commissioner,  would  they  be  unless  every  Man's  House 
was  protected  by  a  Fort  and  a  Company  of  Soldiers,  and  them- 
selves paid  for  staying  at  home  and  doing  nothing.  There  are  in 
that  County  at  this  time  three  hundred  Men  in  Pay  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  yet  from  Disposition  of  the  Inhabitants,  the  want 
of  Conduct  in  the  Officers  and  of  Courage  and  Discipline  in  the 
Men,  I  am  fearful  that  the  whole  Country  will  fall  into  the 
Enemy's  Hands. 

"Yesterday  and  the  day  before  I  received  the  melancholy 
News  of  the  Destruction  of  the  Town  of  Gnadenhuetten,  and  of 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Guard  of  forty  Men  placed  there  in  order 
to  erect  a  Fort.  The  particulars  you  will  see  by  the  inclosed 
Papers,  so  far  as  they  are  yet  come  to  hand,  but  I  am  in  hourly 
Expectation  of  further  Intelligence  by  two  Men  that  I  dispatched 
for  that  Purpose  upon  the  first  News  of  the  Afifair,  whose  long 
stay  makes  me  apprehend  some  mischief  has  befallen  them. 

"Last  night  an  Express  brought  me  an  acco't  that  seven  Farm 
Houses  between  Gnadenhuetten  and  Nazareth  were  on  the  First 
Instant  burnt,  about  the  time  that  Gnadenhuetten  was,  and  some 
of  the  People  destroyed,  and  the  accounts  are  this  date  confirmed. 

"Upon  this  fresh  alarm  it  is  proposed  that  one  of  the  Com- 
missioners return  to  Bethlehem  and  Easton,  and  there  give  fresh 
Directions  to  the  Troops  and  post  them  in  the  best  Manner  for 
the  Protection  of  the  remaining  Inhabitants." 

The  commissioner,  selected  to  "return  to  Bethlehem  and 
Easton,  and  there  give  fresh  direction  to  the  troops,"  was  Ben- 
jamin Franklin.  This  energetic  and  capable  man  at  once  went  to 
Bethlehem  from  which  place  he  wrote  Governor  Morris,  on 
January  14th,  telling  him  of  the  progress  already  made  in  raising 


additional  troops  and  bringing  order  out  of  chaos.  He  then  went 
to  Gnadenhuetten,  and  superintended  the  erection  of  Fort  Allen 
at  that  place,  the  site  of  which  is  now  occupied  by  the  "Fort 
Allen  Hotel,"  at  Weissport.  He  tells  in  his  "Autobiography" 
some  of  the  details  of  erecting  Fort  Allen,  as  follows: 

"Our  first  work  was  to  bury  more  effectually  the  dead  we  found 
there,  who  had  been  half  interred  by  the  country  people;  the  next 
morning  our  fort  was  planned  and  marked  out,  the  circumference 
measuring  four  hundred  fifty-five  feet,  which  would  require  as 
many  palisades  to  be  made,  one  with  another  of  a  foot  diameter 
each.  Each  pine  made  three  palisades  of  eighteen  feet  long, 
pointed  at  one  end.  When  they  were  set  up,  our  carpenters  made 
a  platform  of  boards  all  round  within,  about  six  feet  high,  for  the 
men  to  stand  on  when  to  fire  through  the  loop  holes.  We  had  one 
swivel  gun,  which  we  mounted  on  one  of  the  angles,  and  fired  it  as 
soon  as  fixed,  to  let  the  Indians  know,  if  any  were  within  hearing, 
that  we  had  such  pieces;  and  thus  our  fort  (if  that  name  may  be 
given  to  so  miserable  a  stockade)  was  finished  in  a  week,  though 
it  rained  so  hard  every  other  day  that  the  men  could  not  well 

Franklin's  letter  to  Governor  Morris  of  January  25th,  and  his 
official  report  of  January  26th,  give  the  details  of  the  erecting  of 
Fort  Allen.  These  are  found  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  15 
and  16.  He  named  the  fort  in  honor  of  Judge  William  Allen, 
father  of  James  Allen,  who  laid  out  Allentown  in  1762,  and  was 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania.  Franklin,  early 
in  1756,  also  superintended  the  erection  of  Fort  Franklin,  in  the 
southeastern  part  of  Schuylkill  County,  Fort  Hamilton,  where 
the  town  of  Stroudsburg,  Monroe  County,  now  stands.  Fort 
Hyndshaw,  in  Monroe  County,  about  one  mile  from  the  Dela- 
ware River  and  near  the  Pike  County  line,  and  Fort  Norris,  near 
Kresgeville,  Monroe  County.  Forts  Hamilton  and  Hyndshaw 
stood  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Minisink  region,  occupied  by  the 
Munsee  or  Wolf  Clan  of  Delawares  until  their  expulsion  following 
the  fraudulent  "Walking  Purchase"  of  1737. 

In  his  official  report,  above  mentioned,  Franklin  said  that  he 
had  522  men  under  his  command,  divided  into  companies  whose 
heads  were  officers  Trump,  Aston,  Wayne,  Foulk,  Trexler, 
Wetterholt,  Orndt,  Craig,  Martin,  Van  Etten,  Hays,  McLaughlin 
and  Parsons. 

This  bloody  incursion  caused  the  settlers  to  flee  in  terror  from 
their  forest  farms,  and  seek  safety  within  the  more  thickly  settled 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  261 

parts  of  the  Province.  As  pointed  out  in  Chapter  IX,  hundreds 
fled  to  the  Moravian  settlement  at  Nazareth,  where,  in  Decemebr, 
1755,  sentry  boxes  had  been  erected  near  the  principal  buildings, 
and  stockades  near  by,  at  Gnadenthal  (Vale  of  Grace),  Friedens- 
thal  (Vale  of  Peace),  Christian's  Spring  and  the  Rose  Inn.  On 
January  29th,  1756,  according  to  the  annals  of  the  Moravians, 
there  were  253  fugitives  at  Nazareth,  52  at  Gnadenthal,  48  at 
Christian's  Spring,  21  at  the  Rose  Inn  and  75  at  Friedensthal. 
Of  these  fugitives,  226  were  children. 

Other  forts,  stockades  and  block  houses,  not  already  mentioned, 
erected  at  about  the  time  the  stockades  at  Nazareth  were  erected, 
and  a  little  later,  were:  Breitenbach's  Block  House,  near  Myers- 
town,  Lebanon  County;  Brown's  Fort,  in  East  Hanover  Town- 
ship, Dauphin  County;  Davis'  Block  House,  in  the  south-western 
part  of  Franklin  County;  Doll's  Block  House,  in  Moore  Town- 
ship, Northampton  County;  Fort  Everett,  near  where  the  town 
of  Lynnport,  Lehigh  County,  now  stands;  Harper's  Block  House, 
in  East  Hanover  Township,  Lebanon  County;  Hess'  Block  House, 
in  Union  Township,  Lebanon  County;  the  Fort  or  Block  House  at 
Lehigh  Gap,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Blue  Mountains,  in  Carbon 
County,  and,  a  little  later,  the  stockade  at  Trucker's  (Kern's) 
mill,  three  or  four  miles  south  of  Lehigh  Gap  and  in  Lehigh 
County;  Fort  McCord,  in  Hamilton  Township,  Franklin  County; 
Bingham's  Fort,  in  Tuscarora  Township,  Juniata  County;  Mc- 
Kee's  Fort,  on  the  east  shore  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  the  southern 
part  of  Northumberland  County;  Ralston's  Fort,  in  the  Irish 
Settlement  in  Northampton  County,  about  five  miles  northwest 
of  Bethlehem;  Read's  Block  House,  the  stockaded  residence  of 
Adam  Read,  on  Swatara  Creek,  in  East  Hanover  Township, 
Lebanon  County;  Robinson's  or  Robeson's  Fort,  a  stockaded 
mill,  in  East  Hanover  Township,  Dauphin  County;  Robinson's 
Fort,  or  Block  House,  in  Sherman's  Valley,  Perry  County; 
Dietrich  Snyder's  Stockade,  erected  around  his  residence,  in  Berks 
County,  on  the  road  leading  from  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Northkill, 
near  Strausstown,  over  the  Blue  Mountains  to  Pottsville,  Schuyl- 
kill County;  Benjamin  Spycker's  (Spiker)  Stockade,  around  his 
residence  in  Jackson  Township,  Lebanon  County,  not  far  from 
the  Berks  County  line  and  not  far  from  Stouchsburg,  Berks 
County,  at  which  fortified  house  the  German  farmers,  under 
Conrad  Weiser,  rendezvoused,  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  1755, 
as  described  in  Chapter  VII;  Ulrich's  Fort,  near  Annville, 
Lebanon  County,  being  a  mural  dungeon  or  vault  built  into  the 


hillside,  with  an  air  hole  walled  out  and  closed  by  a  large  stone  on 
which  was  the  inscription,  "So  oft  die  Dier  den  Ankel  went.  An 
deinen  Tod,  O  Mensch,  gedenk"  (As  oft  as  this  door  on  its  hinge 
doth  swing.  To  thee,  O  Man,  thought  of  death  may  it  bring); 
Wind  Gap  Fort,  near  Wind  Gap,  Northampton  County;  and 
Zeller's  Block  House,  near  Newmanstown,  in  the  south-eastern 
part  of  Lebanon  County. 


We  shall  meet  Teedyuscung  again  in  the  course  of  this  history, 
not  as  a  bloody  warrior,  but  as  an  advocate  of  peace  between  the 
Eastern  Delawares  and  the  Province;  but,  inasmuch  as  he  was 
the  leader  of  the  incursion  of  January  1st,  just  described,  we 
deem  it  appropriate  to  give  a  short  sketch,  at  this  point,  of  his 
life  up  to  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing.  He  was  the  son  of 
the  Delaware  chief,  John  Harris,  of  the  Turtle  Clan,  and  was  born 
at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  about  1705.  The  early  part  of  his  life 
is  clouded  in  obscurity;  but,  when  he  was  about  fifty  years  of  age, 
he  was  chosen  chief  of  the  Delawares  on  the  Susquehanna,  and 
from  that  time  until  his  tragic  death  on  April  16th,  1763,  he  was 
one  of  the  chief  figures  in  the  Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania. 

He  came  under  the  influence  of  the  Moravian  missionaries,  and 
was  baptized  by  them  as  Brother  Gideon.  Honest  John  was  also 
a  name  applied  to  him  by  the  Moravians  and  others.  Later  he 
became  an  apostate,  and  endeavored  to  induce  the  Christian 
Delawares  of  Gnadenhuetten  to  remove  to  Wyoming,  actually 
succeeding  in  gaining  a  party  of  seventy  of  the  converts,  who  left 
Gnadenhuetten,  April  24th,  1754,  and  took  up  their  abode  at 

In  April,  1755,  he  attended  a  conference  with  the  Provincial 
Authorities  at  Philadelphia,  assuring  them  of  his  friendship  for 
the  English.  At  that  time,  he  was  living  at  Wyoming.  His 
friendship  for  the  English  and  Pennsylvania  did  not  continue  long 
after  the  conference  of  April,  1755.  When  the  Delawares  and 
Shawnees  took  up  arms  against  Pennsylvania  following  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  Teedyuscung,  at  Nescopeck  with  Shingas  and 
other  leaders  of  the  hostile  Indians,  planned  many  a  bloody  ex- 
pedition against  the  frontiers  of  Eastern  Pennsylvania. 

In  March,  1756,  he  and  the  Delawares  under  him  left  the  town 
of  Wyoming  and  removed  to  Tioga  (now  Athens,  Bradford 
County),  followed  at  about  the  same  time  by  the  Shawnees  from 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  263 

their  town  where  Plymouth,  Luzerne  County,  now  stands,  under 
the  leadership  of  Paxinosa.  After  the  death  of  Shikellamy,  in 
1748,  some  of  the  Shamokin  Delawares  had  settled  at  Tioga,  and 
upon  Teedyuscung's  removal  to  that  place,  they  and  the  Dela- 
wares of  the  Munsee  Clan  chose  him  "King  of  the  Delawares." 
He  was  at  that  time  busily  engaged  in  forming  an  alliance  be- 
tween the  three  clans  of  Delawares  and  the  Shawnees,  Nanticokes, 
and  Mohicans  of  northeastern  Pennsylvania. 

Massacre  Near  Schupp's  Mill 

On  January  15th,  some  refugees  at  Bethlehem  went  out  into 
the  country  to  look  after  their  farms  and  cattle,  among  them  being 
Christian  Boemper.  The  party  and  some  friendly  Indians  who 
escorted  them,  were  ambushed  by  hostile  Delawares  near  Schupps 
Mill,  and  all  were  killed  except  one  named  Adam  Hold,  who  was 
so  severely  wounded  that  it  was  necessary  later  to  amputate  his 
arm.  Those  killed  were  Christian  Boemper,  Felty  Hold,  Michael 
Hold,  Laurence  Knuckel,  and  four  privates  of  Captain  Trump's 
Company  then  stationed  at  Fort  Hamilton  (Stroudsburg). 

At  about  the  same  time,  a  German,  named  Muhlhisen  while 
breaking  flax  on  the  farm  of  Philip  Bossert,  in  Lower  Smithfield 
Township,  Monroe  County,  was  fatally  wounded  by  an  unseen 
Indian.  One  of  Bossert's  sons,  hearing  the  report  of  the  Indian's 
rifle,  ran  out  of  the  house  and  was  killed.  Then  old  Philip  Bos- 
sert, the  owner  of  the  farm,  appeared  on  the  scene,  wounded  one 
of  the  Indians,  and  was  himself  wounded  badly.  Neighbors  then 
arrived  upon  the  scene,  and  the  Indians  retreated.  ("Frontier 
Forts  of  Penna.,"  Vol.  1,  pages  200-201.) 

Massacres  in  Juniata  and  Perry  Counties 

On  January  27th,  a  band  of  Delawares  from  the  Susquehanna, 
attacked  the  home  of  Hugh  Mitchelltree,  near  Thompsontown, 
Juniata  County,  killing  Mrs.  Mitchelltree  and  a  young  man, 
named  Edward  Nicholas,  Mr.  Mitchelltree  being  then  absent  at 
Carlisle.  The  same  band  then  went  up  the  Juniata  River. 
William  Wilcox  at  that  time  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  whose  wife  and  eldest  son  had  come  over  the  river  on  some 
business.  The  Indians  came  while  they  were  there  and  killed  old 
Edward  Nicholas  and  his  wife  and  took  Joseph  Nicholas,  Thomas 
Nicholas,  Catherine  Nicholas,  John  Wilcox  and  Mrs.  James  Arm- 


strong  and  two  children  prisoners.  An  Indian  named  James 
Cotties  and  an  Indian  boy  went  to  Sherman's  Creek,  Perry 
County,  and  killed  William  Sheridan  and  his  family,  13  in  num- 
ber. They  then  went  down  the  creek  to  where  three  old  persons 
lived,  two  men  and  a  woman  by  the  name  of  French  whom  they 
killed.  Cotties  afterward  boasted  that  the  boy  took  more  scalps 
than  the  whole  party. 

The  above  is  the  account  of  this  massacre,  found  in  Loudon's 
"Indian  Narratives."  In  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  566,  is  found 
the  following  letter  of  Governor  Morris,  dated  February  3d, 
relative  to  this  massacre: 

"I  have  just  received  the  melancholy  intelligence  from  Cum- 
berland County  that  a  fresh  party  of  Indians  are  again  fallen 
upon  ye  settlements,  on  Juniata,  and  have  carry'd  off  several  of 
ye  people  there  to  ye  number  of  15  or  upwards." 

Also,  on  page  568  of  the  same  volume  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Archives,  is  found  the  letter  of  Rev.  Thomas  Barton,  dated 
February  6th,  referring  to  this  massacre,  as  follows: 

"Within  three  miles  of  Patterson's  Fort  was  found  Adam 
Nicholson  and  his  wife,  dead  and  scalped;  his  two  sons  and  a 
Daughter  are  carried  off,  Hugh  Mitchelltree  and  a  son  of  said 
Nicholson,  dead  and  scalped,  with  many  children,  in  all  about  17. 
The  same  Day,  one  Sherridan,  a  Quaker,  his  wife,  three  children 
and  a  Servant  were  kill'd  and  scalped,  together  with  one,  Wm. 
Hamilton  and  his  Wife,  his  Daughter  and  one,  French,  within 
ten  miles  of  Carlisle,  a  little  beyond  Stephen's  Gap. 

"It  is  dismal.  Sir,  to  see  the  Distress  of  the  People;  women  and 
Children  screaming  and  lamenting,  men's  hearts  failing  them  for 
Fear  under  all  the  Anguish  of  Despair.  The  Inhabitants  over  the 
Hills  are  entirely  fleeing,  so  that  in  two  or  three  Days  the  North 
Mountain  will  be  the  Frontier.  Industry  droops,  and  all  Sorts 
of  Work  seem  at  an  End.  In  short.  Sir,  it  appears  as  if  this  Part 
of  the  Country  breath'd  its  last.  I  remember  you  dreaded  this 
blow  would  be  struck  in  February;  and  now  we  know  that  our 
Danger  hastens  with  the  Encrease  of  the  Moon,  and  we  expect 
nothing  but  Death  and  Ruin  every  night." 

Mrs.  James  Armstrong  later  escaped,  and  waded  across  the 
Susquehanna  to  Fort  Augusta,  June  26th,  1757,  where  her 
husband  was  then  a  soldier.  On  April  12th,  1759,  the  Iroquois 
delivered  up  one  of  the  children,  Elizabeth  Armstrong,  at 
Canajoharie,  New  York.  She  had  been  given  to  them  by  the 
Delawares,  and  was  then  only  four  years  old. 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  265 

Loudon  relates  of  the  Indian,  James  Cotties,  that  in  the 
autumn  of  1757,  he  went  to  Fort  Hunter,  and  killed  a  young  man, 
named  William  Martin,  while  gathering  chestnuts;  also,  that 
after  the  French  and  Indian  War,  he  came  to  Fort  Hunter  and 
boasted  what  a  good  friend  he  had  been  to  the  white  people  dur- 
ing the  war,  whereupon  a  friendly  Delaware,  named  Hambus, 
accused  him  of  having  killed  young  Martin,  and  the  two  Indians 
began  to  fight.  A  little  later  in  the  day,  Cotties  got  drunk  and 
fell  asleep  near  the  fort,  whereupon  Hambus  slipped  up  and 
killed  him  with  his  tomahawk. 

During  the  incursion  of  January  27th,  occurred  the  murder  of 
the  Woolcomber  family,  Quakers,  on  Sherman's  Creek,  Perry 
County,  thus  described  in  Loudon's  "Indian  Narratives,"  as  if  it 
took  place  in  the  latter  part  of  1755: 

"The  next  I  remember  of  was  in  1755,  the  Woolcombers  family 
on  Shearman's  Creek;  the  whole  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
was  gathered  at  Robinson's,  but  Woolcomber  would  not  leave 
home,  he  said  it  was  the  Irish  [Scotch-Irish]  who  were  killing  one 
another;  these  peaceable  people,  the  Indians  would  not  hurt  any 
person.  Being  at  home  and  at  dinner,  the  Indians  came  in,  and 
the  Quaker  asked  them  to  come  and  eat  dinner;  an  Indian  an- 
nounced that  he  did  not  come  to  eat,  but  for  scalps;  the  son,  a 
boy  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age  when  he  heard  the  Indian 
say  so,  repaired  to  a  back  door,  and  as  he  went  out  he  looked  back, 
and  saw  the  Indian  strike  the  tomahawk  into  his  father's  head. 
The  boy  then  ran  over  the  creek,  which  was  near  the  house,  and 
heard  the  screams  of  his  mother,  sisters  and  brother.  The  boy 
came  to  our  Fort  [Robinson]  and  gave  us  the  alarm;  about  forty 
went  to  where  the  murder  was  done  and  buried  the  dead." 

A  few  days  after  the  massacre  of  January  27th,  some  Indians, 
probably  members  of  this  same  band,  had  a  skirmish  with 
thirteen  soldiers  from  Croghan's  Fort,  at  Aughwick,  within  a 
short  distance  of  the  fort.  One  of  the  soldiers  was  wounded,  and 
two  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  on  this  occasion.  (Pa.  Archives, 
Vol.  2,  page  571.) 

Two  months  later,  or  on  March  29th,  1756,  the  Indians  again 
came  to  the  neighborhood  where  the  murders  of  January  27th 
were  committed.  They  attacked  Patterson's  Fort,  and,  accord- 
ing to  a  letter  written  by  Captain  Patterson  to  his  wife, they 
carried  ofT  Hugh  Mitchelltree,  about  five  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
while  foddering  his  cattle  within  sight  of  the  fort.  Evidently, 
then,  Rev.  Thomas  Barton  was  mistaken  in  his  letter,  quoted 


above,  in  saying  that  Hugh  Mitchelltree  was  killed  in  the  massa- 
cre of  January  27th.     (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  613.) 

On  March  24th,  Captain  William  Patterson  with  a  scouting 
party  had  an  encounter  with  a  party  of  Delawares  on  Middle 
Creek,  in  what  is  now  Snyder  County,  killing  and  scalping  one 
and  routing  the  rest.  On  his  return  to  his  fort,  he  reported  that 
the  country  from  the  forks  of  the  Susquehanna  (Sunbury)  to 
the  Juniata  was  "swarming  with  Indians,  looking  for  scalps  and 
plunder,  and  burning  all  the  houses  and  destroying  all  the  grain 
which  the  fugitive  settlers  had  left  in  the  region."  ("Frontier 
Forts  of  Penna.,"  Vol.  1,  pages  594-595.) 

Patterson's  Fort  near  which  some  of  the  murders  of  January 
27th,  were  committed,  was  the  fortified  residence  of  Captain 
James  Patterson,  situated  where  the  town  of  Mexico,  Juniata 
County,  now  stands.  The  residence  was  fortified  before  the  close 
of  1755.  Captain  James  Patterson  was  the  father  of  Captain 
William  Patterson.  The  son  lived  opposite  Mexico,  and  had  a 
fortified  residence,  also  called  Fort  Patterson,  but  it  seems  that 
the  son's  fort  was  not  erected  until  the  time  of  Pontiac's  War. 

There  has  been  much  confusion  as  to  these  two  forts.  By  in- 
structions given  by  Benjamin  Franklin  to  George  Croghan,  on 
December  17th,  1755,  the  latter  was  to  "fix  on  proper  places  for 
erecting  three  stockades,  one  back  of  Patterson's."  This  stockade 
"back  of  Patterson's"  was  to  be  called  Pomfret  Castle,  and  was 
to  be  erected  on  Mahantango  Creek,  near  Richfield,  Juniata 
County,  but  within  the  limits  of  Snyder  County.  Many  his- 
torians doubt  whether  Pomfret  Castle  was  ever  erected.  Gov- 
ernor Morris  wrote  on  January  29th,  1756,  saying  it  was  erected. 
Then,  hearing  of  the  massacre  of  January  27th,  he  wrote  to 
Captain  Burd,  on  February  3d,  reprimanding  him  and  Captain 
Patterson  for  being  remiss  in  not  having  erected  the  fort  that  was 
"order'd  to  be  built  at  Matchitongo."  (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2, 
pages  556  and  566.) 

Capture  of  John  and  Richard  Coxe  and  John  Craig 

On  February  11th,  1756,  occurred  the  capture  of  John  Coxe,  his 
brother  Richard,  and  John  Craig,  thus  described  in  the  "Frontier 
Forts  of  Pennsylvania": 

"At  a  council,  held  at  Philadelphia,  Tuesday,  September  6th, 
1756,  the  statement  of  John  Coxe,  a  son  of  the  widow  Coxe,  was 
made,  the  substance  of  which  is:    He,  his  brother  Richard,  and 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  267 

John  Craig  were  taken  in  the  beginning  of  February  of  that  year 
by  nine  Delaware  Indians  from  a  plantation  two  miles  from  Mc- 
Dowell's mill,  [Franklin  County],  which  was  between  the  east  and 
west  branches  of  the  Conococheague  Creek,  about  20  miles  west 
of  the  present  site  of  Shippensburg,  in  what  is  now  Cumberland 
County,  and  brought  to  Kittanning  on  the  Ohio.  On  his  way 
hither  he  met  Shingas  with  a  party  of  30  men,  and  afterward 
Capt.  Jacobs  and  15  men,  whose  design  was  to  destroy  the  settle- 
ments on  Conococheague.  When  he  arrived  at  Kittanning,  he 
saw  here  about  100  fighting  men  of  the  Delaware  tribe,  with  their 
families,  and  about  50  English  prisoners,  consisting  of  men, 
women  and  children.  During  his  stay  here,  Shingas'  and  Jacobs' 
parties  returned,  the  one  with  nine  scalps  and  ten  prisoners,  the 
other  with  several  scalps  and  five  prisoners.  Another  company 
of  18  came  from  Diahogo  with  17  scalps  on  a  pole,  which  they  took 
to  Fort  Duquesne  to  obtain  their  reward.  The  warriors  held  a 
council,  which,  with  their  war  dances,  continued  a  week,  when 
Capt.  Jacobs  left  with  48  men,  intending  as  Coxe  was  told,  to  fall 
upon  the  inhabitants  at  Paxtang.  He  heard  the  Indians  fre- 
quently say  that  they  intended  to  kill  all  the  white  folks,  except  a 
few,  with  whom  they  would  afterwards  make  peace.  They  made 
an  example  of  Paul  Broadley,  who,  with  their  usual  cruelty,  they 
beat  for  half  an  hour  with  clubs  and  tomahawks,  and  then, 
having  fastened  him  to  a  post,  cropped  his  ears  close  to  his  head, 
and  chopped  off  his  fingers,  calling  all  the  prisoners  to  witness 
the  horrible  scene." 

Additional  details  of  the  incursion  which  the  Coxe  boys  and 
John  Craig  were  captured  are  given  in  Egle's  "History  of  Penn- 
sylvania," as  follows: 

"In  February,  1756,  a  party  of  Indians  made  marauding  in- 
cursions into  Peters  Township.  They  were  discovered  on  Sunday 
evening,  by  one  Alexander,  near  the  house  of  Thomas  Barr.  He 
was  pursued  by  the  savages,  but  escaped  and  alarmed  the  fort  at 
McDowell's  mill.  Early  on  Monday  morning  a  party  of  fourteen 
men  of  Captain  Croghan's  company,  who  were  at  the  mill,  and 
about  twelve  other  young  men,  set  off  to  watch  the  motion  of  the 
Indians.  Near  Barr's  house  they  fell  in  with  fifty,  and  sent  back 
for  a  reinforcement  from  the  fort.  The  young  lads  proceeded  by 
a  circuit  to  take  the  enemy  in  the  rear,  whilst  the  soldiers  did 
attack  them  in  front.  But  the  impetuosity  of  the  soldiers  defeated 
their  plan.  Scarce  had  they  got  within  gunshot,  they  fired  upon 
the  Indians,  who  were  standing  around  the  fire,  and  killed  several 


of  them  at  the  first  discharge.  The  Indians  returned  fire,  killed 
one  of  the  soldiers,  and  compelled  the  rest  to  retreat.  The  party 
of  young  men,  hearing  the  report  of  firearms,  hastened  up,  finding 
the  Indians  on  the  ground  which  the  soldiers  had  occupied,  fired 
upon  the  Indians  with  effect;  but  concluding  the  soldiers  had  fled, 
or  were  slain,  they  also  retreated.  One  of  their  number,  Barr's 
son,  was  wounded,  would  have  fallen  by  the  tomahawk  of  an 
Indian,  had  not  the  savage  been  killed  by  a  shot  from  Armstrong, 
who  saw  him  running  upon  the  lad.  Soon  after  soldiers  and  young 
men  being  joined  by  a  reinforcement  from  the  mill,  again  sought 
the  enemy,  who,  eluding  the  pursuit,  crossed  the  creek  near 
William  Clark's,  and  attempted  to  surprise  the  fort;  but  their 
design  was  discovered  by  two  Dutch  lads,  coming  from  foddering 
their  master's  cattle.  One  of  the  lads  was  killed,  but  the  other 
reached  the  fort,  which  was  immediately  surrounded  by  the  In- 
dians, who,  from  a  thicket,  fired  many  shots  at  the  men  in  the 
garrison,  who  appeared  above  the  wall,  and  returned  the  fire  as 
often  as  they  obtained  sight  of  the  enemy.  At  this  time,  two  men 
crossing  to  the  mill,  fell  into  the  middle  of  the  assailants,  but 
made  their  escape  to  the  fort,  though  fired  at  three  times.  The 
party  at  Barr's  house  now  came  up,  and  drove  the  Indians  through 
the  thicket.  In  their  retreat  they  met  five  men  from  Mr.  Hoop's, 
riding  to  the  mill;  they  killed  one  of  these  and  wounded  another 
severely.  The  sergeant  at  the  fort  having  lost  two  of  his  men, 
declined  to  follow  the  enemy  until  his  commander,  Mr.  Crawford, 
who  was  at  Hoop's,  should  return,  and  the  snow  falling  thick,  the 
Indians  had  time  to  burn  Mr.  Barr's  house,  and  in  it  consumed 
their  dead.  On  the  morning  of  the  2nd  of  March,  Mr.  Crawford, 
with  fifty  men,  went  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  but  was  unsuccessful 
in  his  search." 

John  Coxe  further  said  in  his  statement,  which  is  found  in  Pa. 
Col.  Rec.  Vol.  7,  pages  242  and  243,  that  in  March  following  his 
capture,  he  was  taken  by  three  Indians  to  Tioga,  where  he  found 
about  fifty  warriors  of  the  Delawares  and  Mohicans,  and  about 
twenty  German  captives;  that,  while  he  was  there,  the  Indians 
frequently  went  out  in  parties  of  twelve  to  murder  the  settlers 
and  as  often  returned  with  scalps  but  no  prisoners;  that,  on  the 
9th  of  August,  he  left  Tioga  with  his  Indian  master,  Makomsey, 
and  came  down  the  Susquehanna  to  the  Indian  town  of  Gnahay, 
whose  location  is  unknown,  to  get  some  corn;  and  that  he  here 
made  his  escape,  on  August  14th,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Augusta 
(Sunbury)  that  evening. 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  269 

The  following  letter,  written  by  Captain  William  Trent,  at 
Carlisle,  on  Sunday  evening,  February  15th,  1756,  and  sent  to 
Richard  Peters,  fixes  the  date  of  the  capture  of  the  Coxe  boys  and 
John  Craig,  and  shows  how  Shingas  and  Captain  Jacobs  were 
keeping  the  settlers  in  a  state  of  terror : 

"Wednesday  evening  two  lads  were  taken  or  killed  at  the 
Widow  Cox's,  just  under  Parnell's  Knob,  and  a  lad  who  went 
from  McDowell's  Mill  to  see  what  fire  it  was  never  returned,  the 
horse  coming  back  with  the  Reins  over  his  Neck;  they  burnt  the 
House  and  shot  down  the  Cattle.  Just  now  came  News  that  a 
Party  of  Indian  Warriors  were  come  out  against  the  Inhabitants 
from  some  of  the  Susquehanna  Towns,  and  yesterday  some  people 
who  were  over  in  Sherman's  Valley,  discovered  fresh  Tracks;  all 
the  People  have  left  their  Houses  betwixt  this  and  the  Mountain, 
some  coming  to  town  [Carlisle]  and  others  gathering  into  little 
Forts;  they  are  moving  their  Effects  from  Shippensburg,  every 
one  thinks  of  flying;  unless  the  Government  fall  upon  some 
Method,  and  that  immediately,  of  securing  the  Frontiers,  there 
will  not  be  one  Inhabitant  in  this  Valley  one  Month  longer."  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  575.) 

Murder  of  Frederick  Reichelsdorfer's  Daughters 

"The  Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania"  contains  the  following 
account  of  one  of  the  saddest  tragedies  of  the  terrible  winter  of 
which  we  are  writing,  the  date  of  the  atrocity  being  February 
14th,  1756: 

"The  Rev.  Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg,  D.  D.,  in  the  Hall- 
ische  Nachrichten,  tells  the  soul-stirring  story  of  Frederick  Reich- 
elsdorfer,  whose  two  grown  daughters  had  attended  a  course  of 
instruction,  under  him,  in  the  Catechism,  and  been  solemnly  ad- 
mitted by  confirmation  to  the  communion  of  the  Ev.  Lutheran 
Church,  in  New  Hanover,  Montgomery  County. 

"This  man  afterwards  went  with  his  family  some  distance  into 
the  interior,  to  a  tract  of  land  which  he  had  purchased  in  Albany 
Township,  Berks  County.  When  the  war  with  the  Indians  broke 
out,  he  removed  his  family  to  his  former  residence,  and  occasion- 
ally returned  to  his  farm,  to  attend  to  his  grain  and  cattle.  On 
one  occasion  he  went,  accompanied  by  his  two  daughters,  to 
spend  a  few  days  there,  and  bring  away  some  wheat.  On  Friday 
evening,  after  the  wagon  had  been  loaded,  and  everything  was 
ready  for  their  return  on  the  morrow,  his  daughters  complained 


that  they  felt  anxious  and  dejected,  and  were  impressed  with  the 
idea  that  they  were  soon  to  die.    They  requested  their  father  to 
unite  with  them  in  singing  the  famiHar  German  funeral  hymn, 
'Wer  weiss  wie  nahe  meine  Ende. ' 
[Who  knows  how  near  my  end  may  be.  ] 
after  which  they  commended  themselves  to  God  in  prayer,  and 
retired  to  rest. 

"The  light  of  the  succeeding  morn  beamed  upon  them,  and  all 
was  yet  well.  Whilst  the  daughters  were  attending  to  the  dairy, 
cheered  with  the  joyful  hope  of  soon  greeting  their  friends,  and 
being  out  of  danger,  the  father  went  to  the  field  for  the  horses,  to 
prepare  for  their  departure  home.  As  he  was  passing  through  the 
field,  he  suddenly  saw  two  Indians,  armed  with  rifles,  tomahawks 
and  scalping  knives,  making  towards  him  at  full  speed.  The  sight 
so  terrified  him  that  he  lost  all  self  command,  and  stood  motion- 
less and  silent.  When  they  were  about  twenty  yards  from  him, 
he  suddenly  and  with  all  his  strength,  exclaimed  'Lord  Jesus, 
living  and  dying,  I  am  thine!'  Scarcely  had  the  Indians  heard 
the  words  'Lord  Jesus'  (which  they  probably  knew  as  the  white 
man's  name  of  the  Great  Spirit),  when  they  stopped  short,  and 
uttered  a  hideous  yell. 

"The  man  ran  with  almost  supernatural  strength  into  the 
dense  forest,  and  by  taking  a  serpentine  course,  the  Indians  lost 
sight  of  him,  and  relinquished  the  pursuit.  He  hastened  to  an 
adjoining  farm,  where  two  German  families  resided,  for  assistance, 
but  on  approaching  near  it,  he  heard  the  dying  groans  of  the 
families,  who  were  falling  beneath  the  murderous  tomahawks  of 
some  other  Indians. 

[One  of  these  families  was  the  family  of  Jacob  Gerhart.  One 
man,  two  women  and  six  children  were  murdered.  Two  children 
hid  under  the  bed,  one  of  which  was  burned  to  death,  and  the 
other  escaped  and  ran  a  mile  for  help.  ("Frontier  Forts  of  Penn- 
sylvania," Vol.  1,  pages  152  and  153.)  ] 

"Having  providentially  not  been  observed  by  them,  he  has- 
tened back  to  learn  the  fate  of  his  daughters.  But,  alas!  on  ar- 
riving within  sight,  he  found  his  home  and  barn  enveloped  with 
flames.  Finding  that  the  Indians  had  possession  here  too,  he 
hastened  to  another  adjoining  farm  for  help.  Returning,  armed 
with  several  men,  he  found  the  house  reduced  to  ashes  and  the 
Indians  gone.  His  eldest  daughter  had  been  almost  entirely  burnt 
up,  a  few  remains  only  of  her  body  being  found.  And,  awful  to 
relate,  the  younger  daughter  though  the  scalp  had  been  cut  from 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  271 

her  head,  and  her  body  horribly  mangled  from  head  to  foot  with 
the  tomahawk,  was  yet  living.  'The  poor  worm,'  says  Muhlen- 
berg, 'was  able  to  state  all  the  circumstances  of  the  dreadful 
scene.'  After  having  done  so  she  requested  her  father  to  stoop 
down  to  her  that  she  might  give  him  a  parting  kiss,  and  then  go 
to  her  dear  Saviour;  and  after  she  had  impressed  her  dying  lips 
upon  his  cheek,  she  yielded  her  spirit  into  the  hands  of  that 
Redeemer,  who,  though  His  judgments  are  often  unsearchable, 
and  His  ways  past  finding  out,  has  nevertheless  said,  '  I  am  the 
resurrection  and  the  life;  if  any  man  believe  in  me,  though  he  die 
yet  shall  he  live.'  " 

Attack  on  Andrew  Lycans  and  John  Rewalt 

On  March  7th,  Andrew  Lycans  and  John  Rewalt,  settlers  in 
the  Wiconisco,  or  Lykens  Valley  in  Dauphin  County,  went  out 
early  in  the  morning  to  feed  their  cattle  when  they  were  fired  upon 
by  Indians.  Hastening  into  the  house,  they  prepared  to  defend 
themselves.  The  Indians  concealed  themselves  behind  a  pig-pen 
some  distance  from  the  dwelling.  Lycans'  son,  John,  John  Re- 
walt, and  Ludwig  Shutt,  a  neighbor,  upon  creeping  out  of  the 
house,  in  an  effort  to  discover  the  whereabouts  of  the  Indians, 
were  fired  upon  and  each  one  wounded,  Shutt  very  dangerously. 
At  this  point  Andrew  Lycans  discovered  an  Indian  named  Joshua 
James  and  two  white  men  running  away  from  their  hiding  place 
near  the  pig-pen.  The  elder  Lycans  then  fired,  killing  the  Indian ; 
and  he  and  his  party  then  sought  safety  in  flight,  but  were  closely 
pursued  by  at  least  twenty  of  the  Indians.  John  Lycans  and 
John  Rewalt,  although  badly  wounded,  made  their  escape  with 
the  aid  of  a  negro  servant,  leaving  Andrew  Lycans,  Ludwig  Shutt, 
and  a  boy  to  engage  the  Indians.  The  Indians  then  rushed  upon 
these  and,  as  one  of  their  number,  named  Bill  Davis,  was  in  the 
act  of  striking  the  boy  with  his  tomahawk,  he  was  shot  dead  by 
Shutt,  while  Andrew  Lycans  killed  another  and  wounded  a  third. 
Andrew  Lycans  also  recognized  two  others  of  the  band,  namely, 
Tom  Hickman  and  Tom  Hays,  members  of  the  Delaware  tribe. 
The  Indians  then  momentarily  ceased  their  pursuit,  and  Lycans, 
Shutt,  and  the  boy,  weak  from  the  loss  of  blood,  sat  down  on  a 
log  to  rest,  believing  that  they  were  no  longer  in  imminent  danger. 
Later,  Lycans  managed  to  lead  his  party  to  a  place  of  conceal- 
ment and  then  over  the  mountain  into  Hanover  Township,  where 
they  were  given  assistance  by  settlers.    Andrew  Lycans,  however, 


died  from  his  wounds  and  terrible  exposure.  His  name  has  been 
given  to  the  charming  valley  of  the  Wiconisco.  (Penna.  Gazette, 
March  18th,  1756.) 

Attack  on  Zeislof  and  Kluck  Families 

On  March  24th,  some  settlers  with  ten  wagons  went  to  Albany, 
Berks  County,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  a  family  with  their 
effects  to  a  point  near  Reading.  As  they  were  returning,  they 
were  fired  upon  by  a  number  of  Indians  on  both  sides  of  the  road. 
The  wagoners,  leaving  the  wagons,  ran  into  the  woods,  and  the 
horses,  frightened  at  the  terrible  yelling  of  the  Indians,  ran  off. 
The  Indians  on  this  occasion,  killed  George  Zeislof  and  his  wife,  a 
boy  aged  twenty,  another  aged  twelve,  and  a  girl  aged  fourteen. 
Another  girl  of  the  party  was  shot  through  the  neck  and  mouth, 
and  scalped,  but  made  her  escape. 

On  the  same  day  the  Indians  burned  the  home  of  Peter  Kluck, 
about  fourteen  miles  from  Reading,  and  killed  the  entire  family. 
While  the  Kluck  home  was  burning,  the  Indians  assaulted  the 
house  of  a  settler  named  Lindenman  nearby,  in  which  there  were 
two  men  and  a  woman,  all  of  whom  ran  upstairs,  where  the 
woman  was  killed  by  a  bullet  which  penetrated  the  roof.  The 
men  then  ran  out  of  the  house.  Lindenman  was  shot  through  the 
neck.  In  spite  of  his  wound,  Lindenman  succeeded  in  shooting 
one  of  the  Indians. 

At  about  the  same  time  a  boy  named  John  Schoep,  who  lived 
in  this  neighborhood,  was  captured  and  taken  seven  miles  beyond 
the  Blue  Mountains  where,  according  to  the  statement  of  Schoep, 
the  Indians  kindled  a  fire,  tied  him  to  a  tree,  took  off  his  shoes, 
and  put  moccasins  on  his  feet.  They  then  prepared  themselves 
some  mush,  but  gave  him  none.  After  supper  they  took  young 
Schoep  and  another  boy  between  them,  and  proceeded  over  the 
second  mountain.  During  the  second  night  of  his  captivity,  when 
the  Indians  were  asleep,  young  Schoep  made  his  escape,  and  re- 
turned home. 

During  the  raid  in  which  the  above  outrages  occurred,  the  In- 
dians killed  the  wife  of  Baltser  Neytong,  and  captured  his  son 
aged  eight.  And  in  November,  the  Indians  entered  this  region, 
and  carried  off  the  wife  and  three  children  of  Adam  Burns,  the 
youngest  child  being  only  four  weeks  old.  They  also  killed  a  man 
named  Stonebrook,  and  captured  a  girl  in  this  raid.  ("Frontier 
Forts  of  Penna.,"  Vol.  1,  pages  153  to  155.) 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN  1756  273 

Shingas  Burns  McCord's  Fort 

On  April  1st,  1756,  Shingas  attacked  and  burned  Fort  McCord, 
a  private  fort,  erected  in  the  autumn  of  1755,  and  located  several 
miles  north-east  of  Fort  Loudon,  Franklin  County,  and  not  far 
from  the  Yankee  Gap  in  the  Kittatinny  Mountains,  west  of 
Chambersburg.  All  the  inmates  of  the  fort,  twenty-seven  in 
number,  were  either  killed  or  captured.  After  the  destruction  of 
the  fort,  Shingas'  band  was  pursued  by  three  bodies  of  settlers 
and  soldiers.  One  body,  commanded  by  Captain  Alexander 
Culbertson,  overtook  the  Indians  on  Sideling  Hill.  Here  a  fierce 
battle  was  fought  for  two  hours,  but  Shingas  being  reinforced, 
the  white  men  were  defeated  with  great  loss,  twenty-one  killed 
and  seventeen  wounded. 

Among  the  killed  were:  Captain  Alexander  Culbertson,  John 
Reynolds,  William  Kerr,  James  Blair,  John  Leason,  William 
Denny,  Francis  Scott,  William  Boyd,  Jacob  Painter,  Jacob  Jones, 
Robert  Kerr  and  William  Chambers.  Among  the  wounded  were 
Francis  Campbell,  Abraham  Jones,  William  Reynolds,  John 
Barnet,  Benjamin  Blyth,  John  McDonald  and  Isaac  Miller. 
The  Indians,  according  to  the  statement  of  one  of  their  number 
who  was  captured,  lost  seventeen  killed  and  twenty-one  wounded 
in  this  engagement. 

Another  body,  commanded  by  Ensign  Jamison,  from  Fort 
Granville,  went  in  pursuit  of  the  same  band  of  Indians,  and  was 
also  defeated.  Among  the  killed  were:  Daniel  McCoy,  James 
Robinson,  James  Pierce,  John  Blair,  Henry  Jones,  John  McCarty 
and  John  Kelly.  Among  the  wounded  were:  Ensign  Jamison, 
James  Robinson  (There  were  two  James  Robinsons  in  Ensign 
Jamison's  party),  William  Hunter,  Matthias  Ganshorn,  William 
Swails  and  James  Louder,  the  last  of  whom  later  died  of  his 

Captain  Hance  Hamilton,  in  a  letter  written  to  Captain  Potter, 
dated  Fort  Lyttleton,  April  4th,  and  recorded  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  7,  page  77,  says  the  following  concerning  the  terrible  events 
of  which  we  are  writing: 

"These  come  to  inform  you  of  the  melancholy  news  of  what 
occurred  between  the  Indians,  that  have  taken  many  captives 
from  McCord's  Fort  and  a  party  of  men  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Alexander  Culbertson  and  nineteen  of  our  men,  the  whole 
amounting  to  about  fifty,  with  the  captives,  and  had  a  sore  en- 
gagement, many  of  both  parties  killed  and  many  wounded,  the 


number  unknown.  Those  wounded  want  a  surgeon,  and  those 
killed  require  your  assistance  as  soon  as  possible,  to  bury  them. 
We  have  sent  an  express  to  Fort  Shirley  for  Doctor  Mercer,  sup- 
posing Doctor  Jamison  is  killed  or  mortally  wounded  in  the  ex- 
pedition. He  being  not  returned,  therefore,  desire  you  will  send 
an  express,  immediately,  for  Doctor  Prentice  to  Carlisle;  we 
imagining  Doctor  Mercer  cannot  leave  the  fort  under  the  cir- 
cumstances the  fort  is  under.  Our  Indian,  Isaac,  has  brought  in 
Captain  Jacobs'  scalp." 

The  scalp  brought  in  by  the  friendly  Indian,  Isaac,  was  not 
that  of  Captain  Jacobs.  This  chief  was  not  killed  until  the 
destruction  of  Kittanning,  by  Colonel  John  Armstrong  and  his 
Scotch-Irish  troops  from  the  Cumberland  Valley,  September  8th, 

Likewise,  Robert  Robinson  thus  describes  the  attack  on  Mc- 
Cord's  Fort  and  the  pursuit  of  the  savages: 

"In  the  year  1756  a  party  of  Indians  came  out  of  the  Conoco- 
cheague  to  a  garrison  named  McCord's  Fort,  where  they  killed 
some  and  took  a  number  prisoners.  They  then  took  their  course 
near  to  Fort  Lyttleton.  Captain  Hamilton  being  stationed  there 
with  a  company,  hearing  of  their  route  at  McCord's  Fort,  marched 
with  his  company  of  men,  having  an  Indian  with  him  who  was 
under  pay.  The  Indians  had  McCord's  wife  with  them;  they  cut 
off  Mr.  James  Blair's  head  and  threw  it  into  Mrs.  McCord's  lap, 
saying  that  it  was  her  husband's  head;  but  she  knew  it  to  be 

Mrs.  McCord  was  taken  to  Kittanning,  where  she  was  rescued 
when  Colonel  John  Armstrong's  forces  destroyed  this  noted 
stronghold  of  the  Delawares. 

The  terrible  disaster  of  Fort  McCord  and  vicinity  caused  the 
greatest  consternation  among  the  harried  settlers  of  the  Cumber- 
land Valley.  Block  houses  and  farms  were  abandoned,  and 
refugees  came  streaming  into  Carlisle. 

A  monument  now  marks  the  site  of  Fort  McCord,  having  there- 
on a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded — members  of  the  leading 
pioneer  families  of  the  present  counties  of  Cumberland,  Frank- 
lin and  Fulton. 


This  chapter  brings  us  up  to  the  time  of  Pennsylvania's  decla- 
ration of  war  against  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees.  It  is  a  story 
of  outrage,  devastation  and  murder.     But  many  of  the  horrors 

MASSACRES  EARLY  IN   1756  275 

on  the  Pennsylvania  frontier  during  the  early  part  of  1756  will 
remain  forever  unrecorded.  The  statement  of  the  French  that, 
from  Braddock's  defeat  until  the  middle  of  March,  1756,  more 
than  seven  hundred  people  in  Pennsylvania,  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina  were  killed  and  captured  by  the  Delawares  and  Shaw- 
nees,  gives  one  an  idea  of  the  appalling  tragedies  in  the  cabin 
homes  of  the  pioneers. 


Carlisle  Council — War  Declared 

ON  January  13th  to  January  17th,  1756,  an  important  In- 
dian council  was  held  at  Carlisle  between  Governor  Morris, 
James  Hamilton,  Richard  Peters,  William  Logan,  Joseph  Fox, 
Conrad  Weiser  and  George  Croghan,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
following  Indians,  on  the  other  hand:  The  Belt  of  Wampum, 
Aroas  (Silver  Heels),  Jagrea  (Zigera,  Sata  Karoyis),  Canachquasy 
(Kos  Showweyha,  Captain  New  Castle),  Seneca  George,  Isaac, 
and  several  chiefs  of  the  Conestogas.  The  council  had  particular 
reference  to  affairs  on  the  Ohio. 

George  Croghan  reported,  at  this  council,  that,  in  the  latter 
part  of  1755,  at  the  request  of  Governor  Morris,  he  had  sent 
Delaware  Jo,  a  friendly  Indian,  to  the  Ohio  to  gain  what  informa- 
tion he  could  about  the  attitude  and  actions  of  the  Delawares  and 
Shawnees  of  that  place.  Delaware  Jo  returned  to  Croghan's 
fortified  trading  house,  often  called  Croghan's  Fort,  at  Aughwick, 
now  Shirleysburg,  Huntingdon  County,  on  January  8th,  1756.  On 
his  journey  to  the  Ohio,  he  visited  Kittanning  and  Logstown. 
He  reported  that,  at  Kittanning,  then  the  residence  of  Shingas 
and  Captain  Jacobs,  he  found  one  hundred  and  forty  warriors, 
mostly  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  and  about  one  hundred  English 
prisoners,  captured  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania; 
that,  at  Kittanning,  he  met  the  Delaware  chief,  King  Beaver,  or 
Tamaque,  a  brother  of  Shingas  and  Pisquetomen,  and  that  King 
Beaver  told  him  that  the  French  had  often  offered  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  the  "French  Hatchet,"  but  they  had  refused  it 
until  April  or  May,  1755,  when  some  Iroquois,  Adirondack  and 
Caughnawage  warriors,  stopping  at  Fort  Duquesne,  on  their 
way  to  attack  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees,  were  prevailed  upon 
by  the  French  to  offer  the  "French  Hatchet"  to  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees,  who  then  and  there  accepted  the  hatchet,  and 
went  with  the  other  Indians  into  Virginia.  King  Beaver  further 
told  Delaware  Jo  that  neither  he  nor  the  other  chiefs  of  the  Dela- 
wares and  Shawnees  approved  the  action  of  the  members  of  their 


tribes  who  had  accepted  the  "French  Hatchet,"  that  they  were 
sorry  for  this  action,  and  wished  to  "make  Matters  up  with  the 

At  Logstown,  Delaware  Jo  found  about  one  hundred  Indians 
and  thirty  EngUsh  prisoners.  These  prisoners  had  been  captured 
on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia.  The  French  had  tried  to  buy  the 
prisoners,  but  the  Indians  refused  to  sell  them  until  they  should 
hear  from  the  Six  Nations.  Delaware  Jo  further  reported  that 
there  were  some  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  living  with  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees  on  the  Allegheny  and  Ohio,  and  that  they 
often  went  with  them  in  their  incursions  into  the  settlements. 
When  at  Logstown,  this  friendly  Delaware  intended  to  go  to 
Fort  Duquesne  to  see  what  the  French  were  doing,  but  found  he 
could  not  cross  the  river  for  the  driving  of  the  ice.  He  was  in- 
formed, however,  that  the  number  of  the  French  did  not  exceed 
four  hundred.  From  Logstown,  he  returned  to  Kittanning,  and 
there  learned  that  ten  Delawares  had  recently  left  for  the  Sus- 
quehanna, "as  he  supposed  to  persuade  those  Indians  to  strike 
the  English,  who  might  perhaps  be  concerned  in  the  Mischief 
lately  done  in  the  County  of  Northampton" — atrocities  described 
in  Chapter  X.     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6,  pages  781,  782.) 

James  Hamilton  reported,  at  this  council,  that,  in  November, 
1755,  he  had  sent  Aroas,  or  Silver  Heels,  to  the  Indian  towns  on 
the  Susquehanna  to  gain  information,  whereupon  Aroas  was 
called  in  and  gave  the  following  account  of  his  journey: 

"That  he  found  no  Indians  at  Shamokin,  and  therefore  pro- 
ceeded higher  up  Sasquehanna,  as  far  as  to  Nescopecka,  where  he 
saw  one  hundred  and  forty  Indians,  all  Warriors;  that  they  were 
dancing  the  war  dance;  expressed  great  bitterness  against  the 
English,  and  were  preparing  for  an  expedition  against  them,  and 
he  thought  would  go  to  the  Eastward.  He  did  not  stay  with 
them,  finding  them  in  this  disposition,  but  went  to  the  House  of 
an  uncle  of  his,  at  a  little  distance  from  Nescopecka,  between 
that  and  Wyoming,  who  told  him  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
on  the  Ohio  were  persuaded  by  the  French  to  strike  the  English, 
and  had  put  the  Hatchet  into  the  Hands  of  the  Susquehannah 
Indians,  a  great  many  of  whom  had  taken  it  greedily,  and  there 
was  no  persuading  them  to  the  Contrary,  and  that  they  would 
do  abundance  of  mischief  to  the  People  of  Pennsylvania,  against 
whom  they  were  preparing  to  go  to  War."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  6, 
page  783.) 

The  Belt  of  Wampum,  at  this  council,  made  a  long  speech  in 


which  he  reviewed  the  events  that  had  taken  place  on  the  Ohio 
and  Allegheny  from  the  time  the  French  had  first  occupied  this 
region  until  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  took  up  arms  against 
Pennsylvania.  Being  the  official  keeper  of  the  wampum  belts, 
this  chief  was  well  qualified  to  review  these  events.  Among  other 
things,  he  said  that,  after  Tanacharison  had  delivered  his  third 
notice  to  the  French  to  withdraw  from  the  valleys  of  the  Al- 
legheny and  Ohio,  it  was  learned  that  "the  French  had  prevailed 
upon  the  Shawonese,  who  were  a  Nation  in  alliance  with  the  Six 
Nations,  and  living  by  their  Sufferance  upon  a  part  of  their 
Country,  and  upon  the  Delawares,  who  were  a  tribe  conquered 
by  and  entirely  dependent  upon  them,  to  enter  into  a  separate 
and  private  Treaty  with  them,  by  which  they,  the  Shawonese 
and  Delawares,  had  agreed  not  only  to  permit  the  French  to 
take  Possession  of  the  Country  upon  the  Ohio,  as  far  as  they 
would,  but  to  assist  them  against  the  English,  if  their  Aid  should 
be  found  necessary  in  the  Contest,  which  the  taking  Possession  of 
that  Country  should  occasion.  That,  in  consequence  of  this 
secret  Treaty,  and  upon  the  Persuasions  of  the  French,  who  have 
acquired  a  considerable  Influence  over  these  Two  Tribes,  they 
had  fallen  upon  the  English  and  done  the  mischief  already  com- 
plained of  without  any  just  Reason  or  Cause."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  6,  pages  3  and  4.) 

There  are  several  significant  things  in  the  above  statement  of 
the  Belt  of  Wampum.  One  is  that  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
were  endeavoring  to  break  away  from  the  overlordship  of  the  Six 
Nations,  their  conquerors,  and  to  make  treaties  for  themselves. 
Another  is,  as  Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo  points  out  in  his  "Penn- 
sylvania— A  History,"  that  "the  attempts  of  the  Quaker  element 
in  the  Assembly  to  justify  the  action  of  these  hostile  tribes,  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  without  any  real  founda- 
tion." This  is  evident  from  the  great  historical  fact  that  those 
Iroquois  on  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  who  went  with  the  Shawnees 
and  Delawares  on  their  incursions  into  the  settlements  were  not 
genuine  members  of  the  great  Iroquois  or  Six  Nation  Confedera- 
tion, but  a  mixture  of  Iroquoian  stock  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
habitat  of  the  Senecas.  In  other  words,  these  Indians  who 
joined  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  were  a  mongrel  population 
of  the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  valleys,  known  as  the  Mingoes;  they 
were  not  true  representatives  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  were  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  historic  Con- 


George  Croghan  said,  at  this  Carlisle  council,  that  he  believed 
the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  were  acting  in  their  hostile  manner 
with  the  approval  of  the  Six  Nations;  but  he  should  have  con- 
sidered that  the  Mingoes  were  a  rabble  element  beyond  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  that  the  true  representatives 
of  the  great  Iroquois  Confederation  on  the  Ohio,  such  as  Tanacha- 
rison,  Scarouady,  The  Belt  of  Wampum,  Captain  New  Castle 
and  Seneca  George,  never  wavered  in  their  friendship  for  the 
English  and  always  disapproved  of  the  hostile  actions  of  the 
Mingoes.  They  even  succeeded  in  keeping  many  of  the  Dela- 
wares and  Shawnees  friendly  to  the  English. 

Scarouady  Returns  From  His  Mission  to  the  Six  Nations 

We  shall  now  learn  from  Scarouady  the  real  attitude  of  the 
Six  Nations.  As  stated  in  Chapter  IX,  Governor  Morris,  in  the 
middle  of  November,  1755,  sent  Scarouady  and  Andrew  Montour 
on  a  mission  to  the  Six  Nations — a  mission  in  which  they  were 
instructed  to  give  the  real  authorities  of  the  Six  Nations  a  com- 
plete account  of  the  bloody  invasion  of  the  Delawares  and  Shaw- 
nees and  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  this  invasion  was  made  with 
the  knowledge,  consent  or  order  of  the  Six  Nations,  also  to 
ascertain  whether  the  Six  Nations  would  chastise  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  for  their  hostile  action. 

Scarouady  and  Montour  returned  to  Philadelphia  from  this 
mission  on  March  21,  1756,  and  on  the  27th  of  that  month,  they 
appeared  before  the  Provincial  Council,  and  made  a  report  of 
their  journey.  They  had  gone  by  way  of  Tulpehocken  and 
Thomas  McKee's  trading  post  to  Shamokin;  and  from  there 
through  Laugpaughpitton's  Town  and  Nescopeck  to  Wyoming 
(Plymouth,  Luzerne  County).  At  Wyoming  they  found  a  large 
number  of  Delawares,  some  Shawnees,  Mohicans,  and  members 
of  the  Six  Nations.  They  next  came  to  Asserughney,  a  Delaware 
Town,  twelve  miles  above  Wyoming,  near  the  junction  of  the 
Susquehanna  and  Lackawanna.  Their  next  stop  was  at  Chink- 
annig  (Tunkhannock),  twenty  miles  farther  up  the  Susquehanna, 
where  they  found  the  great  Delaware  chief,  Teeduscung,  with 
some  Delawares  and  Nanticokes.  Their  next  stop  was  at  Diahogo 
(Tioga),  a  town  composed  of  Mohicans  and  Delawares  of  the 
Munsee  Clan,  located  where  Athens,  Bradford  County,  now 
stands,  at  which  place  they  found  ninety  warriors.  About  twenty- 
five  miles  beyond,  they  came  to  the  deserted  town  of  Owegy. 


Leaving  this  place  they  arrived  at  Chugnut,  about  twenty  miles 
distant.  About  five  miles  above  Chugnut,  was  the  town  of 
Otseningo,  where  they  found  thirty  cabins  and  about  sixty  war- 
riors of  the  Nanticokes,  Conoys,  and  Onondagas.  Fourteen  miles 
beyond  this  place  they  came  to  Oneoquagque,  where  they  sent  a 
message  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  written  by  Rev. 
Gideon  Hawley.  From  there  they  proceeded  to  Teyonnoderre 
and  Teyoneandakt,  and  next  to  Caniyeke,  the  Lower  Mohawk 
Town,  located  about  two  miles  from  Fort  Johnson,  and  about 
forty  miles  from  Albany,  New  York.  At  Fort  Johnson,  they  held 
a  conference  in  February,  1756,  with  Sir  William  Johnson  and  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  expressed  great  resentment  over 
the  action  of  the  hostile  Delawares. 

This  was  a  very  dangerous  journey  for  Scarouady  and  Mon- 
tour. While  they  were  at  Wyoming,  their  lives  were  threatened 
by  a  party  of  eighty  Delaware  warriors,  who  came  soon  after  their 
arrival.  While  Scarouady  was  consulting  with  the  oldest  chief  in 
the  evening,  the  rest  cried  out  of  doors:  "Let  us  kill  the  rogue; 
we  will  hear  of  no  mediator,  much  less  of  a  master;  hold  your  ton- 
gue, and  be  gone,  or  you  shall  live  no  longer.  We  will  do  what  we 
please."  Said  Scarouady:  "All  the  way  from  Wyoming  to 
Diahogo,  a  day  never  passed  without  meeting  some  warriors,  six, 
eight,  or  ten  in  a  party ;  and  twenty  under  command  at  Cut  Finger 
Pete,  going  after  the  eighty  warriors  which  we  saw  at  Wyoming. 
.  .  .  All  the  way  we  met  parties  of  Delawares  going  to  join  the 
eighty  warriors  there." 

Scarouady  reported  that,  at  Wyoming  he  and  Montour  found 
John  Shikellamy,  son  of  the  great  vice-gerent  of  the  Six  Nations, 
with  the  hostile  Delawares.  They  took  him  aside,  and  upbraided 
him  severely  for  his  ingratitude  to  Pennsylvania,  "which  had  ever 
been  extremely  kind  to  his  father  when  alive."  Then  John 
Shikellamy  explained  that  he  was  with  the  enemies  of  the  Colony, 
because  he  could  not  help  it,  as  they  had  threatened  to  kill  him 
if  he  did  not  join  them. 

Scarouady  again  appeared  before  the  Provincial  Council  on 
April  3d  and  gave  additional  details  of  his  journey.  Said  he: 
"You  desired  us  in  your  instructions  to  inquire  the  particular  rea- 
sons assigned  by  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  for  their  acting  in 
the  manner  they  do  against  this  Province.  I  have  done  it  and  all 
I  could  get  from  the  Indians  is  that  they  heard  them  say  their 
brethren,  the  English,  had  accused  them  very  falsely  of  joining 
with  the  French  after  Colonel  Washington's  defeat,  and  if  they 


would  charge  them  when  they  were  innocent,  they  could  do  no 
more  if  they  were  guilty;  this  turned  them  against  their  brethren 
and  now  indeed  the  English  have  good  reason  for  any  charge  they 
may  make  against  them,  for  they  are  heartily  their  enemies." 

As  to  the  attitude  of  the  Six  Nations,  Scarouady  reported: 
"The  Six  Nations  in  their  reply  expressed  great  resentment  of 
the  Delawares;  they  threatened  to  shake  them  by  the  head,  saying 
they  were  drunk  and  out  of  their  senses  and  would  not  consider 
the  consequences  of  their  ill  behavior  and  assured  them  that,  if 
they  did  not  perform  what  they  had  promised  they  should  be 
severely  chastized."  At  this  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Council 
and  at  others  held  early  in  April,  Scarouady  expressed  himself  as 
favoring  a  declaration  of  war  by  Pennsylvania  against  the  Dela- 
wares, and  ventured  the  opinion  that  the  Six  Nations  would 
approve  of  such  action.     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  64  to  72.) 

Pennsylvania  Declares  War  Against  Delawares  and 
Shawnees,  and  Offers  Rewards  for  Scalps 

Not  only  Scarouady,  but  many  other  prominent  men,  including 
James  Hamilton,  strongly  urged  that  Pennsylvania  should  de- 
clare war  against  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  and  offer  bounties 
for  their  scalps.  As  a  result  of  the  foregoing  conferences  with 
Scarouady,  Governor  Morris,  on  April  8th,  1756,  delivered  an 
address  to  this  great  sachem  and  Andrew  Montour,  which  had 
been  approved  by  the  Provincial  Council,  in  which  he  said: 

"I  therefore,  by  this  Belt,  declare  War  against  the  Delawares 
and  all  such  as  act  in  conjunction  with  them.  I  offer  you  the 
Hatchet,  and  expect  your  hearty  Concurrence  with  us  in  this 
just  and  Necessary  War.  I  not  only  invite  you,  but  desire  you 
will  send  this  Belt  to  all  your  Friends  everywhere,  as  well  on  the 
Susquehannah,  as  to  the  Six  Nations  and  to  their  Allies,  and 
engage  them  to  join  us  heartily  against  these  false  and  perfidous 
Enemies.  I  promise  you  and  them  Protection  and  Assistance, 
when  you  shall  stand  in  need  of  it  against  your  Enemies. 

"For  the  Encouragement  of  you,  and  all  who  will  join  you  in 
the  Destruction  of  our  Enemies,  I  propose  to  give  the  following 
Bounties  or  Rewards,  Vist:  for  every  Male  Indian  Prisoner 
above  Twelve  Years  Old  that  shall  be  delivered  at  any  of  the 
Government's  Forts,  or  Towns,  One  Hundred  and  Fifty  Dollars. 

"For  every  Female  Prisoner,  or  Male  Prisoner  of  Twelve  years 
old,  one  hundred  and  thirty  Dollars. 


"For  the  Scalp  of  every  male  Indian  of  above  Twelve  Years 
old,  one  hundred  and  thirty  dollars. 

"For  the  scalp  of  every  Indian  Woman,  Fifty  Dollars. 

"To  our  own  People,  I  shall  observe  our  own  forms;  to  you  I 
give  the  Hatchet  according  to  yours. 

"Agreeable  to  your  repeated  Request,  I  am  now  going  to  Build 
a  Fort  at  Shamokin.  Forces  are  raising  for  that  Purpose,  and 
everything  will  soon  be  in  Readiness."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7, 
pages  75  and  76.) 

Having  used  the  Indian  forms  in  declaring  war,  the  Governor 
now  made  good  his  promise  to  Scarouady  to  "observe  our  own 
forms  to  our  own  people."  The  formal  declaration  of  war  and 
the  bounty  offered  for  prisoners  and  scalps  was  signed  by  the 
Commissioners,  James  Hamilton,  Joseph  Fox,  Evan  Morgan, 
John  Mififlin  and  John  Hughes.  Then,  against  the  protests  of 
Samuel  Powell  and  others,  on  behalf  of  the  Quakers,  the  procla- 
mation of  war  against  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  was  "pub- 
lished at  the  Court  House,  on  April  14th,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Provincial  Council,  Supreme  Judges,  Magistrates,  Officers  and  a 
large  Concourse  of  People."  The  language  of  that  part  of  the 
formal  declaration,  relating  to  the  bounties  ofTered  for  Indian 
scalps,  is  as  follows: 

"For  every  male  Indian  enemy  above  twelve  years  old,  who 
shall  be  taken  prisoner  and  delivered  at  any  fort,  garrisoned  by 
the  troops  in  pay  of  this  Province,  or  at  any  of  the  county  towns 
to  the  keepers  of  the  common  jail  there,  the  sum  of  150  Spanish 
dollars  or  pieces  of  eight;  for  the  scalp  of  every  male  enemy  above 
the  age  of  twelve  years,  produced  to  evidence  of  their  being  killed 
the  sum  of  130  pieces  of  eight;  for  every  female  Indian  taken 
prisoner  and  brought  in  as  aforesaid,  and  for  every  male  Indian 
prisoner  under  the  age  of  twelve  years,  taken  and  brought  in  as 
aforesaid,  130  pieces  of  eight;  for  the  scalp  of  every  Indian  wo- 
man, produced  as  evidence  of  their  being  killed,  the  sum  of  fifty 
pieces  of  eight,  and  for  every  English  subject  that  has  been  killed 
and  carried  from  this  Province  into  captivity  that  shall  be  recov- 
ered and  brought  in  and  delivered  at  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  to 
the  Governor  of  this  Province,  the  sum  of  130  pieces  of  eight,  but 
nothing  for  their  scalps;  and  that  there  shall  be  paid  to  every 
officer  or  soldier  as  are  or  shall  be  in  the  pay  of  the  Province  who 
shall  redeem  and  deliver  any  English  subject  carried  into  captivity 
as  aforesaid,  or  shall  take,  bring  in  and  produce  any  enemy  pris- 
oner, or  scalp  as  aforesaid,  one-half  of  the  said  several  and  respec- 


tive  premiums  and  bounties."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.   7,  pages 
88  and  89.) 

The  Scalp  Act  had  the  effect  of  causing  hundreds  of  brave 
warriors  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  who  were  up  to  that  time 
undecided,  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Colony.  "A  mighty 
shout  arose  which  shook  the  very  mountains,  and  all  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees,  except  a  few  old  sachems,  danced  the  war  dance." 

James  Logan,  a  prominent  Quaker  member  of  the  Provincial 
Council,  and  former  Secretary  of  the  same,  opposed  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  though  he  was  a  strict  advocate  of  defensive  warfare. 
Conrad  Weiser  was  in  favor  of  the  declaration  of  war,  but  strongly 
opposed  to  offering  rewards  for  sdalps.  He  said  that  the  Colony 
might  offer  rewards  for  Indian  prisoners,  but  that  a  bounty  for 
scalps  would  certainly  tend  to  aggravate  existing  affairs.  He 
argued  that  anyone  could  bring  in  these  scalps,  and  there  was  no 
means  of  distinguishing  the  scalps  of  friendly  Indians.  "Indeed," 
says  Walton,  "this  was  the  core  of  the  whole  difficulty.  Scalps  of 
friendly  Indians  were  taken,  and  the  peace  negotiations  with  the 
Eastern  Indians  frustrated." 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  displeased  with  Pennsylvania's 
declaration  of  war  and  offering  of  bounties  for  scalps,  at  a  time 
when  a  great  council  was  about  to  be  held  at  Onondaga.  The 
opposition  of  the  Quakers  to  these  measures  was  due  largely  to 
the  fact  that  they  believed  the  Delawares  had  been  unjustly 
treated  by  the  Province,  after  the  Six  Nations  came  into  such 
prominence  in  Pennsylvania's  relations  with  the  Indians.  The 
Quakers  called  attention  to  the  fraudulent  "Walking  Purchase," 
by  which  the  Delawares  had  been  compelled  by  the  Iroquois  to 
surrender  possession  of  their  ancestral  possessions,  and  to  the 
Purchase  of  July,  1754,  by  which  the  Iroquois  sold  the  land  of 
the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  "from  under  their  feet."  The  land 
sales  drove  the  Delawares  from  one  place  to  another.  Wherever 
they  went,  the  land  on  which  they  erected  their  wigwams  was 
sold  by  their  Iroquois  conquerors  without  their  being  consulted 
or  having  any  say  whatever  in  the  matter.  Therefore,  it  is  no 
wonder  that  the  Quakers  sympathized  with  the  Delawares,  the 
affectionate  friends  of  the  greatest  of  the  Quakers,  William  Penn, 
the  Founder  of  the  Province. 

Great  Britain  did  not  declare  war  against  France  until  May 
17th,  1756,  an  act  which  was  not  known  in  Pennsylvania  until 
about  two  months  later.  The  declaration  was  published  at 
Easton,  July  30th,  and  a  little  later  in  Philadelphia. 


Atrocities  in  the  Summer  and 
Autumn  of  1756 

THE  erection  of  frontier  forts,  the  organization  of  military 
companies,  and  the  scalp  bounties  did  not  prevent  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees  from  making  bloody  raids  into  the  settle- 
ments. Crossing  the  mountains  through  the  various  gaps, 
the  Indians  fell  upon  the  settlements  along  the  Conococheague, 
in  Franklin  County,  along  Tuscarora  Creek,  in  Juniata  County, 
also  upon  various  settlements  in  the  counties  of  Perry,  Dauphin, 
Cumberland,  Lebanon,  Schuylkill,  Carbon,  Berks,  Lehigh,  North- 
ampton and  Monroe. 

The  failure  of  the  "Scalp  Act"  to  bring  the  desired  results  is 
seen  in  a  letter  sent  to  Governor  Morris,  on  June  14th,  1756,  by 
the  Commissioners,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Mifflin,  Joseph  Fox, 
Evan  Morgan  and  John  Hughes,  in  which  they  say  that  they  are 
disappointed  in  the  number  of  persons  volunteering  to  "go  out 
on  the  Scalping."    They  then  add: 

"We  think,  however,  that  the  Indians  ought  to  be  persued  and 
Hunted ;  and  as  the  back  Inhabitants  begin  now  to  request  Guards 
to  protect  them  in  getting  in  their  Harvest,  we  submit  it  to  the 
Governor's  Consideration  whether  the  best  means  of  affording 
them  the  Protection  will  not  be  to  order  out  parties  from  the  Forts 
to  range  on  the  West  side  of  Susquehannah,  quite  to  the  Ohio 
and  the  Neighbourhood  of  Fort  Duquesne,  to  Annoy  the  Enemy, 
take  Prisoners,  and  obtain  Intelligence,  which  may  be  of  great 
use,"  etc.    (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  page  153.) 

The  harvest  of  the  summer  of  1756  was,  according  to  Joseph 
Armstrong  and  Adam  Hoops,  the  most  bountiful  in  the  "Memory 
of  Man."  Yet,  on  account  of  the  tomahawk,  rifle,  scalping  knife 
and  torch  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  the  settlers  fled  from 
their  farms,  leaving  their  abundant  crops  of  grain  and  corn  stand- 
ing in  the  fields.    Every  time  an  attempt  was  made  to  harvest  the 


crops,  it  was  necessary  to  guard  the  farmers  by  Provincial  troops. 
Even  then,  many  troops  and  farmers  were  killed  and  captured 
by  the  lurking  foe. 

In  June,  1756,  a  Mr.  Dean,  who  lived  about  a  mile  east  of 
Shippensburg,  Cumberland  County,  was  found  murdered  in  his 
cabin,  his  skull  having  been  cleft  with  a  tomahawk;  and  it  was 
supposed  that  the  deed  was  committed  by  some  Indians  who  had 
been  seen  in  the  neighborhood  the  day  before.  On  the  6th  of  this 
month,  a  short  distance  from  where  Burd's  Run  crosses  the  road 
leading  from  Shippensburg  to  Middle  Spring  Church,  a  band  of 
Indians  killed  John  McKean  and  John  Agnew,  and  captured 
Hugh  Black,  William  Carson,  Andrew  Brown,  James  Ellis  and 
Alex  McBride.  A  party  of  settlers  from  Shippensburg  pursued 
the  Indians  through  McAllister's  Gap  into  Path  Valley.  On  the 
morning  of  the  third  day  of  the  pursuit,  they  met  all  the  prisoners 
except  James  Ellis,  on  their  way  home,  after  having  made  their 
escape.  Ellis  was  never  heard  from  again.  The  pursuers  returned 
with  the  men  who  had  escaped.  A  few  days  before  the  murder  of 
Mr.  Dean,  John  Wasson  was  murdered  and  his  body  frightfully 
mangled,  in  Peters  Township,  Franklin  County. 

On  June  8th,  a  band  of  Indians  crept  up  on  Felix  Wuench  as 
he  was  ploughing  on  his  farm  near  Swatara  Gap,  and  shot  him 
through  the  breast.  The  poor  man  cried  lamentably  and  started 
to  run,  defending  himself  with  a  whip;  but  the  Indians  overtook 
him,  tomahawked  and  scalped  him.  His  wife,  hearing  his  cries 
and  the  report  of  the  guns,  ran  out  of  the  house,  but  was  captured 
with  one  of  her  own  and  two  of  her  sister's  children.  A  servant 
boy  who  saw  this  atrocity  ran  to  a  neighbor  named  George  Miess, 
who,  though  he  had  a  crippled  leg,  ran  directly  after  the  Indians 
and  made  such  a  noise  as  to  scare  them  off. 

On  June  24th,  Indians  attacked  the  home  of  Lawrence  Dieppel, 
in  Bethel  Township,  Berks  County,  carrying  off  two  of  the  chil- 
dren, one  of  whom  they  later  killed  and  scalped.  (Penna.  Gazette, 
June  17th,  1756;  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  page  164.) 

On  June  26,  in  the  same  neighborhood  in  which  the  above 
atrocities  were  committed,  a  band  of  Indians  surprised  and 
scalped  Franz  Albert  and  Jacob  Handschue,  also  two  boys, 
Frederick  Weiser  and  John  George  Miess,  who  were  plowing  in 
the  field  of  a  settler  named  Fischer.  (See  "Frontier  Forts,"  Vol. 
I,  page  65.) 


Burning  of  Bingham's  Fort 

On  June  11th  or  12th,  1756,  Bingham's  Fort,  the  stockaded 
home  of  Samuel  Bingham,  or  Bigham,  in  Tuscarora  Township, 
Juniata  County,  was  attacked  and  burned  by  a  band  of  Indians 
led  by  the  Delaware  chief.  King  Beaver.  All  the  occupants  of 
the  fort  were  either  killed  or  captured.  On  the  day  of  the  attack, 
John  Gray  and  Francis  Innis  were  returning  from  Carlisle,  where 
they  had  gone  for  salt.  As  they  were  descending  the  Tuscarora 
Mountain,  in  a  narrow  defile,  Gray's  horse  taking  fright  at  a  bear 
which  crossed  the  road,  became  unmanageable  and  threw  him  off. 
Innis,  anxious  to  see  his  wife  and  family,  went  on,  but  Gray  was 
detained  for  nearly  two  hours  in  catching  his  horse  and  righting 
his  pack.  In  the  meantime,  Innis  pressed  on  rapidly  toward  the 
fort.  What  happened  to  him,  we  shall  presently  see.  John 
Gray's  detention  saved  him  from  death  or  capture.  He  arrived 
at  the  fort  just  in  time  to  see  the  last  of  its  timbers  consumed. 
With  a  heart  full  of  anguish,  he  examined  the  charred  remains  of 
the  bodies  inside  the  fort,  in  an  efifort  to  ascertain  whether  any 
were  those  of  his  family.  It  subsequently  was  found  that  his 
wife,  Hannah,  and  his  only  daughter,  Jane,  three  years  of  age, 
were  among  the  captured. 

The  Pennsylvania  Gaze//e,  June  24th,  1756,  gave  the  following 
list  of  persons  killed  and  captured  on  this  occasion : 

"The  following  is  a  list  of  persons  killed  and  missing  at  Bing- 
ham's Fort,  namely:  George  Woods,  Nathaniel  Bingham,  Robert 
Taylor,  his  wife  and  two  children,  Francis  Innis,  his  wife  and  three 
children,  John  McDonnell,  Hannah  Gray  and  one  child,  missing. 
Some  of  these  are  supposed  to  be  burnt  in  the  fort,  as  a  number  of 
bones  were  found  there.  Susan  Giles  was  found  dead  and  scalped 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort.  Robert  Cochran  and  Thomas 
McKinney  found  dead  and  scalped.  Alexander  McAllister  and 
his  wife,  James  Adams,  Jane  Cochran  and  two  children  missed. 
McAllister's  house  was  burned  and  a  number  of  cattle  and  horses 
driven  off.  The  enemy  was  supposed  to  be  numerous,  as  they  did 
eat  and  carry  off  a  great  deal  of  beef  they  had  killed." 

All  the  prisoners  taken  at  Bingham's  Fort  were  marched  to 
Kittanning  and  from  there  to  Fort  Duquesne,  where  they  were 
parceled  out  and  adopted  by  the  Indians.  George  Woods,  one  of 
these  prisoners,  was  given  to  an  Indian  named  John  Hutson,  who 
removed  him  to  his  own  wigwam.  Woods  later  purchased  his 
ransom,  and  returned  to  the  settlements.     He  was  a  surveyor, 


and  followed  this  vocation  in  the  counties  of  Juniata,  Bedford 
and  Allegheny.  When  Pittsburgh  was  laid  out,  in  1784,  he 
assisted  in  this  work,  and  one  of  its  principal  streets.  Wood  Street, 
is  named  for  him. 

Hannah  Gray  and  her  daughter,  Jane,  were  carried  to  Canada. 
Later  in  the  summer  of  1756,  her  husband,  John  Gray,  joined 
Colonel  John  Armstrong's  expedition  against  Kittanning,  in  the 
hope  of  either  recovering  his  wife  and  daughter  or  gaining  some 
intelligence  of  their  whereabouts.  He  returned  disappointed, 
and  a  few  years  thereafter  died.  After  about  four  years  of  cap- 
tivity, Mrs.  Gray,  by  the  assistance  of  some  traders,  made  her 
escape,  and  reached  her  home  in  safety,  but  unhappily,  was 
compelled  to  leave  her  daughter  with  the  Indians.  The  little 
girl  never  returned.  At  the  close  of  Pontiac's  War,  many  children, 
captured  by  the  Indians  during  this  and  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  were  delivered  up  to  Colonel  Bouquet,  and  brought  to 
Carlisle  and  Philadelphia  to  be  recognized  and  claimed  by  their 
relatives  and  friends.  Mrs.  Gray,  at  Philadelphia,  searched  in 
vain  among  these  returned  captives  for  her  daughter,  and  then 
took  one  of  them,  a  girl  of  about  her  daughter's  age.  The  taking 
of  this  child  in  the  place  of  her  own  daughter  brought  on  a  famous 
law  suit  over  the  title  of  the  farm  her  husband  had  devised  to  her 
and  the  daughter  in  case  they  returned  from  captivity.  This  law 
suit  is  known  as  "Frederick  et  al.  versus  Gray.  It  finally  reached 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  and  is  reported  in  the  Reports 
of  this  tribunal,  in  No.  10  Sergeant  and  Rawle,  pages  182  to  188. 

Francis  Innis  and  his  wife  were  sold  to  the  French  and  taken  to 
Canada  in  December,  1756,  after  the  wife  had  been  severely  in- 
jured in  running  the  gauntlet.  While  the  Indians  were  taking  the 
family  to  Montreal,  they  put  the  youngest  of  the  children,  who 
was  sickly,  under  the  ice  of  one  of  the  rivers.  While  in  Montreal, 
another  child,  James,  was  born.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Innis  were  re- 
leased by  the  French,  and  returned  to  their  home.  Their  sur- 
viving children  remained  among  the  Indians  until  the  autumn  of 
1764,  when  they  were  delivered  up  to  Colonel  Bouquet,  and  soon 
returned  to  their  parents.  (Frontier  Forts  of  Penna.,  Vol.  1, 
pages  586  to  591 ;  Day's  Historical  Collections,"  pages  383  to  385.) 

Capture  of  John  McCullough 

On  July  26th  the  Indians  entered  the  valley  of  the  Conoco- 
cheague,  in  Franklin  County,  killing  Joseph  Martin,  and  taking 


captive  two  brothers,  John  and  James  McCullough.  James  Mc- 
Cullough,  the  father  of  these  boys,  had  only  a  few  years  before 
removed  from  Delaware  into  what  is  now  Montgomery  Town- 
ship, Franklin  County.  At  the  time  of  this  Indian  incursion,  the 
McCullough  family  were  residing  temporarily  in  a  cabin  three 
miles  from  their  home,  and  the  parents  and  their  daughter,  Mary, 
on  the  day  of  the  capture,  went  home  to  pull  flax.  A  neighbor, 
named  John  Allen,  who  had  business  at  Fort  Loudon,  accom- 
panied them  to  their  home,  and  promised  to  return  that  way  in 
the  evening,  and  accompany  them  back  to  their  cabin.  However, 
he  did  not  keep  his  promise,  and  returned  by  a  circuitous  route. 
When  he  reached  the  McCullough  cabin  on  his  return,  he  told 
John  and  James  to  hide,  that  Indians  were  near  and  that  he  sup- 
posed they  had  killed  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McCullough,  John  was  but 
eight  years  old,  and  James  but  five  at  the  time.  They  alarmed 
their  neighbors,  but  none  would  volunteer  to  go  to  the  Mc- 
Cullough home  to  warn  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McCullough,  being  too 
much  interested  in  making  preparations  to  hurry  to  the  fort  a 
mile  distant  for  safety. 

Then  the  boys  determined  to  warn  their  parents  themselves. 
Leaving  their  little  sister,  Elizabeth,  aged  two,  asleep  in  bed,  they 
proceeded  to  a  point  where  they  could  see  the  McCullough  home, 
and  began  to  shout.  When  they  had  reached  a  point  about  sixty 
yards  from  the  house,  five  Indians  and  a  Frenchman,  who  had 
been  secreted  in  the  thicket,  rushed  upon  them  and  took  them 
captive.  The  parents  were  not  captured,  inasmuch  as  the  father, 
hearing  the  boys  shout,  had  left  his  work  and  thus  the  Indians 
missed  him,  and  they  failed  to  notice  the  mother  and  Mary  at 
work  in  the  field. 

John  and  James  were  taken  to  Fort  Duquesne.  From  this 
place  James  was  carried  to  Canada,  and  all  trace  of  him  became 
lost.  John  was  taken  to  Kittanning,  Kuskuskies,  Shenango, 
Mahoning  and  the  Muskingum,  was  adopted  by  the  Delawares, 
and  remained  among  them  for  nine  years  until  liberated  by 
Colonel  Bouquet  in  the  autumn  of  1764.  At  one  time  his  father 
came  to  Venango  (Franklin)  to  recover  him,  and  at  another  time 
to  Mahoning,  for  the  same  purpose,  but  the  boy  had  been  so  long 
among  the  Indians  that  he  preferred  the  Indian  life  to  returning 
with  his  father,  and  succeeded  in  eluding  him.  After  his  liberation 
by  Colonel  Bouquet,  he  returned  to  the  community  from  which 
he  had  been  taken  nine  years  before,  and  lived  there  nearly  sixty 
years.     He  wrote  a  most  interesting  account  of  his  captivity, 


which  sheds  much  Hght  on  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Dela- 
wares  at  that  time. 

Other  Outrages  In  Perry,  Franklin  and 
and  Cumberland  Counties 

During  the  same  month  (July),  Hugh  Robinson  was  captured 
and  his  mother  killed  at  Robinson's  Fort,  in  Perry  County.  Hugh, 
after  being  carried  to  the  western  part  of  the  state,  made  his  es- 
cape. Also,  during  this  same  month  a  number  of  Indians  ap- 
peared near  Fort  Robinson,  killed  the  daughter  of  Robert  Miller, 
the  wife  of  James  Wilson,  and  a  Mrs.  Gibson,  and  captured  Hugh 
Gibson  and  Betty  Henry. 

Robert  Robinson,  in  his  Narrative,  says  that  nearly  all  the 
occupants  of  the  fort  were  out  in  the  harvest  fields  reaping  their 
grain,  when  the  Indians  waylaid  the  place.  The  reapers,  forty 
in  number,  returned  to  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  then  fled.  While 
one  of  the  Indians  was  scalping  the  wife  of  James  Wilson,  Robert 
Robinson  shot  and  wounded  him.  The  captives  were  taken  to 

Hugh  Gibson  was  14  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  capture.  He 
was  adopted  by  an  Indian,  named  Busqueetam,  who  was  lame 
from  a  knife  wound,  received  when  skinning  a  deer.  Gibson  had 
to  build  a  lodge  for  the  Indian.  At  one  time  the  lodge  fell  down 
on  the  Indian  and  injured  him.  He  then  called  for  his  knife  and 
ordered  Gibson  and  some  Indians  to  carry  him  into  another  hut. 
While  they  were  carrying  the  Indian,  Gibson  saw  him  hunt  for 
the  knife  and  Gibson's  Indian  mother  concealed  it.  When  they 
put  the  Indian  to  bed,  the  Indian  mother  ordered  Gibson  to  con- 
ceal himself,  and  he  afterwards  heard  the  Indian  reprove  his  wife 
for  hiding  the  knife.  The  old  Indian  soon  forgot  his  anger  and 
treated  Gibson  well  thereafter. 

Sometime  later  all  the  prisoners  were  collected  to  see  the  torture 
of  a  woman  prisoner.  She  had  fled  to  the  white  men  at  the  time 
Colonel  Armstrong  burned  Kittanning.  They  stripped  her  naked, 
bound  her  to  a  post  and  applied  hot  irons  to  her,  while  the  skin 
stuck  to  the  irons  at  every  touch.  Thus  was  she  tortured  to 

Also,  in  July,  1756,  a  band  of  Indians  attacked  the  plantation 
of  Robert  Baskins,  who  lived  near  Baskinsville  railroad  station. 
They  murdered  Mr.  Baskins,  burned  his  house,  and  captured  his 
wife  and  children.    Part  of  the  same  band  captured  Hugh  Carroll 


and  his  family.  The  Indians,  committing  these  outrages,  were 
Delawares,  who  had  come  down  the  Juniata  into  Perry  County 
after  having  appeared  near  Fort  Granville,  July  22nd,  and 
challenged  the  garrison  to  fight — a  challenge  which  was  declined 
on  account  of  the  weakness  of  the  garrison. 

About  the  same  time,  according  to  Egle's  "History  of  Penn- 
sylvania," a  band  of  Indians  murdered  a  family  of  seven  persons, 
on  Sherman's  Creek,  Perry  County,  and  then  passed  over  the 
Kittatinny  or  Blue  Mountains  at  Sterrett's  Gap,  wounding  a  man 
and  capturing  a  Mrs.  Boyle,  her  two  sons  and  a  daughter,  living 
on  Conodoguinet  Creek,  Cumberland  County.  These  are 
probably  the  same  atrocities  mentioned  by  Colonel  John  Arm- 
strong in  a  letter  written  from  Carlisle  to  Governor  Morris,  on 
July  23d,  1756,  and  recorded  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  719, 
in  which  he  says: 

"Being  just  got  home,  I  am  unable  to  furnish  your  Honor  with 
the  Occurrences  of  these  two  days  past,  in  which  time  the  Indians 
have  begun  to  take  advantage  of  the  Harvest  Season.  Seven 
people  on  this  side  of  the  Kittatinney  Hills  being  Kill'd  and  miss- 
ing within  this  county,  and  two  on  the  South  Side  of  the  Tem- 
porary line." 

About  this  time,  occurred  the  Williamson  and  Nicholson  trag- 
edies in  Mifflin  Township,  Cumberland  County,  though  neither 
the  date  nor  the  details  of  the  same  can  be  definitely  set  forth. 
It  seems  that  eight  or  nine  members  of  the  Williamson  family,  all 
except  Mrs.  Williamson  and  her  babe,  were  victims  of  the  toma- 
hawk, rifle  and  scalping  knife  of  the  Indians.  Mr.  Nicholson  was 
shot  at  the  door  of  his  cabin,  but  his  wife  and  brother  within,  suc- 
ceeded in  keeping  the  Indians  at  bay  until  morning,  when  they 
left  the  neighborhood.  Tradition  says  that  the  mother  and 
brother  each  mounted  a  horse,  the  former  carrying  two  children 
and  the  latter  his  slain  brother,  and  rode  to  Shippensburg,  where 
they  buried  the  murdered  man.  (See  "History  of  Cumberland 
and  Adams  Counties,"  Werner,  Beers  and  Co.,  Chicago,  1886, 
pages  308,  309.) 

Probably  during  the  summer  of  1756,  though  Loudon  gives  the 
date  as  April  2nd,  1757,  William  McKinney,  who  had  sought 
shelter  with  his  family  at  Fort  Chambers,  where  Chambersburg, 
Franklin  County,  now  stands,  ventured  out  of  the  fort,  accom- 
panied by  his  son,  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  his  dwelling  and 
plantation.    They  were  surprised  by  the  Indians,  and  both  were 


killed  and  scalped.  Their  bodies  were  brought  to  the  fort  and 
buried.     (Frontier  Forts  of  Penna.,  Vol.  1,  page  532.) 

Egle,  in  his  "History  of  Pennsylvania,"  mentions  another 
tragedy  which,  he  says  happened  in  Franklin  County,  in  the 
summer  of  1756,  as  follows: 

"William  Mitchell,  an  inhabitant  of  Conococheague,  had  col- 
lected a  number  of  reapers  to  cut  down  his  grain;  having  gone 
out  to  the  field,  the  reapers  all  laid  down  their  guns  at  the  fence, 
and  set  in  to  reap.  The  Indians  suffered  them  to  reap  on  for 
some  time,  till  they  got  out  in  the  open  field.  They  secured  their 
guns,  killed  and  captured  every  one." 

James  Young's  letter,  written  at  Carlisle  on  July  22nd,  1756, 
and  recorded  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  716  and  717,  describes 
other  atrocities,  committed  in  Franklin  and  Cumberland  counties 
during  the  terrible  summer  of  which  we  are  writing: 

"On  the  20th  Inst.,  in  the  morning,  a  party  of  Indians  Surpriz'd 
two  of  Captain  Steel's  [Rev.  John  Steel]  men  on  this  side  McDow- 
ell's mill;  they  killed  and  scalped  one;  the  other  they  carried  off; 
the  Reapers  made  their  escape;  also,  one  of  the  soldiers  from  Mc- 
Dowell's Mill  that  went  with  two  Women  to  the  Spring  for  some 
water  is  missing;  the  women  got  off  safe  to  the  fort,  and  almost 
at  the  same  time,  a  man  and  a  women  were  scalped  a  few  miles 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mill.  And  yesterday  morning,  Eight 
Indians  came  to  the  house  of  Jacob  Peeble,  near  the  great  Spring 
and  McCluker's  Gap,  about  ten  miles  from  this  place,  on  this 
side  the  mountain;  they  killed  an  Old  Woman  and  carried  off 
two  children,  and  an  old  man  is  missing;  they  pursued  a  boy  who 
was  on  horse  back  a  long  way,  but  he  escaped ;  there  were  some 
people  Reaping  at  a  small  distance  from  the  house,  but  knew 
nothing  of  what  was  doing  at  home,  for  the  Indians  did  not  fire 
a  Gun  ...  A  party  went  from  this  town  to  bury  the  dead,  and 
are  returned  again;  they  inform  me  that  the  Country  People  are 
all  leaving  their  houses  to  come  down,  as  there  is  great  reason  to 
fear  many  more  Indians  will  soon  be  among  them." 

On  August  28th,  according  to  Loudon,  Betty  Ramsey,  her  son 
and  cropper  were  killed,  and  her  daughter  was  taken  captive, 
probably  in  Franklin  County.  This  same  authority  relates  that 
on  one  occasion,  probably  in  1756,  a  band  of  Indians  came  into 
the  valley  of  the  Conococheague,  and  killed  and  scalped  many 
persons,  whereupon  a  large  party  of  settlers  pursued  them,  over- 
taking them  on  Sideling  Hill,  and  compelling  them  to  flee  leaving 
their  guns  behind. 


At  the  time  of  these  murders,  incursions  were  being  made  into 
that  part  of  Maryland  lying  south  of  Franklin  County,  Pennsyl- 
vania. On  August  27th,  occurred  the  terrible  massacre  on  Salis- 
bury plain,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Conococheague,  in  which 
thirty-nine  persons  were  killed.  An  attack  was  made  on  a 
funeral  party,  in  which  fifteen  were  killed  and  many  wounded. 
The  same  day  six  men  went  from  Israel  Baker's  on  a  scout.  Of 
these,  four  were  killed,  one  was  captured,  and  another,  though 
wounded,  escaped.  The  same  day,  also,  some  soldiers  going  from 
Shirley's  Fort,  were  killed  and  captured.  On  the  following  day 
Captain  Emmett  and  a  party  of  scouts  were  attacked  while  cross- 
ing the  South  Mountain.  Three  of  them  were  killed  and  two 

Massacre  Near  McDowell's  Mill 

Early  in  November,  1756,  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Conoco- 
cheague, in  Franklin  County,  was  again  devastated  and  many  of 
its  inhabitants  were  killed  by  the  hostile  Indians.  Robert 
Callender,  writing  from  Carlisle,  on  November  4th,  thus  in- 
formed Governor  Denny  of  these  atrocities: 

"This  Day  I  received  Advice  from  Fort  McDowell  that,  on 
Monday  or  Tuesday  last,  one  Samuel  Perry,  and  his  two  Sons 
went  from  the  Fort  to  their  Plantation,  and  not  returning  at  the 
Time  they  proposed,  the  Commanding  Ofificer  there  sent  a  Cor- 
poral and  fourteen  Men  to  know  the  Cause  of  their  Stay,  who  not 
finding  them  at  the  Plantation,  they  marched  back  towards  the 
Fort,  and  on  their  Return  found  the  said  Perry  killed  and  scalped, 
and  covered  over  with  Leaves;  immediately  after  a  Party  of 
Indians,  in  Number  about  thirty,  appeared  and  attacked  the 
Soldiers,  who  returned  the  Fire,  and  fought  for  Sometime  until 
four  of  our  People  fell ;  the  rest  then  made  off,  and  six  of  them  got 
into  the  fort,  but  what  became  of  the  rest  is  not  yet  known;  there 
are  also  two  families  cut  off,  but  cannot  tell  the  Number  of 
People.  It  is  likewise  reported  that  the  Enemy  in  their  Retreat 
burnt  a  Quantity  of  Grain  and  sundry  Houses  in  the  Coves." 
(Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  29.) 

Four  days  later.  Colonel  John  Armstrong  wrote  Governor 
Denny,  from  Carlisle,  giving  the  list  of  the  killed  and  missing  in 
this  bloody  raid,  as  follows: 

"Soldiers  Kill'd — James  and  William  McDonald,  Bartholomew 
McCafferty,  Anthony  McQuoid. 


"Of  the  Inhabitants  Kill'd— John  Culbertson,  Samuel  Perry, 
Hugh  Kerrel,  John  Woods,  with  his  Wife  and  Mother-in-law, 
Elizabeth  Archer,  Wife  to  J  no.  Archer. 

"Soldiers  Missing — James  McCorkem,  William  Cornwall. 

"Of  the  Inhabitants  Missing — Four  Children  belonging  to 
John  Archer,  Samuel  Neely,  a  Boy,  James  McQuoid,  a  Child." 
(Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  pages  40  and  41.) 

Attack  on  the  Boyer  Family 

Sometime  during  the  summer  of  1756,  though  authorities  differ 
as  to  the  exact  date,  occurred  the  attack  on  the  Boyer  family, 
who  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Lehigh,  at  Lehigh  Gap.  The 
"Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania"  thus  describes  this  event: 

"His  [Boyer's]  place  was  about  IJ^  miles  east  of  the  Fort,  on 
land  now  owned  by  Josiah  Arner,  James  Ziegenfuss  and  George 
Kunkle.  With  the  other  farmers  he  had  gathered  his  family  into 
the  blockhouse  for  protection.  One  day,  however,  with  his  son 
Frederick,  then  thirteen  years  old,  and  the  other  children,  he 
went  home  to  attend  to  the  crops.  Mr.  Boyer  was  ploughing  and 
Fred  was  hoeing,  whilst  the  rest  of  the  children  were  in  the  house 
or  playing  near  by.  Without  any  warning  they  were  surprised 
by  the  appearance  of  Indians.  Mr.  Boyer,  seeing  them,  called  to 
Fred  to  run,  and  himself  endeavored  to  reach  the  house.  Finding 
he  could  not  do  so,  he  ran  towards  the  creek,  and  was  shot  through 
the  head  as  he  reached  the  farther  side.  Fred,  who  had  escaped  to 
the  wheat  field,  was  captured  and  brought  back.  The  Indians, 
having  scalped  the  father  in  his  presence,  took  the  horses  from  the 
plough,  his  sisters  and  himself,  and  started  for  Stone  Hill,  in  the 
rear  of  the  house.  There  they  were  joined  by  another  party  of 
Indians  and  marched  northward  to  Canada.  On  the  march  the 
sisters  were  separated  from  their  brother  and  never  afterwards 
heard  from.  Frederick  was  a  prisoner  with  the  French  and  In- 
dians in  Canada  for  five  years,  and  was  then  sent  to  Philadelphia. 
Of  Mrs.  Boyer,  who  remained  in  the  blockhouse,  nothing  further 
is  known.  After  reaching  Philadelphia,  Frederick  made  his  way 
to  Lehigh  Gap,  and  took  possession  of  the  farm.  Shortly  after  he 
married  a  daughter  of  Conrad  Mehrkem,  with  whom  he  had  four 
sons  and  four  daughters.  He  died  October  31,  1832,  aged  89 


Murder  at  the  Bloody  Spring 

During  July,  Samuel  Miles  and  Lieutenant  Atlee  were  am- 
bushed by  three  Indians  near  a  spring  about  half  a  mile  from  Fort 
Augusta,  at  Sunbury.  A  soldier  who  had  come  to  the  spring  for  a 
drink,  was  killed.  Miles  and  Atlee  made  their  escape.  A  rescuing 
party  came  out  from  the  fort,  and  found  the  soldier  scalped,  with 
his  blood  trickling  into  the  spring,  giving  its  waters  a  crimson 
hue.  The  spring  was  ever  afterwards  called  the  Bloody  Spring. 
(Frontier  Forts  of  Penna.,  Vol.  1,  page  362.) 

Captain  Jacobs  Captures  Fort  Granville 

On  August  1st,  1756,  the  Delaware  chief.  Captain  Jacobs,  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  his  tribe  from  Kittanning,  accompanied  by 
some  French  soldiers,  captured  and  burned  Fort  Granville,  on 
the  Juniata,  near  Lewistown,  Mifflin  County.  We  quote  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  this  event  from  the  "Frontier  Forts  of  Penn- 

"The  attack  upon  Fort  Granville  was  made  in  harvest  time  of 
the  year  1756.  The  Fort  at  this  time  was  commanded  by  Lieut. 
Armstrong,  a  brother  of  Colonel  Armstrong,  who  destroyed  Kit- 
tanning.  The  Indians,  who  had  been  lurking  about  this  fort  for 
some  time,  and  knowing  that  Armstrong's  men  were  few  in  num- 
ber, sixty  of  them  appeared,  July  22nd,  before  the  fort,  and  chal- 
lenged the  garrison  to  a  fight;  but  this  was  declined  by  the  com- 
mander in  consequence  of  the  weakness  of  his  force.  The  Indians 
fired  at  and  wounded  one  man,  who  had  been  a  short  way  from  it, 
yet  he  got  in  safe;  after  which  they  divided  themselves  into  small 
parties,  one  of  which  attacked  the  plantation  of  one  Baskins,  near 
the  Juniata,  whom  they  murdered,  burnt  his  house  and  carried  off 
his  wife  and  children.  Another  made  Hugh  Carroll  and  his 
family  prisoners. 

"On  the  30th  of  July,  1756,  Capt.  Edward  Ward,  the  com- 
mandant of  Granville,  marched  from  the  fort  with  a  detachment 
of  men  from  the  garrison,  destined  for  Tuscarora  Valley,  where 
they  were  needed  as  guard  to  the  settlers  while  they  were  engaged 
in  harvesting  their  grain.  The  party  under  Capt.  Ward  embraced 
the  greater  part  of  the  defenders  of  the  fort,  under  command  of 
Lieut.  Edward  Armstrong.  Soon  after  the  departure  of  Capt. 
Ward's  detachment,  the  fort  was  surrounded  by  the  hostile  force 
of  French  and  Indians,  who  immediately  made  an  attack,  which 


they  continued  in  their  skulking,  Indian  manner  through  the 
afternoon  and  following  night,  but  without  being  able  to  inflict 
much  damage  on  the  whites.  Finally,  after  many  hours  had  been 
spent  in  their  unsuccessful  attacks,  the  Indians  availed  themselves 
of  the  protection  afforded  by  a  deep  ravine,  up  which  they  passed 
from  the  river  bank  to  within  twelve  or  fifteen  yards  of  the  fort, 
and  from  that  secure  position,  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  logs 
and  burning  out  a  large  hole,  through  which  they  fired  on  the 
defenders,  killing  the  commanding  officer,  Lieut.  Armstrong,  and 
one  private  soldier  and  wounding  three  others. 

"They  then  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  fort  and  garrison, 
promising  to  spare  their  lives  if  the  demand  was  acceded  to. 
Upon  this,  a  man  named  John  Turner,  previously  a  resident  in  the 
Buffalo  valley,  opened  the  gates  and  the  besiegers  at  once  entered 
and  took  possession,  capturing  as  prisoners  twenty-two  men, 
three  women  and  a  number  of  children.  The  fort  was  burned  by 
the  chief,  Jacobs,  by  order  of  the  French  officer  in  command,  and 
the  savages  then  departed,  driving  before  them  their  prisoners, 
heavily  burdened  with  the  plunder  taken  from  the  fort  and  the 
settlers'  houses,  which  they  had  robbed  and  burned.  On  their 
arrival  at  the  Indian  rendezvous  at  Kittanning,  all  the  prisoners 
were  cruelly  treated,  and  Turner,  the  man  who  had  opened  the 
gate  at  the  fort  to  the  savages,  suffered  the  cruel  death  by  burning 
at  the  stake,  enduring  the  most  horrible  torment  that  could  be 
inflicted  upon  him  for  a  period  of  three  hours,  during  which 
time  red  hot  gun  barrels  were  forced  through  parts  of  his  body, 
his  scalp  torn  from  his  head  and  burning  splinters  were  stuck  in 
his  flesh,  until  at  last  an  Indian  boy  was  held  up  for  the  purpose 
who  sunk  a  hatchet  in  the  brain  of  the  victim  and  so  released  him 
from  this  cruel  torture." 

Colonel  John  Armstrong,  brother  of  Lieutenant  Edward  Arm- 
strong who  was  killed  at  the  destruction  of  Fort  Granville,  wrote 
Governor  Morris,  from  Carlisle,  on  August  20th,  giving  additional 
details  of  this  event.  Lieutenant  Armstrong  behaved  with  great- 
est bravery  to  the  last,  "despising  all  the  Terrors  and  Threats  of 
the  Enemy,  whereby  they  Often  urged  him  to  Surrender.  Tho' 
he  had  been  near  two  Days  without  Water,  but  a  little  Ammuni- 
tion left,  the  Fort  on  Fire,  and  the  Enemy  situate  within  twelve 
or  fourteen  Yards  of  the  Fort,  he  was  as  far  from  Yielding  as 
when  at  first  attacked.  A  French  Man  in  our  Service,  fearful  of 
being  burned  up,  asked  leave  of  the  Lieutenant  to  treat  with  his 
Country  Men  in  the  French  Language.  The  Lieutenant  answered, 


'The  First  word  of  French  you  speak  in  this  Engagement,  I'll 
blow  your  brains  out,'  telling  his  Men  to  hold  out  bravely  for 
the  flame  was  falling  and  he  would  soon  have  it  extinguished,  but 
soon  after  received  the  fatal  Ball.  The  French  Officers  refused 
the  Soldiers  the  Liberty  of  interring  his  Corps,  though  it  was  to 
be  done  in  an  instant,  where  they  raised  the  Clay  to  quench  the 

The  above  information  came  to  Colonel  Armstrong  from  Peter 
Walker,  one  of  the  captives  taken  at  Fort  Granville  and  later 
escaping.  Walker  had  been  informed  by  an  interpreter  for  the 
French,  named  McDowell,  that  the  Indians  "designed  very  soon 
to  attack  Fort  Shirley  with  four  hundred  men,"  and  that  "Cap- 
tain Jacobs  said  he  could  take  any  Fort  that  would  Catch  Fire, 
and  would  make  Peace  with  the  English  when  they  had  learned 
him  to  make  Gunpowder."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  231  to 

For  many  years,  the  friendly  Shawnee  chief,  Kishacoquillas, 
lived  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek  of  this  name,  a  few  miles  from 
Fort  Granville.  He  died  in  the  summer  of  1754.  He  was  a  firm 
friend  of  Arthur  Buchanan,  who  lived  near  Fort  Granville. 
Some  of  the  followers  of  Kishacoquillas  are  said  to  have  warned 
Buchanan  and  his  sons  of  the  expected  attack  on  the  fort,  en- 
abling them  and  their  families  to  escape  to  Carlisle. 

The  destruction  of  Fort  Granville  exposed  the  whole  western 
frontier  to  Indian  incursions.  Settlers  fled  in  terror  from  the 
Juniata  Valley,  Sherman's  Valley,  the  Tuscarora  Valley,  and  the 
valleys  of  the  Conococheague  and  Conodoguinet.  Rev.  Thomas 
Barton,  writing  from  Carlisle,  on  August  22nd,  described  the 
dismal  situation  on  the  frontier,  as  follows: 

"I  came  here  this  Morning,  where  all  is  Confusion.  Such  a 
Panick  has  seized  the  Hearts  of  the  People  in  general,  since  the 
Reduction  of  Fort  Granville,  that  this  County  is  almost  relin- 
quished, and  Marsh  Creek  in  York  [Adams]  County  is  become  a 
Frontier."    (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  page  756.) 

Captain  Jacobs 

Captain  Jacobs,  the  destroyer  of  Fort  Granville,  was  one  of  the 
Delaware  chiefs  who  took  up  arms  against  Pennsylvania  after 
Braddock's  defeat.  He  had  at  one  time  resided  near  Lewistown, 
where  he  sold  lands  to  Colonel  Buchanan,  who  gave  him  the 
name  of  Captain  Jacobs,  because  of  his  close  resemblance  to  a 


burly  German  in  Cumberland  County.  Later  he  resided  at 
"Jacob's  Cabin,"  not  far  from  Mount  Pleasant,  Westmoreland 
County.  His  principal  residence  was  the  famous  Indian  town  of 
Kittanning,  Armstrong  County,  which,  as  we  have  seen  in  an 
earlier  chapter,  was  the  first  town  established  by  the  Delawares 
on  their  migration  into  the  Allegheny  Valley  with  the  consent  of 
the  Iroquois  Confederation.  From  this  town,  he  and  that  other 
noted  chief,  Shingas,  led  many  an  expedition  against  the  frontier 
settlements.  In  our  next  chapter,  we  shall  record  the  fate  that 
befell  Captain  Jacobs  at  the  hands  of  Colonel  John  Armstrong. 

Murders  Near  Brown's  Fort  and  Fort  Swatara 

On  August  6th,  1756,  a  soldier  named  Jacob  Ellis,  of  Brown's 
Fort,  located  several  miles  north  of  Grantville,  Dauphin  County, 
desired  to  cut  some  wheat  on  his  farm,  a  few  miles  from  the  fort, 
and,  accordingly,  took  with  him  a  squad  of  ten  soldiers  as  a  guard. 
At  about  ten  o'clock,  a  band  of  Indians  crept  up  on  the  reapers, 
shot  the  corporal  dead,  and  wounded  another  of  the  soldiers. 
After  this  attack,  a  soldier  named  Brown  was  missing,  and  the 
next  morning  his  body  was  found  near  the  harvest  field.  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  738,  740.) 

On  October  12th,  1756,  a  band  of  Shawnees  entered  the  neigh- 
borhood near  where  the  murders  of  August  6th  were  committed. 
Adam  Read,  writing  from  his  stockaded  residence,  on  Swatara 
Creek,  in  East  Hanover  Township,  Lebanon  County,  thus  de- 
scribes the  murder  of  Noah  Frederick,  by  this  hostile  band : 

"Last  Tuesday,  the  12th  of  this  Instant,  ten  Indians  came  on 
Noah  Frederick  plowing  in  his  Field,  killed  and  Scalped  him,  and 
carried  away  three  of  his  Children  that  was  with  him,  the  eldest 
but  Nine  Years  old,  plundered  his  House,  and  carried  away 
every  thing  that  suited  their  purpose,  such  as  Cloaths,  Bread, 
Butter,  a  Saddle  and  good  Riffle  Gun,  it  being  but  two  short  miles 
from  Captain  Smith's  Fort  [Fort  Swatara,  in  Union  Township, 
Lebanon  County],  at  Swatawro  Gap,  and  a  little  better  than  two 
from  my  House."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  page  303.) 

Noah  Frederick's  wife  and  small  daughter  were  at  the  barn, 
where  the  mother  was  threshing  the  seed  wheat,  when  the  Indians 
made  their  appearance.  They  saw  the  murderers  in  time  to  make 
their  escape.  The  captured  children,  one  of  whom  was  named 
Thomas,  after  a  few  days  of  captivity,  were  separated.  They 
never  met  again.    Thomas  was  carried  to  the  Muskingum,  where 


he  grew  up  with  the  Indians  and  was  given  the  name,  Kee-saw- 
so-so.  He  was  one  of  the  prisoners  deUvered  up  by  the  Shawnees 
at  the  close  of  Pontiac's  War,  most  Hkely  at  Fort  Pitt,  on  May 
9th,  1765.  He  then  went  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  learned  the 
shoemaker  trade.  Several  years  later,  he  went  to  the  neighbor- 
hood where  he  had  been  captured.  Here  he  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  find  his  mother,  who  identified  him  by  a  certain  scar  on  his 
neck.  He  left  numerous  descendants,  among  whom  is  C.  W. 
Frederick,  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  who  furnished  the  author  with 
some  of  the  material  used  in  this  paragraph. 

The  above  letter  of  Adam  Read  describes  other  atrocities  in 
the  same  neighborhood  in  which  Noah  Frederick  was  killed : 

"Yesterday  Morning,  two  miles  from  Smith's  Fort,  at  Swataro, 
in  Bethel  Township,  as  Jacob  Fornwall  was  going  from  the  House 
of  Jacob  Meyler  to  his  own,  he  was  fired  upon  by  two  Indians 
and  wounded,  but  escaped  with  his  life,  and  a  little  after,  in  the 
said  Township,  as  Frederick  Henley  and  Peter  Stample  was 
carrying  away  their  Goods  in  Waggons,  was  met  by  a  parcel  of 
Indians  and  all  killed,  five  lying  Dead  in  one  place  and  one  man 
at  a  little  distance,  but  what  more  is  done  is  not  come  to  my  Hand 
as  yet,  but  that  the  Indians  was  continuing  their  Murders.  The 
Frontiers  is  employed  in  nothing  but  carrying  ofT  their  Effects,  so 
that  some  Miles  is  now  waist." 

Loudon,  in  his  "Indian  Narratives,"  mentions  the  following 
events,  which  he  says  took  place  in  Dauphin  County,  probably  in 
1756.  He  does  not  give  the  exact  location  of  the  first,  but  its 
scene  was  probably  near  Fort  Manada,  a  stockade  erected  in  the 
autumn  of  1755,  near  the  east  bank  of  Manada  Creek,  in  East 
Hanover  Township,  a  few  miles  north-west  of  Grantville.  Here 
is  Loudon's  account: 

"At  another  time  they  [the  Indians]  attacked  a  man  in  Dauphin 
County  who  was  endeavoring  to  move  off  in  a  wagon  with  some 
others.  Those  in  the  wagon  fled  to  a  fort.  The  men  in  the  fort 
came  to  see  what  was  happening  and  met  a  woman  running 
toward  them  crying.  They  then  came  to  where  the  wagon  stood 
and  behind  it  found  the  owner,  a  German,  tomahawked  and 
scalped  but  still  breathing.  The  next  day  twelve  men  were  sent 
to  inform  the  soldiers  at  the  next  fort  about  eight  miles  distance, 
but  were  fired  upon  from  ambush  and  all  but  two  were  killed. 
These  two  were  wounded  but  made  their  escape. 

"Mrs.  Boggs  in  the  same  neighborhood  while  riding  to  a 
neighbors  house  was  fired  upon  and  her  horse  killed  and  she,  with 


a  young  child,  taken  prisoner.    The  child  was  badly  treated  and 
after  three  days,  they  murdered  it. 

"Four  men  living  in  one  house,  in  Paxton,  erected  a  stockade 
around  it.  A  Captain  and  his  company,  being  overtaken  at 
night,  stopped  to  pass  the  night.  They  went  in  but  had  neglected 
to  fasten  the  gate.  A  party  of  Indians  entered  the  gate  and  closed 
it,  and  then  called  upon  those  in  the  house  to  open  the  door.  The 
Indians  likely  did  not  know  that  there  were  soldiers  in  the  house. 
The  Captain  opened  the  door,  keeping  some  of  his  men  in  reserve. 
When  the  Indians  entered,  they  were  fired  upon  and  began  to 
retreat.  The  soldiers  in  reserve  then  pursued  them,  and,  since 
they  had  closed  the  gate  of  the  stockade,  they  could  not  get  out, 
and  were  slain  to  a  man." 

Expedition  Against  Great  Island  and 
Other  Indian  Strongholds 

During  the  summer  of  1756,  Fort  Augusta  was  built  and 
garrisoned,  at  Sunbury.  At  this  fort,  on  October  18th  of  this 
year,  Colonel  William  Clapham,  the  commander,  was  informed 
by  Ogagradarisha,  a  Six  Nations  scout,  that,  as  the  result  of  a 
treaty  recently  held  by  the  commander  of  Fort  Duquesne  with 
the  Chippewas,  Tawas,  Twightwees  (Miamis),  Notowas,  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees,  a  large  body  of  French  and  one  thousand 
Indians  "were  getting  ready  for  an  Expedition  against  this  place, 
and  are  determined  to  take  your  Fort"  (Augusta).  (Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  7,  pages  299  to  302.)  Colonel  Clapham  immediately  got 
ready  for  any  attack  that  might  be  made  on  Fort  Augusta. 
Scouting  parties  were  sent  out  in  an  endeavor  to  locate  the  French 
and  Indian  forces.  It  seems  that  the  invaders  did  march  from 
Fort  Duquesne,  but,  probably  because  they  learned  through  their 
scouts  that  Fort  Augusta  and  other  frontier  forts  had  received 
information  as  to  their  advance,  their  large  force  was  divided  into 
smaller  bodies,  which  made  incursions  into  the  frontier  settle- 

Colonel  Clapham  directed  Captain  John  Hambright,  of  Lan- 
caster, to  lead  a  company  of  thirty-eight  men  against  the  Indian 
towns  of  Chincklacamoose  (Clearfield,  Clearfield  County),  Great 
Island  (Lock  Haven,  Clinton  County)  and  other  places  on  the 
West  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  (Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  3,  pages 
41  and  42).  There  is  no  doubt  that  Captain  Hambright  carried 
out  his  instructions,  but,  unhappily,  no  records  giving  the  details 


of  his  expedition  are  to  be  found.  In  this  connection,  we  state 
that  Colonel  Clapham  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  figures  on 
the  frontier.  In  the  early  spring  of  1763,  he  removed  with  his 
family  to  Sewickley  Creek,  where  the  town  of  West  Newton, 
Westmoreland  County,  now  stands.  Here  he  and  his  entire 
family  were  cruelly  murdered  on  the  afternoon  of  May  28,  1763,  by 
The  Wolf,  Kekuscung,  and  two  other  Indians,  one  of  whom  was 
called  Butler. 

Massacres  Near  Forts  Henry,  Lebanon, 
Northkill  and  Everett 

On  October  19,  1756,  Conrad  Weiser  wrote  Governor  Denny 
that  the  Indians  had  again  entered  Berks  County,  killing  and 
scalping  two  married  women  and  a  boy  fourteen  years  old, 
wounding  two  children  about  four  years  of  age,  and  capturing 
two  more,  near  Fort  Henry.  One  of  the  wounded  children,  he 
said,  was  scalped  and  likely  to  die,  while  the  other  had  two  cuts 
on  her  forehead,  inflicted  by  an  Indian  when  making  an  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  to  scalp  her.    (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  page  302.) 

Captain  Jacob  Morgan,  writing  to  Governor  Denny  from  Fort 
Lebanon,  on  November  4th,  1756,  describes  the  following 
murders  which  were  committed  by  the  Indians,  near  the  fort  on 
the  preceding  day: 

"Yesterday  morning,  at  break  of  day,  one  of  the  neighbors 
discovered  a  fire  at  a  distance  from  him.  He  went  to  the  top  of 
another  mountain  to  take  a  better  observation,  and  make  a  full 
discovery  of  the  fire,  and  supposed  it  to  be  about  seven  miles  off, 
at  the  house  of  John  Finsher  [Fincher].  He  came  and  informed 
me  of  it.  I  immediately  detached  a  party  of  ten  men  (we  being 
but  22  men  in  the  fort)  to  the  place  where  they  saw  the  fire  at 
the  said  Finsher's  house,  it  being  nigh  Schuylkill;  and  the  men, 
anxious  to  see  the  enem_y  if  there,  ran  through  the  water  and 
bushes  to  the  fire,  where,  to  their  disappointment,  they  saw  none 
of  them,  but  the  house,  barn  and  other  out-houses  all  in  flames, 
together  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn.  They  saw  a  great 
many  tracks,  and  followed  them,  and  came  to  the  house  of  Philip 
Culmore,  thinking  to  send  from  thence  to  alarm  the  other  in- 
habitants to  be  on  their  guard,  but  instead  of  that,  found  the  said 
Culmore's  wife  and  daughter  and  son-in-law  all  just  killed  and 
scalped.  There  is  likewise  missing  out  of  the  same  house  Martin 
Fell's  wife  and  child  about  one  year  old  and  another  boy  about 


seven  years  of  age.  The  said  Martin  Fell  was  killed.  It  was  done 
just  when  the  scouts  came  there,  and  they  seeing  the  scouts,  ran 
off.  The  scouts  divided  into  two  parties.  One  came  to  some 
other  houses  nigh  at  hand,  and  the  other  to  the  fort,  it  being 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  fort  [Fort  Lebanon],  to  inform  me.  I 
immediately  went  out  with  the  scouts  again,  and  left  in  the  fort 
no  more  than  six  men,  but  could  not  make  any  discovery,  but 
brought  all  the  families  to  the  fort,  where  now,  I  believe,  we  are 
upward  of  sixty  women  and  children  that  are  fled  here  for  refuge. 
"And  at  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  I  received  an  express  from 
Lieutenant  Humphreys,  commander  at  Fort  Northkill,  who  in- 
formed me  that  the  same  day,  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  fore- 
noon, about  half  a  mile  from  his  fort,  as  he  was  returning  from  his 
scout,  came  upon  a  body  of  Indians  to  the  number  of  twenty  at 
the  house  of  Nicholas  Long,  where  they  had  killed  two  old  men 
and  taken  another  captive,  and  doubtless  would  have  killed  all 
the  family,  there  being  nine  children  in  the  house.  The  Lieu- 
tenant's party,  though  seven  in  number,  fired  upon  the  Indians, 
and  thought  they  killed  two  .  .  .  The  Lieutenant  had  one  man 
shot  through  the  right  arm  and  right  side,  but  hopes  not  mortal, 
and  he  had  four  shots  through  his  own  clothes."  (Pa.  Archives, 
Vol.  3,  pages  28,  30,  31  and  36.) 

James  Read,  Esq.,  writing  Governor  Denny  from  Reading,  on 
November  7th,  gives  an  account  of  the  murders  near  Fort  Leb- 
anon, stating  that  the  sister  and  mother  of  Mrs.  Martin  Fell  were 
scalped,  the  young  woman  not  being  dead  when  the  scouts 
arrived,  "but  insensible,  and  stuck  in  the  throat  as  butcher's 
kill  a  pig."    The  poor  woman  soon  died. 

Fort  Lebanon  was  not  far  from  the  town  of  Auburn,  Schuylkill 
County;  Fort  Northkill  was  in  upper  Tulpehocken  Township, 
Berks  County,  eleven  miles  from  Fort  Lebanon;  and  Fort  Henry 
was  near  Millersburg,  Berks  County. 

Near  Adam  Harper's  fortified  residence,  at  a  place  now  known 
as  "Harper's  Tavern"  in  East  Hanover  Township,  Lebanon 
County,  hostile  Indians,  in  October,  1756,  killed  five  or  six  settlers. 
They  scalped  a  woman,  a  sister  of  Major  Leidig,  who  neverthe- 
less lived  for  many  years  thereafter.  One  of  the  families  murdered 
in  this  raid  was  that  of  Andrew  Berryhill.  On  October  22nd, 
John  Craig  and  his  wife  were  killed,  and  a  boy  was  captured.  The 
next  day  a  German  settler  was  killed  and  scalped. 

Timothy  Horsfield,  writing  Governor  Denny  from  Bethlehem, 
on  November  30th,  1756,  which  letter  is  reported  in  Pa.  Archives, 


Vol.  3,  page  77,  says  that,  on  the  evening  on  November  28th,  a 
band  of  Indians  came  to  the  home  of  a  settler  named  Schlosser, 
most  likely  in  Lynn  Township,  Lehigh  County,  killing  a  man 
named  Stonebrook  and  capturing  a  child.  At  first  two  children 
were  captured,  but  some  of  the  men  at  the  house  fired  upon  the 
Indians,  wounding  one,  whereupon  one  of  the  children,  a  girl, 
made  her  escape. 

At  the  same  time  he  informed  the  Governor  of  the  attempt  by 
some  settlers  to  kill  one  of  the  Christian  (Moravian)  Delawares, 
near  Bethlehem.  In  the  terror  and  excitement  on  the  frontier, 
the  settlers  sometimes  made  no  distinction  between  hostile  In- 
dians and  friendly  Indians. 

Some  events  that  took  place  in  Lebanon  County,  probably  in 
Union  Township,  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  likely 
in  1756,  were  the  following: 

Philip  Mauer  was  shot  dead  by  Indians  while  reaping  oats. 
A  Mr.  Noacre  or  Noecker  was  shot  dead  while  plowing,  Mathias 
Boeshore  fled  from  Indians  to  the  house  of  Martin  Hess.  Just 
as  he  got  inside  the  house,  he  leveled  his  rifle  at  one  of  his  pursuers, 
and  was  in  the  act  of  pulling  the  trigger,  when  a  bullet  from  the 
rifle  of  one  of  the  Indians  struck  that  part  of  Boeshore's  weapon, 
to  which  the  flint  was  attached,  and  glancing,  wounded  him  in  the 
left  side.  On  one  occasion  Indians  entered  the  neighborhood  in 
great  numbers,  when  nearly  all  the  settlers  were  in  their  houses. 
Peter  Heydrich  gave  immediate  notice  to  all  the  people  to  resort 
to  a  blockhouse  in  the  neighborhood,  probably  that  of  Martin 
Hess.  In  the  meantime,  taking  a  fife  and  drum  from  the  block- 
house, he  went  into  the  woods  or  thicket  nearby.  Now  beating 
the  drum,  then  blowing  the  fife,  then  again  giving  the  word  of 
command  in  a  loud  and  distinct  voice,  as  if  to  a  large  force,  he 
managed  to  keep  the  Indians  away,  and  collect  his  neighbors 
safely.     (Frontier  Forts  of  Penna.,  Vol.  1,  pages  58  and  59.) 

The  Prowess  of  Mrs.  Zellers 

On  page  63  of  Vol.  I,  of  the  "Frontier  Forts  of  Pennsylvania," 
is  the  following  account  of  the  attack  on  the  fortified  home  of 
Heinrich  Zellers,  near  Newmanstown,  Lebanon  County,  some 
time  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  probably  in  1756: 

"It  is  related  of  the  original  Mrs.  Zellers  that  she  superintended 
the  construction  of  the  house,  whilst  her  husband  was  out  on  an 
expedition  against  the  Indians,  and  that  her  laborers  were  colored 


slaves.  It  is  said,  also,  of  this  same  Christine  Zellers  that  one 
day,  whilst  alone  in  the  fort,  she  saw  three  prowling  savages 
approaching  and  heading  for  the  small  hole  in  the  cellar  shown  on 
the  picture  attached.  She  quickly  descended  the  cellar  steps 
and  stationed  herself  at  this  window  with  an  uplifted  axe.  Pres- 
ently the  head  of  the  first  Indian  protruded  through  the  hole, 
when  she  quickly  brought  down  the  weapon  with  an  effective 
blow.  Dragging  the  body  in,  she  disguised  her  voice  and  in 
Indian  language,  beckoned  his  companions  to  follow,  which  they 
did  and  were  all  dispatched  in  like  manner." 

As  stated  formerly,  in  this  history,  hundreds  of  the  atrocities 
of  the  French  and  Indian  War,  in  Pennsylvania,  will  remain  for- 
ever unrecorded.  However,  the  present  chapter,  like  several  that 
have  preceded  it,  gives  one  an  idea  of  the  horrors  of  the  crimson 
tide  that  flowed  down  from  the  mountains  into  the  Pennsylvania 
settlements  during  the  first  two  years  of  this  tragic  period. 


Destruction  of  Kittanning 

September  8th,  1756 

As  stated,  in  Chapter  XII,  the  destruction  of  Fort  Granville 
_/~\  left  the  frontiers  of  the  counties  of  Juniata,  Perry,  Fulton, 
Franklin  and  Cumberland  exposed  to  the  bloody  incursions  of 
the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny,  especially  the  Delawares  of  Kittanning.  In  Chapter 
XII,  also,  as  well  as  in  chapters  preceding  it,  we  saw  the  horrors 
of  the  incursions  which  these  Indians  made  into  the  counties 
above  named — families  murdered  at  midnight  and  their  cabin 
homes  burned  to  ashes;  parents  and  children  captured  and,  in 
many  cases,  separated  forever;  captives  tortured  to  death  at 
Kittanning  and  other  Indian  towns;  relief  parties  burying  the 
mutilated  bodies  of  the  dead  amid  the  shades  of  the  forest;  the 
pale  and  tear-stained  faces  of  women,  with  babes  in  their  arms, 
and  the  anxious  faces  of  men,  fleeing  in  terror  to  the  more  thickly 
settled  parts  of  the  Province  with  the  war-whoop  of  the  Indian 
ringing  in  their  ears. 

In  the  letter  written  by  Colonel  John  Armstrong,  at  Carlisle, 
on  August  20th,  quoted  in  part,  in  Chapter  XII,  he  calls  attention 
to  the  unprotected  state  of  the  Cumberland  and  Franklin  County 
frontier,  as  follows: 

"Lyttleton,  Shippensburg,  and  Carlisle  (the  last  two  not 
finished),  are  the  only  Forts  now  built  that  will,  in  my  Opinion, 
be  Serviceable  to  the  public.  McDowell's  or  thereabouts  is  a 
necessary  Post,  but  the  present  Fort  not  defencible.  The  Duties 
of  the  Harvest  has  not  admitted  me  to  finish  Carlisle  Fort  with 
the  Soldiers;  it  shou'd  be  done,  and  a  Barrack  erected  within  the 
Fort,  otherwise  the  Soldiers  cannot  be  so  well  governed,  and  may 
be  absent  or  without  the  Gates  at  a  time  of  the  greatest  necessity." 

On  the  very  day  Colonel  Armstrong's  letter  was  written. 
Governor  Morris  was  superseded  by  Governor  William  Denny — 
a  change  of  governors  at  a  most  critical  time — but,  before  Gover- 
nor Denny's  arrival,  Governor  Morris,  in  response  to  the  cries 


for  help  from  the  frontier,  especially  from  Cumberland  County, 
had  arranged  with  Colonel  Armstrong  for  an  expedition  against 
the  Indian  town  of  Kittanning.  Colonel  Armstrong  had  urged 
Governor  Morris  to  give  him  permission  to  make  this  expedition, 
and  Benjamin  Franklin  had  earnestly  advocated  this  plan  of 
attacking  this  Indian  stronghold  from  which  Shingas,  Captain 
Jacobs  and  King  Beaver  liad  led  so  many  incursions  into  the 
Pennsylvania  settlements. 

Colonel  Armstrong's  small  army  consisted  of  about  three 
hundred  men,  Scotch-Irish  from  the  Cumberland  Valley,  divided 
into  seven  companies  whose  captains  were  himself,  Hance  Hamil- 
ton, Dr.  Hugh  Mercer,  Edward  Ward,  Joseph  Armstrong,  John 
Potter  and  Rev.  John  Steel.  Armstrong  marched  from  Fort 
Shirley  (Shirleysburg,  Huntingdon  County),  on  August  30th,  and 
arrived  at  the  "Beaver  Dams,"  near  Hollidaysburg,  on  Septem- 
ber 3d,  where  his  forces  joined  the  advance  party.  Leaving  this 
place  on  September  4th  and  following  the  Kittanning  Indian 
Trail,  his  army  arrived  at  a  point  within  fifty  miles  of  Kittanning 
two  days  later.  From  this  point  Armstrong  sent  out  scouts  to 
reconnoitre  the  famous  Delaware  town  and  get  information  as  to 
the  number  of  the  Indians  there.  The  day  following,  the  scouts 
returned  and  reported  that  the  road  was  clear  of  the  enemy,  but 
it  appeared  later  that  they  had  not  been  near  enough  the  town  to 
learn  its  exact  situation  or  the  best  way  to  approach  the  same. 

Armstrong  then  continued  his  march.  At  about  ten  o'clock  on 
the  night  of  September  7th,  one  of  his  guides  reported  that  he  had 
discovered  a  fire  by  the  road,  a  short  distance  ahead  and  within 
six  miles  of  Kittanning,  with  three  or  four  Indians  seated  around 
the  fire.  Deeming  it  not  prudent  to  attack  this  party,  Lieutenant 
Hogg  and  thirteen  men  were  left  to  watch  them,  with  orders  to 
attack  them  at  break  of  day.  The  main  body  then,  making  a 
circuit,  stole  silently  through  the  night  to  the  Allegheny,  reaching 
it  just  before  the  setting  of  the  moon,  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  at  a  point  about  one  hundred  perches  below  the 
town.  They  learned  the  position  of  the  town  by  the  beating  of  a 
drum  and  the  whooping  of  the  warriors  at  a  dance. 

Colonel  Armstrong's  Account  of  the  Battle 

We  shall  now  let  Colonel  Armstrong  describe  the  battle,  quot- 
ing from  his  report,  written  at  Fort  Littleton,  on  September  14th, 
1756,  and  sent  to  Governor  Denny: 


"It  then,  after  ascertaining  the  location  of  the  town,  became 
us  to  make  the  best  use  of  the  remaining  Moon  Light,  but  ere  we 
were  aware,  an  Indian  whistled  in  a  very  singular  manner,  about 
thirty  perches  from  our  front  in  the  foot  of  a  Corn  Field;  upon 
which  we  immediately  sat  down,  and  after  passing  Silence  to  the 
rear,  I  asked  one  Baker,  a  Soldier,  who  was  our  best  assistant, 
whether  that  was  not  a  Signal  to  the  Warriors  of  our  Approach. 
He  answered  no,  and  said  it  was  the  manner  of  a  Young  Fellow's 
calling  a  Squaw  after  he  had  done  his  Dance,  who  accordingly 
kindled  a  Fire,  cleaned  his  Gun  and  shot  it  off  before  he  went  to 
Sleep.  All  this  time  we  were  obliged  to  lie  quiet  and  hush,  till 
the  Moon  was  fairly  set.  Immediately  after,  a  Number  of  Fires 
appeared  in  different  places  in  the  Corn  Field,  by  which  Baker 
said  the  Indians  lay,  the  night  being  warm,  and  that  these  fires 
would  immediately  be  out,  as  they  were  designed  to  disperse  the 

"By  this  time  it  was  break  of  Day,  and  the  Men,  having 
marched  thirty  Miles,  were  most  asleep;  the  line  being  long,  the 
Companies  of  the  Rear  were  not  yet  brought  over  the  last 
precipice.  For  these,  some  proper  Hands  were  immediately  dis- 
patched, and  the  weary  Soldiers,  being  roused  to  their  Feet,  a 
proper  Number  under  sundry  Officers  were  ordered  to  take  the 
End  of  the  Hill,  at  which  we  then  lay,  and  march  along  the  top 
of  the  said  Hill  at  least  one  hundred  perches,  and  so  much  further, 
it  then  being  day  light,  as  would  carry  them  opposite  the  upper 
part  or  at  least  the  body  of  the  Town.  For  the  lower  part  thereof 
and  the  Corn  Field,  presuming  the  Warriors  were  there,  I  kept 
rather  the  larger  Number  of  the  Men,  promising  to  postpone  the 
Attack  in  that  part  for  eighteen  or  twenty  Minutes,  until  the 
Detachment  along  the  Hill  should  have  time  to  advance  to  the 
place  assigned  them,  in  doing  of  which  they  were  a  little  un- 
fortunate. The  Time  being  elapsed,  the  Attack  was  begun  in  the 
Corn  Field,  and  the  Men,  with  all  Expedition  possible,  dispatched 
thro'  the  several  parts  thereof;  a  party  being  also  dispatched  to 
the  Houses,  which  were  then  discovered  by  the  light  of  the  Day. 
Captain  Jacobs  immediately  gave  the  War-Whoop,  and  with 
sundry  other  Indians,  as  the  English  Prisoners  afterwards  told, 
cried  the  White  Men  were  at  last  come,  they  would  then  have 
Scalps  enough,  but  at  the  same  time  ordered  their  Squaws  and 
Children  to  flee  to  the  Woods. 

"Our  Men  with  great  Eagerness  passed  thro'  and  fired  in  the 
Corn  Field,  where  they  had  several  Returns  from  the  Enemy,  as 


they  also  had  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  River.  Presently  after, 
a  brisk  fire  began  among  the  Houses,  which,  from  the  House  of 
Captain  Jacobs,  was  returned  with  a  great  deal  of  Resolution ;  to 
which  place  I  immediately  repaired,  and  found  that  from  the 
Advantage  of  the  House  and  the  Port  Holes,  sundry  of  our  People 
were  wounded,  and  some  killed;  and  finding  that  returning  the 
Fire  upon  the  House  was  ineffectual,  ordered  the  contiguous 
houses  to  be  set  on  fire;  which  was  performed  by  sundry  of  the 
Officers  and  Soldiers  with  a  great  deal  of  Activity,  the  Indians 
always  firing  whenever  an  object  presented  itself,  and  seldom 
missed  of  wounding  or  killing  some  of  our  People;  From  which 
House,  in  moving  about  to  give  the  necessary  orders  and  direc- 
tions, I  received  a  wound  from  a  large  Musket  Ball  in  the  Shoul- 
der. Sundry  persons  during  the  action  were  ordered  to  tell  the 
Indians  to  surrender  themselves  prisoners;  but  one  of  the  Indians, 
in  particular,  answered  and  said  he  was  a  Man  and  would  not  be 
a  Prisoner,  upon  which  he  was  told  in  Indian  he  would  be  burnt. 
To  this  he  answered  he  did  not  care  for  he  would  kill  four  or  five 
before  he  died,  and  had  we  not  desisted  from  exposing  ourselves, 
they  would  have  killed  a  great  many  more,  they  having  a  number 
of  loaded  Guns  by  them. 

"As  the  fire  began  to  approach  and  the  Smoak  grew  thick,  one 
of  the  Indian  Fellows,  to  show  his  manhood,  began  to  sing.  A 
Squaw,  in  the  same  House,  and  at  the  same  time,  was  heard  to 
cry  and  make  Noise,  but  for  so  doing  was  severely  rebuked  by  the 
Men;  but  by  and  by  the  Fire  being  too  hot  for  them,  two  Indian 
Fellows  and  a  Squaw  sprung  out  and  made  for  the  Corn  Field, 
who  were  immediately  shot  down  by  our  People  then  surrounding 
the  House.  It  was  thought  Captain  Jacobs  tumbled  himself  out 
at  a  Garret  or  Cock  Loft  Window,  at  which  he  was  shot,  our 
Prisoners  offering  to  be  qualified  to  the  powder  horn  and  pouch 
there  taken  off  him,  which,  they  say,  he  had  lately  got  from  a 
French  Officer  in  exchange  for  Lieutenant  Armstrong's  Boots, 
which  he  carried  from  Fort  Granville,  where  the  Lieutenant  was 
killed.  The  same  Prisoners  say  they  are  perfectly  assured  of  his 
Scalp,  as  no  other  Indians  there  wore  their  Hair  in  the  same 
Manner.  They  also  say  they  knew  his  Squaw's  Scalp  by  a  par- 
ticular bob;  and  also  knew  the  Scalp  of  a  young  Indian  called  the 
King's  Son. 

"Before  this  time,  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  who  early  in  the 
Action  was  wounded  in  the  Arm,  had  been  taken  to  the  top  of  a 
Hill  above  the  Town,  to  whom  a  number  of  Men  and  some  of 


the  Officers  were  gathered,  from  whence  they  had  discovered 
some  Indians  cross  the  River  and  take  the  Hill  with  an  intent,  as 
they  thought,  to  surround  us  and  cut  off  our  retreat,  from  whom 
I  had  sundry  pressing  Messages  to  leave  the  Houses  and  retreat 
to  the  Hill  or  we  should  all  be  cut  off;  but  to  this  could  by  no 
means  consent  until  all  the  Houses  were  set  on  fire.  Tho'  our 
spreading  upon  the  Hills  appeared  very  necessary,  yet  did  it  pre- 
vent our  Researches  of  the  Corn  Field  and  River  side,  by  which 
means  sundry  Scalps  were  left  behind,  and  doubtless  some  Squaws 
Children  and  English  Prisoners  that  otherwise  might  have  been 
got.  During  the  burning  of  the  Houses,  which  were  near  thirty 
in  number,  we  were  agreeably  entertained  with  a  quick  succes- 
sion of  charged  Guns  gradually  firing  off  as  reached  by  the  Fire, 
but  much  more  so  with  the  vast  explosion  of  sundry  Bags  and 
large  Cags  of  Gunpowder,  wherewith  almost  every  House 
abounded;  the  Prisoners  afterwards  informing  that  the  Indians 
had  frequently  said  they  had  a  sufficient  stock  of  ammunition  for 
ten  Years  War  with  the  English. 

"With  the  roof  of  Captain  Jacobs'  House,  when  the  powder 
blew  up,  was  thrown  the  Leg  and  Thigh  of  an  Indian  with  a 
Child  three  or  four  years  old,  such  a  height  that  they  appeared  as 
nothing  and  fell  in  the  adjacent  Corn  Field.  There  was  also  a 
great  Quantity  of  Goods  burnt,  which  the  Indians  had  received 
in  a  present  but  ten  days  before,  from  the  French.  By  this  time 
I  had  proceeded  to  the  Hill  to  have  my  wound  tyed  up  and  the 
Blood  stopped,  where  the  Prisoners,  which  in  the  Morning  had 
come  to  our  People,  informed  me  that  that  very  day  two  Battoas 
of  French  Men,  with  a  large  party  of  Delaware  and  French  In- 
dians, were  to  join  Captain  Jacobs  at  the  Kittanning,  and  to  set 
out  early  the  next  Morning  to  take  Fort  Shirley,  or  as  they  called 
it,  George  Croghan's  Fort,  and  that  twenty-four  Warriors  who 
had  lately  come  to  the  Town,  were  set  out  before  them  the  Even- 
ing before,  for  what  purpose  they  did  not  know,  whether  to  pre- 
pare Meat,  to  spy  the  Fort,  or  to  make  an  attack  on  some  of  our 
back  inhabitants.  Soon  after,  upon  a  little  Reflection,  we  were 
convinced  these  Warriors  were  all  at  the  Fire  we  had  discovered 
the  Night  before,  and  began  to  doubt  the  fate  of  Lieutenant  Hogg 
and  his  Party,  from  the  Intelligence  of  the  Prisoners. 

"Our  Provisions  being  scaffolded  some  thirty  miles  back,  except 
what  were  in  the  Men's  Haversacks,  which  we  left  with  the 
Horses  and  Blankets  with  Lieutanant  Hogg  and  his  Party,  and 
a  number  of  wounded  People  then  on  hand,  by  the  advice  of  the 


Officers  it  was  thought  imprudent  then  to  wait  for  the  cutting 
down  the  Corn  Field  (which  was  before  designed),  but  im- 
mediately to  collect  our  Wounded  and  force  our  march  back  in 
the  best  manner  we  could,  which  we  did  by  collecting  a  few  In- 
dian horses  to  carry  off  our  wounded.  From  the  apprehension 
of  being  waylaid  (especially  by  some  of  the  Woodsmen),  it  was 
difficult  to  keep  the  men  together,  our  march  for  sundry  miles 
not  exceeding  two  miles  an  hour,  which  apprehensions  were 
heightened  by  the  attempts  of  a  few  Indians  who  for  some  time 
after  the  march  fired  upon  each  wing  and  immediately  ran  off, 
from  whom  we  received  no  other  Damage  but  one  of  our  men's 
being  wounded  thro'  both  Legs.  Captain  Mercer,  being  wounded, 
was  induced,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  by  some  of  his  Men,  to 
leave  the  main  Body  with  his  ensign,  John  Scott,  and  ten  or 
twelve  men,  they  being  heard  to  tell  him  they  were  in  great 
Danger,  and  that  they  could  take  him  into  the  Road  a  nigh  Way, 
is  probably  lost,  there  being  yet  no  Account  of  him;  the  most  of 
the  Men  come  in  detachment  was  sent  back  to  bring  him  in,  but 
could  not  find  him,  and  upon  the  return  of  the  detachment,  it 
was  generally  reported  he  was  seen  with  the  above  number  of 
Men  taking  a  different  Road. 

"Upon  our  return  to  the  place  where  the  Indian  Fire  had  been 
discovered  the  Night  before,  we  met  with  a  Sergeant  of  Captain 
Mercer's  Company  and  two  or  three  other  of  his  Men  who  had 
deserted  us  that  Morning,  immediately  after  the  action  at  Kittan- 
ning.  These  men,  on  running  away,  had  met  with  Lieutenant 
Hogg,  who  lay  wounded  in  two  different  parts  of  his  Body  by  the 
Road  side.  He  there  told  them  of  the  fatal  mistake  of  the  Pilot, 
who  had  assured  us  there  were  but  three  Indians,  at  the  most,  at 
this  Fire  place,  but  when  he  came  to  attack  them  that  Morning 
according  to  orders,  he  found  a  number  considerably  superior  to 
his,  and  believes  they  killed  and  mortally  wounded  three  of  them 
the  first  fire,  after  which  a  warm  engagement  began,  and  con- 
tinued for  above  an  Hour,  when  three  of  his  best  men  were 
killed  and  himself  twice  wounded;  the  residue  fleeing  off,  he  was 
obliged  to  squat  in  a  thicket,  where  he  might  have  laid  securely 
until  the  main  Body  had  come  up,  if  this  cowardly  Sergeant  and 
others  that  fled  with  him  had  not  taken  him  away;  they  had 
marched  but  a  short  Space  when  four  Indians  appeared,  upon 
which  these  deserters  began  to  flee.  The  Lieutenant  then,  not- 
withstanding his  wounds,  as  a  brave  Soldier,  urging  and  com- 
manding them  to  stand  and  fight,  which  they  all  refused.    The 


Indians  pursued,  killing  one  Man  and  wounding  the  Lieutenant  a 
third  time  through  the  Belly,  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  Hours; 
but  he,  having  some  time  before  been  put  on  Horse  back,  rode 
some  miles  from  the  place  of  action.  But  this  last  attack  of  the 
Indians  upon  Lieutanant  Hogg  and  the  deserters  was,  by  the 
before  mentioned  Sergeant,  represented  to  us  in  quite  a  different 
light,  he  telling  us  that  there  were  a  far  larger  number  of  the 
Indians  there  than  appeared  to  them,  and  that  he  and  the  Men 
with  him  had  fought  five  Rounds;  that  he  had  there  seen  the 
Lieutenant  and  sundry  others  killed  and  scalped,  and  had  also 
discovered  a  number  of  Indians  throwing  themselves  before  us, 
and  insinuated  a  great  deal  of  such  Stuff,  as  threw  us  into  much 
Confusion,  so  that  the  Officers  had  a  great  deal  to  do  to  keep  the 
Men  together,  but  could  not  prevail  with  them  to  collect  what 
Horses  and  other  Baggage  that  the  Indians  had  left  after  their 
Conquest  of  Lieutenant  Hogg  and  the  Party  under  his  command 
in  the  Morning,  except  a  few  of  the  Horses,  which  some  of  the 
bravest  of  the  Men  were  prevailed  on  to  collect;  so  that,  from  the 
mistake  of  the  Pilot,  who  spied  the  Indians  at  the  Fire,  and  the 
cowardice  of  the  said  Sergeant  and  other  Deserters,  we  have  sus- 
tained a  considerable  loss  of  our  Horses  and  Baggage. 

"It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  the  Enemy 
killed  in  the  Action,  as  some  were  destroyed  by  Fire  and  others 
in  different  parts  of  the  Corn  Field,  but,  upon  a  moderate  Com- 
putation, it  is  generally  believed  there  cannot  be  less  than  thirty 
or  Forty  killed  and  mortally  wounded,  as  much  Blood  was  found 
in  sundry  parts  of  the  Corn  Field,  and  Indians  seen  in  several 
places  crawl  into  the  Weeds  on  their  Hands  and  Feet,  whom  the 
Soldiers,  in  pursuit  of  others,  then  overlooked,  expecting  to  find 
and  scalp  them  afterwards;  and  also  several  killed  and  wounded 
in  crossing  the  River.  On  beginning  our  March  back,  we  had 
about  a  dozen  of  Scalps  and  eleven  English  Prisoners,  but  now 
find  that  four  or  five  of  the  Scalps  are  missing,  part  of  which 
were  lost  on  the  Road  and  part  in  possession  of  those  Men  who, 
with  Captain  Mercer,  separated  from  the  main  Body,  with  whom 
also  went  four  of  the  Prisoners,  the  other  seven  being  now  at  this 
place  [Fort  Littleton],  where  we  arrived  on  Sunday  Night,  not 
being  ever  separated  or  attacked  thro'  our  whole  March  by  the 
Enemy,  tho'  we  expected  it  every  Day.  Upon  the  whole,  had  our 
Pilots  understood  the  true  situation  of  the  town  and  the  paths 
leading  to  it,  so  as  to  have  posted  us  at  a  convenient  place,  where 
the  disposition  of  the  Men  and  the  Duty  assigned  to  them  could 


have  been  performed  with  greater  Advantage,  we  had,  by  divine 
Assistance,  destroyed  a  much  greater  Number  of  the  Enemy, 
recovered  more  Prisoners,  and  sustained  less  damage  than  what 
we  at  present  have;  but  tho'  the  Advantage  gained  over  these, 
our  Common  Enemy,  is  far  from  being  satisfactory  to  us,  must 
we  not  despise  the  smallest  degrees  of  Success  that  God  has 
pleased  to  give,  especially  at  a  time  of  such  general  Calamity, 
when  the  attempts  of  our  Enemys  have  been  so  prevalent  and 
successful."     (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  257  to  263.) 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  destruction  of  Kittanning,  written 
by  the  leader  of  the  heroic  men  who  inflicted  this  telling  blow 
upon  the  Indians.  Hitherto  the  English  had  not  attacked  the 
Indians  in  their  towns,  which  led  the  leaders  of  the  bloody  incur- 
sions to  fancy  that  the  settlers  would  not  venture  to  follow  them 
into  their  western  strongholds.  But  now  the  Western  Delawares 
dreaded  that,  when  absent  on  incursions  into  the  settlements, 
their  wigwams  might  be  burned  to  ashes  by  the  outraged  frontiers- 
men. From  now  on,  they  feared  Colonel  Armstrong  and  his 
Scotch-Irish  troops.  Most  of  the  Indians,  therefore,  left  Kit- 
tanning,  refusing  to  settle  east  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and  determined 
to  place  this  fort  between  them  and  the  English.  They  went  to 
Logstown,  located  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio,  just  below  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  Ambridge,  Beaver  County;  to  Sau- 
conk,  located  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  and  known  also 
as  Shingas'  Old  Town  and  King  Beaver's  Town ;  to  Kuskuskies, 
a  group  of  villages  whose  centre  was  at  or  near  the  present  city 
of  New  Castle;  to  Shenango,  located  on  the  river  of  this  name, 
a  short  distance  below  the  present  town  of  Sharon,  Mercer 
County,  and  to  other  towns  in  the  western  region.  However, 
Kittanning  was  not  deserted,  though  it  ceased  to  be  a  gathering 
place  for  the  hostile  Delawares  during  the  French  and  Indian 
War.  As  we  saw  in  Chapter  XII  and  as  we  shall  see  in  subsequent 
chapters,  the  destruction  of  Kittanning  did  not  put  an  end  to 
the  Indian  raids.  But  it  did  have  a  great  moral  effect.  It  struck 
fear  into  the  hearts  of  the  Indians,  and  it  caused  the  forntiersmen 
to  have  confidence  in  their  ability  to  meet  the  Indians  on  their 
own  ground  and  defeat  them. 

"The  corporation  of  Philadelphia,  on  occasion  of  this  victory, 
on  the  5th  of  January  following,  addressed  a  complimentary  letter 
to  Colonel  Armstrong,  thanking  him  and  his  ofhcers  for  their 
gallant  conduct,  and  presented  him  with  a  piece  of  plate.  A  medal 
was  also  struck,  having  for  device  an  officer  followed  by  two  sol- 


diers,  the  officer  pointing  to  a  soldier  shooting  from  behind  a  tree, 
and  an  Indian  prostrate  before  him;  in  the  background  Indian 
houses  in  flames.  Legend:  Kittanning,  destroyed  by  Colonel 
Armstrong,  September  the  8th,  1756.  Reverse  device:  The  Arms 
of  the  corporation.  Legend :  The  gift  of  the  corporation  of  Phila- 
delphia."— Egle's  "History  of  Pennsylvania." 

The  report  of  the  explosion  of  the  magazine  at  Kittanning  was 
heard  at  Fort  Duquesne,  upon  which  some  French  and  Indians 
set  off  from  that  place  to  Captain  Jacobs'  stronghold,  but  did 
not  reach  the  town  until  the  next  day.  They  found  among  the 
ruins  the  blackened  bodies  of  the  fallen  chieftain,  his  wife  and  his 
son.  Robert  Robinson  says  in  his  Narrative  that  a  boy  named 
Crawford,  then  a  captive  among  the  Delawares,  told  him  that  he 
accompanied  the  French  and  Indians  on  this  occasion.  He  also 
says  that,  after  Armstrong's  forces  had  returned  to  the  east  side 
of  the  Allegheny  Mountains,  one  of  his  soldiers,  named  Samuel 
Chambers,  disregarding  the  advice  of  the  Colonel,  went  back  to 
the  "Clear  Fields,"  in  Clearfield  Township,  Cambria  County,  to 
get  his  coat  and  three  horses;  that,  at  the  top  of  the  mountain, 
he  was  fired  upon  by  Indians,  and  then  fled  towards  the  Great 
Island;  and  that  the  Indians  pursued  him,  and,  on  the  third  day, 
killed  him  on  French  Margaret's  Island,  as  they  later  told  Cap- 
tain Patterson. 

Many  blankets  of  Armstrong's  soldiers  were  afterwards  found 
on  the  ground  where  Lieutenant  Hogg  and  his  party  were  de- 
feated. Hence  this  place  has  ever  since  been  called  "Blanket 
Hill."    It  is  in  Kittanning  Township,  Armstrong  County. 

List  of  the  Slain — The  English  Prisoners 

Colonel  Armstrong's  report  of  the  destruction  of  Kittanning  is 
also  found  in  Pa.  Archives,  Vol.  2,  pages  767  to  775,  with  a  list  of 
the  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  as  well  as  a  list  of  the  English 
prisoners  recovered.     This  list  is  as  follows: 

"Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Armstrong's  Company — killed; 
Thomas  Power  and  John  McCormick.  Wounded:  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  John  Armstrong,  James  Carruthers,  James  Strickland 
and  Thomas  Foster. 

Captain  Hance  Hamilton's  Company — Killed:  John  Kelley. 

Captain  Hugh  Mercer's  Company — Killed :  John  Baker,  John 
McCartney,  Patrick  Mullen,  Cornelius  McGinnis,  Theophilus 
Thompson,  Dennis  Kilpatrick  and  Bryan  Carrigan.    Wounded: 

Marker  at  the  Site  of  the  Delaware  Indian  Town  of  Kittanning.  near  the  bridge  across  the  Allegheny 
River,  at  Kittanning,  Pa. 

In  the  foreground  Chief  Strong  Wolf,  of  the  Ojibway  Tribe,  and  Hon.  James  W.  King,  President 
of  the  Armstrong  County  Historical  Society. 

From  a  photograph  taken  on  the  occasion  of  the  dedication  of  the  Marker,  September  8th,  1926, 
the  One  Hundred  and  Seventieth  Anniversary  of  the  Destruction  of  Kittanning  by  Colonel  John 


Richard  Fitzgibbins.  Missing:  John  Taylor,  John  — ,  Francis 
PhilHps,  Robert  Morrow,  Thomas  Burk  and  PhiUp  Pendergrass. 

Captain  Joseph  Armstrong's  Company — Killed:  Lieutenant 
James  Hogg,  James  Anderson,  Holdcraft  Stringer,  Edward 
Obrians,  James  Higgins  and  John  Lasson.  Wounded:  William 
Findley,  Robert  Robinson,  John  Ferrol,  Thos.  Camplin  and 
Charles  O'Neal.  Missing:  John  Lewis,  William  Hunter,  William 
Baker,  George  Appleby,  Anthony  Grissy  and  Thos.  Swan. 

Captain  Edward  Ward's  Company — Killed:  William  Welch. 
Wounded:  Ephriam  Bratten.  Missing:  Patrick  Myers,  Lawr- 
ence Donnahow  and  Samuel  Chambers. 

Captain  John  Potter's  Company — Wounded:  Ensign  James 
Potter  and  Andrew  Douglass. 

Captain  John  Steel's  Company — Missing:  Terrence  Canna- 

The  English  prisoners  recovered  from  the  Indians  at  the  de- 
struction of  Kittanning  were: 

Ann  McCord,  wife  of  John  McCord,  and  Martha  Thorn,  a 
child  seven  years  of  age,  both  captured  at  Fort  McCord,  on  April 
1st,  1756;  Barbara  Hicks,  captured  at  ConoUoways;  Catherine 
Smith,  a  German  child  captured  near  Shamokin;  Margaret  Hood, 
captured  near  the  mouth  of  the  Conococheague,  Maryland; 
Thomas  Girty,  captured  at  Fort  Granville;  Sarah  Kelly,  captured 
near  Winchester,  Virginia;  a  woman,  a  boy,  and  two  little  girls, 
who  were  with  Captain  Mercer  and  Ensign  Scott,  and  had  not 
reached  Fort  Littleton  when  Colonel  Armstrong  made  his  report. 

Barbara  Leininger  and  Marie  Le  Roy,  who,  it  will  be  recalled, 
were  captured  at  the  Penn's  Creek  massacre  of  October  16th, 
1755,  were  prisoners  among  the  Indians  at  Kittanning  at  the  time 
when  Colonel  Armstrong  destroyed  the  town.  However,  they 
were  on  the  other  (west)  side  of  the  river  at  the  time  the  attack 
began,  and  were  then  taken  ten  miles  back  into  the  interior,  in 
order  that  they  might  not  have  a  chance  to  escape.  After  Arm- 
strong's forces  had  withdrawn,  Barbara  and  Marie  were  brought 
back  to  the  ruins  of  the  town.  Here  they  witnessed  the  torture 
of  a  woman  who  had  attempted  to  escape  with  Armstrong's 
troops,  but  was  recaptured.  An  English  renegade  ate  a  piece  of 
the  woman's  flesh. 

After  describing  the  torture  of  the  woman,  Barbara  and  Marie, 
in  their  Narrative,  relate  the  following: 

"Three  days  later  an  Englishman  was  brought  in,  who  had  like- 
wise attempted  to  escape  with  Col.  Armstrong,  and  he  was  burned 


alive  in  the  same  village.  His  torments,  however,  continued  only 
about  three  hours;  but  his  screams  were  frightful  to  listen  to.  It 
rained  that  day  very  hard,  so  that  the  Indians  could  not  keep 
up  the  fire.  Hence  they  began  to  discharge  gunpowder  at  his 
body.  At  last,  amidst  his  worst  pains,  when  the  poor  man  called 
for  a  drink  of  water,  they  brought  melted  lead,  and  poured  it 
down  his  throat.  This  draught  at  once  helped  him  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  barbarians,  for  he  died  on  the  instant." 

Relatives  of  Captain  Jacobs,  who  were  also  killed  at  the  de- 
struction of  Kittanning,  are  mentioned  in  a  letter  written  at 
Carlisle,  on  December  22nd,  1756,  by  Adam  Stephen:  "A  son  of 
Captain  Jacobs  is  kill'd  and  a  Cousin  of  his  about  seven  foot  high, 
call'd  young  Jacob,  at  the  Destroying  of  the  Kittanning."  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  3,  page  83.)  Probably  another  relative  was  the 
Delaware  Chief,  called  Captain  Jacobs,  who  attended  the  con- 
ference held  at  Fort  Pitt  in  April  and  May,  1768.  (Pa.  Col. 
Rec.  Vol.  9,  page  543.) 

A  Retrospect 

The  author  was  born  and  reared  within  ten  miles  of  Kittanning. 
Often  he  has  stood  on  the  river  hill  above  the  site  of  the  former 
Indian  town,  and  contemplated  its  history.  On  these  occasions, 
the  past  rose  before  him,  as  a  dream.  He  could  see  the  Dela- 
wares,  in  the  course  of  their  westward  migration,  as  early  as  1724, 
floating  down  the  beautiful  Allegheny,  in  their  canoes,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Mahoning,  and  erecting  their  wigwams  on  the  wide 
flats,  naming  the  town  "Kittanning,"  that  is  Kit,  "great"; 
hanna,  "a  stream";  ing,  "at,  or  at  the  place  of" — "at  the  great 
river."  He  could  see  Jonas  Davenport,  James  Le  Tort  and  other 
traders,  a  few  years  later,  visit  the  place  and  barter  with  the 
Indians,  giving  them  rum,  powder,  lead,  guns,  knives  and  blankets 
in  exchange  for  skins  and  furs.  He  could  see  French  emisaries 
holding  councils  with  the  Indians  here,  as  early  as  1727,  and  for 
many  years  thereafter.  He  could  see  Celoron  visit  the  town,  in 
the  summer  of  1749.  He  could  see  the  clouds  of  war  gathering 
over  the  valley  for  many  years,  and  finally  breaking  in  a  storm  of 
fury,  in  the  autumn  of  1755.  He  could  see  Shingas,  King  Beaver 
and  Captain  Jacobs  holding  their  councils  of  war  here,  far  into 
the  night,  and  inflaming  the  wild  passions  of  the  warriors  as  the 
council  fire  lit  up  their  savage  features,  and  as  their  shouts  echoed 
from  hill  to  hill.  He  could  see  bands  of  warriors  go  forth  from  the 
town  on  bloody  incursions  into  the  settlements  of  Pennsylvania, 


Mar\'land  and  Virginia,  and  return  with  sorrowing,  sad-faced 
captives  and  the  bloody  scalps  of  the  slain.  He  could  see  hun- 
dreds of  these  captives  tortured  to  death — burned  to  death,  tied 
to  the  black  post  in  the  village.  He  could  see  their  bodies  pierced 
with  red-hot  gun  barrels  and  their  bloody  scalps  torn  from  their 
heads.  He  could  hear  their  agonizing  cries  and  see  the  fiendish 
looks  of  their  tormentors.  He  could  see  Colonel  John  Armstrong's 
forces  wend  their  way  silently  over  the  forest-covered  mountains, 
and,  in  the  early  hours  of  that  September  morning,  visit  retribu- 
tion and  vengeance  on  Captain  Jacobs  and  his  warriors.  He  could 
see  the  village  sink  in  flames,  and  hear  the  death  chants  of  the 
warriors,  as  they  perished  in  the  fire.  He  could  see  the  Indian 
women  and  children  fleeing  in  terror  to  the  forest,  as  their  hus- 
bands, fathers  and  brothers  were  shot  down  or  burned  to  death, 
by  the  frontiersmen,  or  dragged  themselves  into  the  forest  to  die 
of  their  wounds.  He  could  see  many  of  the  survivors  return,  and 
erect  their  wigwams  amid  the  ashes  of  their  former  homes.  He 
could  see  hundreds  of  warriors  assemble  here,  to  march  against 
Colonel  Bouquet,  in  the  summer  of  1763.  He  could  see  the  Eighth 
Pennsylvania  Regiment  assemble  here  in  the  latter  days  of  1776. 
He  could  see  Fort  Armstrong  erected,  a  short  distance  below  the 
village,  in  the  summer  of  1779,  and  Colonel  Daniel  Brodhead's 
army  march  past  the  place,  in  the  same  summer,  on  its  way  to 
attack  the  Senecas  and  Munsees.  He  could  see  the  Indians  once 
more  assemble  here,  to  march  against  Hannastown,  in  the  summer 
of  1782.  He  could  see  the  Indian  finally  depart  from  this  ancient 
seat,  and  float  in  his  canoe  down  the  "Ohio"  of  the  Senecas,  the 
"La  Belle  Riviere"  of  the  French  and  "The  Beautiful  River"  of 
the  English — terms  that  mean  the  same — to  the  "Land  of  the 
Lost  Ones."  He  could  see  the  pioneers,  with  their  rifles  and  axes, 
entering  the  valley  and  erecting  their  cabin  homes.  He  could 
see  the  Kittanning  of  the  white  man  rise  where  the  Kittanning  of 
the  Indian  had  stood  for  so  many  years,  in  the  valley  of  the 
beautiful  and  historic  Allegheny.  As  he  stood  on  the  river  hill 
and  gazed  into  the  valley  below,  the  past  rose  before  him,  as  a 
dream,  and  these  things  passed  before  him,  as  a  panorama. 

Captain  Hugh  Mercer 

As  was  seen  earlier  in  this  chapter,  Captain  Hugh  Mercer  was 
wounded  in  the  engagement  at  Kittanning.  Unhappily  he  was 
persuaded  by  some  of  his  men  to  leave  the  main  party.    These 


men  were  old  traders,  and  they  proposed  to  conduct  Captain 
Mercer  by  a  nearer  route  to  the  settlements  than  the  Kittanning 
Indian  Trail,  by  which  the  army  of  Colonel  Armstrong  had  come 
to  the  famous  Indian  town.  Presently  Mercer's  party  fell  in 
with  the  Indians  with  whom  Lieutenant  Hogg  had  the  engage- 
ment in  the  morning,  and  some  of  the  Captain's  companions  were 
killed.  Mercer  made  his  escape  with  two  others.  In  a  short  time, 
he  and  these  two  halted  in  order  to  adjust  the  bandage  on  his  arm. 
At  this  moment  an  Indian  was  seen  approaching,  whereupon 
Mercer's  two  companions,  sprang  upon  the  horse  from  which  he 
had  just  alighted,  and  hurried  away,  abandoning  him.  He  hastily 
concealed  himself  behind  a  log  overgrown  with  weeds.  The 
Indian  approached  to  within  a  few  feet  of  where  he  lay,  when, 
seeing  the  other  two  hurrying  away  on  horseback,  he  uttered  the 
war-whoop,  and  ran  after  them. 

The  wounded  captain  soon  crawled  from  his  place  of  con- 
cealment, and  descended  into  a  plum-tree  bottom,  where  he  re- 
freshed himself  with  the  fruit  and  remained  until  night.  Then  he 
began  his  terrible  journey  over  the  mountains  to  the  settlements, 
a  journey  which  consumed  an  entire  month,  and  during  which  he 
became  so  ravenously  hungry  that  he  killed  and  ate  a  rattle-snake 
raw.  Reaching  the  west  side  of  the  Allegheny  Mountain,  he 
discovered  a  person  whom  he  supposed  to  be  an  Indian.  Both 
took  to  trees,  and  remained  in  this  position  a  long  time.  At 
length  Captain  Mercer  concluded  to  go  forward  and  meet  his 
enemy;  but  when  he  came  near,  he  found  the  other  to  be  one  of 
his  own  men.  The  two  then  proceeded  on  over  the  mountain,  so 
weak  that  they  could  scarcely  walk.  Near  Frankstown,  the 
soldier  sank  down  with  the  expectation  never  more  to  rise.  Cap- 
tain Mercer  then  struggled  about  seven  miles  further,  when  he, 
too,  lay  down  on  the  leaves,  abandoning  all  hope  of  reaching  the 
settlements.  At  this  time,  a  band  of  Cherokees  in  the  British 
service,  coming  from  Fort  Littleton  on  a  scouting  expedition, 
found  the  exhausted  captain,  and  a  little  later,  the  soldier,  and 
carried  them  safely  to  the  fort  on  a  bier  of  their  own  making.  The 
Cherokees  had  taken  fourteen  scalps  on  this  scouting  expedition. 
We  shall  meet  Captain  Mercer  several  places  in  this  history. 
He  became  one  of  Washington's  able  generals  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  and  laid  down  his  life  on  the  bloody  battlefield  of 
Princeton  that  liberty  might  live.  Mercersburg  and  Mercer 
County  are  named  for  him. 


The  Girtys 

As  stated  earlier  in  this  chapter,  Thomas  Girty,  who  was 
captured  at  Fort  Granville,  was  one  of  the  English  prisoners  re- 
covered by  Colonel  Armstrong  at  the  destruction  of  Kittanning. 
The  family  to  which  he  belonged  figured  prominently  in  the 
Indian  history  of  Pennsylvania,  not  as  defenders  of  the  Province 
but  as  allies  of  the  hostile  Indians. 

Reference  was  made,  in  a  former  chapter,  to  the  fact  that 
Simon  Girty,  Sr.,  an  Irish  trader,  was  one  of  the  squatters  whom 
the  Provincial  Authorities  compelled  to  remove,  in  1750,  from 
lands  not  yet  purchased  from  the  Indians,  north  of  the  Blue  or 
Kittatinny  Mountains.  He  was  an  Indian  trader,  and  had  settled 
on  Sherman's  Creek,  in  Perry  County,  about  1740.  Here  his 
son,  Simon,  who  figured  notoriously  in  the  annals  of  border  life, 
was  born,  January  16th,  1744.  After  the  elder  Girty  was  com- 
pelled to  remove  from  Sherman's  Creek,  he  settled  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  near  where  the  town  of  Halifax 
now  stands.  Here  he  was  killed  in  a  drunken  brawl,  it  is  said,  by 
his  wife's  paramour,  John  Turner.  Here  his  widow  married  John 
Turner,  and  soon  thereafter  they  removed  to  the  Buffalo  Valley, 
Union  County.  About  1755,  the  family,  consisting  of  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Turner,  their  infant  son,  John  Turner,  Jr.,  and  the  four  sons 
of  Simon  Girty,  Sr. — Simon,  James,  George  and  Thomas — re- 
moved to  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Granville.  The  whole  family  was 
captured  at  the  destruction  of  the  fort,  by  Captain  Jacobs.  John 
Turner,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  the  person  who  opened  the  gates 
of  the  fort  to  the  enemy,  and  was  later  tortured  to  death  at 
Kittanning,  in  the  presence  of  his  wife,  his  son,  John  Turner,  Jr., 
and  the  four  sons  of  Simon  Girty,  the  elder,  all  the  family  having 
been  taken  to  Kittanning  by  their  captors.* 

Thomas  Girty  was  the  only  member  of  the  family  liberated  by 
Colonel  John  Armstrong,  when  his  forces  destroyed  Kittanning. 
Mrs.  Turner  and  her  son,  John,  then  a  child  less  than  three  years 
of  age,  were  taken  to  Fort  Duquesne,  where  the  child  was  baptized 
on  August  18th,  1756,  by  the  Reverend  Baron,  chaplain  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  chapel  at  the  post.  This  John  Turner  was 
liberated  by  Colonel  Bouquet  in  the  autumn  of  1764,  and  then 
joined  his  mother  at  Fort  Pitt,  to  which  place  she  seems  to  have 
made  her  escape.  During  the  Revolutionary  War,  he  fought  on 
the  American  side,  although  his  half-brothers,  Simon,  George  and 

♦Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  his  "Winning  of  the  West,"  erroneously  says  that  Simon  Girty, 
Sr.,  was  tortured  to  death  at  Kittanning. 


James  Girty,  early  espoused  the  British  cause.  He  died  in  Pitts- 
burgh at  an  advanced  age. 

Simon,  the  most  notorious  of  the  Girty  brothers,  was  adopted 
by  the  Senecas,  and  given  the  name  of  Katepacomen.  He  soon 
became  in  dress,  language  and  habits  a  thorough  Indian,  and 
lived  among  the  Indians  continuously  until  Colonel  Henry  Bou- 
quet led  his  army  to  the  Muskingum  in  the  autumn  of  1764  and 
liberated  over  two  hundred  white  captives.  Among  these  was 
Simon  Girty.  Brought  back  to  Fort  Pitt,  he  took  up  his  residence 
on  a  little  run,  emptying  into  the  Allegheny  from  the  west  a  few 
miles  above  Fort  Pitt,  and  since  known  as  Girty's  Run.  In  Lord 
Dunmore's  war  of  1774,  he,  in  company  with  Simon  Kenton, 
served  as  a  scout.  He  subsequently  acted  as  an  Indian  agent,  and 
became  well  acquainted  with  Colonel  William  Crawford,  at  whose 
cabin  on  the  Youghiogheny,  where  Connellsville  now  stands,  he 
was  a  frequent  and  welcome  guest.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  Rev- 
olution, he  was  commissioned  an  officer  of  militia  at  Fort  Pitt, 
but  on  March  28,  1778,  deserted  to  the  British,  in  company  with 
Alexander  McKee  and  Matthew  Elliott. 

The  atrocities  committed  by  Simon  Girty  after  he  deserted  to 
the  British  fill  many  pages  of  border  annals.  His  name  became  a 
terror  in  the  frontier  cabin,  causing  the  mother's  cheek  to  blanch 
and  the  children  to  tremble  with  fear.  He  fully  earned  the  name 
given  him  by  Heckewelder —  the  "White  Savage."  His  brutality 
reached  its  climax  when  he  viewed  with  apparent  satisfaction 
the  burning  of  his  former  friend,  Colonel  William  Crawford,  at 
the  stake,  in  the  summer  of  1782,  as  will  be  related  in  a  subse- 
quent chapter.  On  one  occassion  he  committed  a  hostile  act 
against  the  Americans  shortly  after  the  Revolutionary  War  was 
proclaimed  at  an  end.  This  was  the  capture  of  a  lad,  named 
John  Burkhart,  at  the  mouth  of  Nine  Mile  Run,  near  Pittsburgh, 
in  May,  1783,  by  a  war  party  of  Indians  led  by  him.  The  guns 
of  Fort  Pitt  were  firing  at  the  very  time  of  the  boy's  capture,  on 
account  of  the  reception  of  the  news  that  Washington  had  dis- 
charged the  American  Army  on  April  19th,  and  announced  that 
the  long  war  was  over.  This  fact  was  made  known  to  Girty  by 
the  boy;  yet  he  was  carried  to  Detroit.  However,  he  was  well 
treated  by  Girty,  and,  in  July,  was  permitted  by  Colonel  De 
Peyster,  then  commandant  at  Detroit,  to  return  to  his  friends. 

In  the  defeat  of  General  St.  Clair's  army  in  the  autumn  of 
1791,  as  will  be  related  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  the  "White 
Savage"  saw  and  knew  General  Richard  Butler,  who  was  writhing 

According  to  Butterfield:  Simon  Girty,  Sr.  was  killed  by  an  Indian  named  "The Fish",  who 
was  later  killed  by  John  Turner;  Simon,  Jr.,  bom  in  1741,  died,  Feb.  18,  1818;  James,  bom  in 
1743,  died  at  Goshfield,  Canada,  Apr.  IS,  1817;  George,  born  in  1745,  died  near  Ft.  Wayne 
prior  to  1812;  Thomas,  born  in  1739,  died  in  Pittsburgh,  Nov.  3,  1820;  Simon,  Jr.,  James, 
George,  Mrs.  Turner  and  her  son,  John,  delivered  up  at  Fort  Pitt,  in  1759. 


in  the  agony  of  his  wounds.  Girty  told  an  Indian  warrior  that 
General  Butler  was  a  high  officer,  whereupon  the  Indian  buried 
his  tomahawk  in  the  unfortunate  General's  skull,  scalped  him, 
took  his  heart  out,  and  divided  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there 
were  tribes  in  the  battle  in  which  St.  Clair  went  down  to  over- 
whelming and  inglorious  defeat. 

There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  Simon  Girty  was  blamed  for 
many  atrocities  of  v.hich  he  was  innocent,  especially  atrocities 
committed  by  his  brothers  George  and  James.  At  times,  too, 
when  sober,  he  was  moved  by  considerations  of  humanity,  as 
when  he  saved  his  friend,  Simon  Kenton,  from  death  at  the  hands 
of  the  Indians,  and  when  he  caused  Mrs.  Thomas  Cunningham,  of 
West  Virginia,  to  be  returned  to  her  husband,  after  her  son  had 
been  tomahawked  and  scalped  and  her  little  daughter's  brains 
dashed  out  against  a  tree,  in  her  presence.  Such  occasional 
gleamings  of  his  better  nature  stand  out  in  strong  relief  against  a 
career  of  outrage,  blood  and  death. 

After  General  Anthony  Wayne  defeated  the  western  tribes  at 
the  battle  of  the  Fallen  Timbers  in  August,  1794,  Simon  Girty 
removed  to  Canada,  where  he  settled  on  a  small  farm,  near 
Maiden,  on  the  Detroit  River  and  became  the  recipient  of  a 
British  pension.  Here  he  resided,  undisturbed  and  almost  blind, 
until  the  War  of  1812.  After  the  capture  of  the  British  fleet  on 
Lake  Erie  by  Commodore  Perry,  in  this  war,  Girty  followed  the 
British  in  retreat,  and  remained  away  from  home  until  the  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed.  Then  he  returned  to  his  farm,  where  he 
died  in  1815 — the  passing  of  the  most  notorious  renegade  of  the 
Pennsylvania,  Kentucky  and  Ohio  borders.  Girty's  Gap,  or 
Girty's  Notch,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna,  a  few  miles 
below  Liverpool,  Perry  County,  is  named  for  him.  At  this  place 
the  rocks  of  the  precipitous  river  hill  form  almost  a  perfect  Indian 
head,  a  wonderful  likeness  in  stone  of  the  primitive  American 

George  Girty  was  adopted  by  the  Delawares.  and  became  a 
terror  to  the  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  frontiers.  As  will  be  seen  in 
a  subsequent  chapter,  he  was  among  the  Indian  forces  which 
ambushed  Colonel  Lochry's  troops  in  the  summer  of  1781. 

James  Girty  was  one  of  the  messengers  sent  to  the  Shawnees, 
in  the  summer  of  1778,  in  an  effort  to  have  this  tribe  join  with 
the  Delawares  in  an  alliance  with  the  Americans,  at  a  treaty  at 
Fort  Pitt,  in  that  year.  He  did  not  return  from  this  mission,  but 
deserted  the  Americans,  was  adopted  by  the  Shawnees,  and  be- 
came an  infamous  and  blood-thirsty  raider  of  the  Kentucky 


frontier,    "not   sparing  even  women   and   children   from   horrid 

Simon,  George  and  James  Girty  were  underHngs  of  Henry 
Hamilton,  the  British  "Hair  Buyer  General,"  who  was  in  com- 
mand at  Detroit  during  a  large  part  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
and  had  charge  of  operations  against  the  western  frontier.  Hamil- 
ton was  so  named  by  the  Americans  on  account  of  his  giving  his 
Indian  allies  rewards  for  American  scalps,  even  the  scalps  of 
women  and  children. 

Thomas  Girty  was  the  best  of  the  four  brothers.  He  took  no 
part  in  raids  against  the  Americans,  but  served  his  Country 
loyally.  For  many  years  he  made  his  home  near  Fort  Pitt,  and 
was  living  in  Pittsburgh  in  May,  1782,  at  which  time  he  joined 
with  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  in  a  petition  to  General 
William  Irvine,  asking  that  the  General  order  the  soldiers  of  Fort 
Pitt  to  discontinue  their  practice  of  "playing  at  long  bullets"  in 
the  streets,  and  thus  endangering  the  lives  of  the  children  of  the 
petitioners.    This  petition  was  granted. 

Some  time  prior  to  1800,  Thomas  Girty  took  up  a  tract  of 
four  hundred  acres  of  land,  a  few  miles  south  of  Prospect,  Butler 
County.  Some  authorities  say  he  lived  here  until  his  death, 
which,  they  say,  occurred  prior  to  1803,  while  other  authorities 
say  he  died  in  Pittsburgh,  on  November  3d,  1820.  Whateve 
may  be  the  fact  as  to  the  time  of  the  death  of  Thomas  Girty,  «' 
settler,  named  David  Kerr,  laid  claim  to  the  Girty  land,  and,  oni 
evening  in  1803,  came  to  the  cabin  when  no  one  was  there  excep 
Ann  Girty,  wife  of  Thomas,  and  fatally  shot  her.  Kerr  had  come 
for  the  purpose  of  ejecting  Mrs.  Girty.  During  the  argument, 
which  took  place  between  them,  Mrs.  Girty  struck  Kerr  in  the 
face  with  a  clapboard  with  which  she  was  raking  the  fire,  where- 
upon he  shot  her  in  the  breast  with  his  pistol.  She  died  of  the 
wound  several  weeks  later.  Kerr  was  never  brought  to  justice 
for  his  crime,  on  account  of  the  stigma  attaching  to  the  Girty 
name,  and,  for  the  same  reason,  the  body  of  poor  Ann  Girty  was 
refused  burial  in  the  Mount  Nebo  Presbyterian  cemetery  near 
her  home.  She  was  laid  to  rest  in  the  forest,  where  the  author 
has  often  seen  her  grave.  Yet,  the  Butler  County  settlers  bore 
testimony  to  the  fact  that  the  family  of  Thomas  Girty  were  good 
and  peaceable  neighbors.  Thomas  Girty,  Jr.,  lived  on  the  Butler 
County  plantation  for  some  years  after  his  mother's  death.  On 
December  26th,  1807,  he  sold  all  his  interest  in  the  farm  to 
Thomas  Ferree,  for  a  consideration  of  one  hundred  dollars,  the 
instrument  being  recorded  in  the  ofiice  of  the  recorder  of  deeds  in 
and  for  Butler  County,  in  deed  book  A,  page  558. 


Eflforts  for  Peace  in  1756 

THE  declaration  of  war  against  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
was  very  distasteful  to  the  Quaker  members  of  the  Provincial 
Assembly.  They  believed  that  these  tribes  would  not  have  taken 
up  arms  against  the  Province  without  a  reason.  Furthermore, 
they  believed  that  adequate  efforts  had  not  been  made  towards 
reconciliation  before  war  was  declared.  Without  going  into 
details,  we  state  that,  a  few  days  after  war  was  declared,  Israel 
Pemberton  waited  upon  Governor  Morris  on  behalf  of  numerous 
members  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  and,  as  a  result,  Canachquasy, 
or  Captain  New  Castle,  was  sent  to  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees 
of  the  Susquehanna  with  overtures  of  peace,  while  Scarouady 
was  sent  to  the  territory  of  the  Six  Nations  and  to  Sir  William 
Johnson  to  acquaint  them  with  the  efforts  Pennsylvania  was  in- 
stituting to  bring  about  peace  with  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees. 
(Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  103  to  109.) 

Canachquasy  spent  four  days  at  Wyoming,  and  then  went  on 
to  Tioga,  an  important  town  of  the  Six  Nations,  Nanticokes,  and 
Munsee  Clan  of  Delawares,  situated  on  the  site  of  Athens,  Brad- 
ford County.  It  was  the  southern  gateway  to  the  country  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  all  the  great  war  paths  and  hunting  trails  from  the 
South  and  Southwest  centered  there.  He  held  conferences  with 
the  Indians  of  this  place  and  the  surrounding  towns,  and  made 
known  to  them  the  Governor's  message.  These  Indians  agreed  to 
lay  aside  the  hatchet  and  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace;  but 
they  cautioned  Canachquasy  not  to  charge  them  with  anything 
that  may  have  been  done  by  the  Delawares  of  the  Ohio  and  Alle- 
gheny Valleys  under  the  influence  of  the  French. 

Canachquasy  then  returned  to  Philadelphia  early  in  June,  and 
laid  his  report  before  the  Governor  and  Provincial  Council.  The 
Governor  and  Council,  upon  hearing  the  favorable  report,  drafted 
a  proclamation  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities  with  the  enemy 
Indians  of  the  Susquehanna  Valley  for  a  period  of  thirty  days,  and 
desired  that  a  conference  with  them  for  the  purpose  of  making 


peace,  should  be  held  at  the  earliest  possible  date.  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  7,  pages  137  to  142). 

Canachquasy  then  left  once  more  for  Tioga,  bearing  the 
Governor's  message,  advising  the  Susquehanna  Indians  that  the 
Colony  would  agree  to  a  truce  of  thirty  days  and  that,  as  one  of 
the  conditions  of  making  peace,  the  prisoners  taken  on  both  sides 
should  be  delivered  up.  Shortly  after  he  left,  messengers  were 
sent  to  him  by  the  Governor  carrying  a  few  additional  instruc- 
tions, which  were  delivered  to  him  at  Bethlehem.  In  the  mean- 
time. Sir  William  Johnson,  of  New  York,  was  holding  a  peace  con- 
ference with  the  Six  Nations  at  Otseningo,  at  which  the  assembled 
sachems  of  the  Iroquois  decided  that  the  Delawares  were  acting 
like  drunken  men,  and  sent  deputies  to  order  them  to  become 
sober  and  cease  their  warfare  against  the  English.  This  con- 
ference was  composed  of  only  a  portion  of  the  Iroquois,  and  the 
Delawares  replied  very  haughtily  saying  that  they  were  no  longer 
women  but  men.  "We  are  determined,"  said  they,  "to  cut  off  all 
the  English  except  those  that  make  their  escape  from  us  in  ships." 

After  a  dangerous  journey  over  the  mountains  and  through  the 
wilderness,  Canachquasy  reached  Tioga,  held  conferences  with 
the  great  Delaware  chieftain,  Teedyuscung,  and  persuaded  him 
to  bury  the  hatchet, — a  most  remarkable  victory. 

First  Conference  with  Teedyuscung 

Canachquasy  then  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  the  middle  of 
July,  1756,  and  laid  before  the  Governor  and  Provincial  Council 
the  results  of  his  second  mission  to  Tioga. 

Immediately  upon  Canachquasy's  return  to  Philadelphia  from 
his  second  mission  to  Tioga,  arrangements  were  made  for  a  con- 
ference with  Teedyuscung  at  Easton,  which  place  Governor 
Morris  with  the  Provincial  Council,  reached  on  July  24,  1756. 
The  conference  formally  opened  on  July  28th,  Conrad  Weiser  in 
the  meantime  having  posted  his  troops  in  the  vicinity  of  Easton. 
Teedyuscung  and  the  fourteen  other  chiefs  accompanying  him 
were  formally  welcomed  by  Governor  Morris.  Teedyuscung  made 
the  following  reply: 

"Last  spring  you  sent  me  a  string  [of  wampum],  and  as  soon 
as  I  heard  the  good  words  you  sent,  I  was  glad,  and  as  you  told  us, 
we  believed  it  came  from  your  hearts.  So  we  felt  it  in  our  hearts 
and  received  what  you  said  with  joy.  The  first  messages  you 
sent  me  came  in  the  spring;  they  touched  my  heart;  they  gave  me 

EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE,  IN  1756  323 

abundance  of  joy.  You  have  kindled  a  council  fire  at  Easton. 
I  have  been  here  several  days  smoking  my  pipe  in  patience,  wait- 
ing to  hear  your  good  words.  Abundant  confusion  has  of  late 
years  been  rife  among  the  Indians,  because  of  their  loose  ways  of 
doing  business.  False  leaders  have  deceived  the  people.  It  has 
bred  quarrels  and  heart-burnings  among  my  people. 

"The  Delaware  is  no  longer  the  slave  of  the  Six  Nations.  I, 
Teedyuscung,  have  been  appointed  King  over  the  Five  United 
Nations  [meaning  the  three  Clans  of  Delawares,  the  Shawnees 
and  the  Nanticokes],  and  representative  of  the  Five  Iroquois 
Nations.  What  I  do  here  will  be  approved  by  all.  This  is  a  good 
day;  whoever  will  make  peace,  let  him  lay  hold  of  this  belt,  and 
the  nations  around  shall  see  and  know  it.  I  desire  to  conduct 
myself  according  to  your  words,  which  I  will  perform  to  the  ut- 
most of  my  power.  I  wish  the  same  good  that  possessed  the  good 
old  man,  William  Penn,  who  was  the  friend  to  the  Indian,  may 
inspire  the  people  of  this  Province  at  this  time." 

In  the  conferences  that  followed,  the  Governor  insisted  that,  as 
a  condition  for  peace,  Teedyuscung  and  the  Indians  under  his 
command  should  return  all  the  prisoners  that  they  had  captured 
since  taking  up  arms  against  the  Colony;  and  Teedyuscung  in- 
sisted that  his  people  on  the  Susquehanna  were  not  responsible 
for  the  actions  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  on  the  Ohio.  But, 
inasmuch  as  only  a  small  delegation  of  chiefs  had  accompanied 
Teedyuscung  to  Easton,  it  was  desired  that  he  and  Canachquasy 
should  go  back  among  the  Indians,  give  the  "Big  Peace  Halloo," 
and  gather  their  followers  together  for  a  larger  peace  conference 
that  would  be  more  representative  of  the  Indians,  and  to  be  held 
in  the  near  future. 

The  Governor  then  gave  Teedyuscung  a  present,  informing 
him  that  a  part  of  it  "was  given  by  the  people  called  Quakers,  who 
are  descendants  of  those  who  first  came  over  to  this  country  with 
your  old  friend,  William  Penn,  as  a  particular  testimony  of  their 
regard  and  affection  for  the  Indians,  and  their  earnest  desire  to 
promote  the  good  work  of  peace,  in  which  we  are  now  engaged." 

This  first  peace  conference  with  Teedyuscung,  at  Easton, 
closed  on  July  31st,  1756,  the  very  day  the  Delaware  chief, 
Captain  J  acobs,  attacked  Fort  Granville.  A  full  account  of  the 
conference  is  found  in  Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  204  to  220. 

After  the  conference,  Teedyuscung  and  Canachquasy,  as  stated 
above,  started  to  give  the  "Big  Peace  Halloo"  among  the  hostile 
tribes,  but  Teedyuscung  remained  for  a  time  at  Fort  Allen,  where 


he  secured  liquor  and  remained  intoxicated  for  a  considerable 
time.  Lieutenant  Miller  was  in  charge  of  the  fort  at  this  time, 
and  Teedyuscung  brought  sixteen  deer  skins  which  he  said 
he  was  going  to  present  to  the  Governor  "to  make  him  a  pair  of 
gloves."  Lieutenant  Miller  insisted  that  one  skin  was  enough  to 
make  the  Governor  a  pair  of  gloves,  and  after  supplying  Teedy- 
uscung liberally  with  rum,  he  secured  from  him  the  entire  sixteen 
deer  skins  for  only  three  pounds.  The  sale  was  made  while  the 
chief  was  intoxicated,  and  afterwards  he  remained  at  the  fort 
demanding  more  rum,  which  Miller  supplied,  Canachquasy  in 
the  meantime  having  gone  away  in  disgust. 

On  August  21st,  Teedyuscung  and  his  retinue  went  to  Bethle- 
hem, where  his  wife,  Elizabeth,  and  her  three  children  desired  to 
remain  while  the  "King"  went  on  an  expedition  to  the  Minisinks, 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  a  stop  to  some  depredations  which  they 
were  committing  in  New  Jersey.  Returning  from  this  expedition, 
he  went  to  Wyoming,  where  he  sent  word  to  Major  Parsons  at 
Easton  requesting  that  his  wife  and  children  be  sent  to  join  him. 
Upon  Parson's  making  known  the  King's  desire,  the  wife  deter- 
mined to  stay  at  Bethlehem.  He  then  made  frequent  visits  to 
this  place,  much  to  the  annoyance  of  the  Moravian  missionaries. 

When  the  Provincial  Authorities  learned  of  the  cause  of  Teedy- 
uscung's  detention  at  Fort  Allen,  Lieutenant  Miller  was  dis- 
charged, and  Teedyuscung  went  to  Wyoming,  thence  up  the 
North  Branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  persuading  the  Indians  to  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  to  send  deputies  to  a  second  conference  to 
be  held  at  Easton,  in  October.  However,  in  the  meantime, 
Governor  William  Denny,  who  succeeded  Governor  Morris  in 
August,  becoming  suspicious  of  the  chief's  long  delay  at  Forf 
Allen  and  being  influenced,  no  doubt  by  the  statements  of  many 
Indians  on  the  border  that  Teedyuscung  was  not  sincere  in  his 
peace  professions,  that  he  was  a  traitor,  and  that  the  Easton  con- 
ference was  but  a  ruse  to  gain  time,  sent  Canachquasy  secretly  to 
New  York  to  ascertain  from  the  Six  Nations  whether  or  not  they 
had  deputized  Teedyuscung  to  represent  them  in  important 
treaties.  Canachquasy  returned,  on  October  24th,  with  the  re- 
port that  the  Six  Nations  denied  Teedyuscung's  authority.  Ap- 
pearing before  the  Provincial  Council,  he  gave  the  following 
report : 

"I  have  but  in  part  executed  my  commission,  not  having  op- 
portunity of  having  done  it  so  fully  as  I  wished.  I  met  with 
Canyase,  one  of  the  principal  counsellors  of  the  Six  Nations,  a 

EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE,  IN  1756  325 

Mohawk  chief,  who  has  a  regard  for  Pennsylvania  ...  I  related 
to  this  chief  very  particularly  the  manner  in  which  Teedyuscung 
spoke  of  himself  and  his  commission  and  authority  from  the  Six 
Nations  at  the  treaty  at  Easton.  I  gave  him  a  true  notion  of  all 
he  said  on  this  head  and  how  often  he  repeated  it  to  the  Governor, 
and  then  asked  whether  he  knew  anything  of  this  matter.  Canyase 
said  he  did;  Teedyuscung  did  not  speak  the  truth  when  he  told 
the  Governor  he  had  a  regular  authority  from  the  Six  Nations  to 
treat  with  Onas.  Canyase  then  proceeded  and  said:  'Teedy- 
uscung on  behalf  of  the  Delawares  did  apply  to  me  as  chief  of  the 
Six  Nations.  He  and  I  had  long  discourses  together  and  in  these 
conversations,  I  told  him  that  the  Delawares  were  women  and 
always  treated  as  such  by  the  Six  Nations.'  "  (Pa.  Col.  Rec, 
Vol.  7,  pages  296  to  298.) 

Governor  Denny  endeavored  to  have  Teedyuscung  attend  a 
conference  in  Philadelphia,  in  an  effort  to  continue  the  peace 
work  begun  at  the  Easton  Conference  of  July  of  that  year.  Teedy- 
uscung sent  the  following  reply  by  Conrad  Weiser  to  Governor 
Denny's  invitation:  "Brother,  you  remember  very  well  that  in 
time  of  darkness  and  danger,  I  came  in  here  at  your  invitation. 
At  Easton,  we  kindled  a  small  council  fire  ...  If  you  should 
put  out  this  little  fire,  our  enemies  will  call  it  only  a  jack  lantern, 
kindled  on  purpose  to  deceive  those  who  approach  it.  Brother, 
I  think  it  by  no  means  advisable  to  put  out  this  little  fire,  but 
rather  to  put  more  sticks  upon  it,  and  I  desire  that  you  will  come 
to  it  [at  Easton]  as  soon  as  possible,  bringing  your  old  and  wise 
men  along  with  you,  and  we  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  you  here." 

Second  Conference  with  Teedyuscung 

Upon  Teedyuscung's  refusal  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  Governor 
Denny  decided  to  meet  the  chief  at  Easton,  where  the  second 
great  conference  with  him  and  the  Indians  under  his  command 
opened  on  November  8,  1756.  "The  Governor  marched  from  his 
lodgings  to  the  place  of  conference,  guarded  by  a  party  of  Royal 
Americans  on  the  front  and  on  the  flanks,  and  a  detachment  of 
Colonel  Conrad  Weiser's  provincials  in  subdivisions  in  the  rear, 
with  colors  flying,  drums  beating,  and  music  playing,  which  order 
was  always  observed  in  going  to  the  place  of  conference."  Says 
Dr.  George  P.  Donehoo,  in  his  "Pennsylvania — A  History": 

"Teedyuscung  opened  the  council  with  a  speech  and  with  all 
of  the  usual  formalities  of  an  Indian  council.    This  Indian  chief, 


called  a  'King',  was  a  most  gifted  orator  and  talented  diplomat. 
His  one  most  bitter  enemy  was  his  own  vice  of  drunkenness  which 
led  to  all  of  his  troubles  and  to  his  death.  The  one  marvel  about 
him  was  that  when  he  had  been  on  a  drunken  spree  all  night  and 
kept  so  by  his  enemies,  he  would  appear  the  next  day  with  a  clear 
head,  fully  fit  to  deal  with  all  of  the  complex  problems  which 
arose.  His  foes  among  the  Indians  and  among  the  English  kept 
him  filled  with  rum  in  the  hope  that  he  could  be  rendered  so 
drunk  that  he  could  not  attend  to  his  business.  He  would  sleep 
out  all  night,  under  a  shed,  anywhere,  in  a  drunken  stupor,  and 
appear  the  next  day  with  a  clear  head  and  an  eloquent  tongue  to 
'fight  for  peace,  at  any  price.'  In  his  opening  address,  in  referring 
to  the  tales  which  had  been  told  about  him  he  says:  'Many  idle 
reports  are  spread  by  foolish  and  busy  people;  I  agree  with  you 
that  on  both  sides  they  ought  to  be  no  more  regarded  than  the 
chirping  of  birds  in  the  woods.'  What  great  orator  today  could 
express  himself  more  perfectly  and  beautifully?" 

Teedyuscung  Charges  That  Delawares  Were 
Defrauded  Out  of  Their  Lands 

Governor  Denny  in  his  reply  to  Teedyuscung's  speech,  asked 
him  why  the  Delawares  had  gone  to  war  against  the  English. 
Teedyuscung  in  his  reply  stated  that  great  injustice  had  been 
done  the  Delawares  in  various  land  purchases.  The  Governor 
then  asked  him  to  be  specific  in  his  statements  and  point  out  what 
land  sales,  in  his  opinion,  had  been  unjust.  Then  Teedyuscung 
stamped  his  foot  upon  the  ground  and  made  the  following  heated 
reply : 

"I  have  not  far  to  go  for  an  instance;  this  very  ground  that  is 
under  me  [striking  it  with  his  foot]  was  my  land  and  inheritance, 
and  is  taken  from  me  by  fraud.  When  I  say  this  ground,  I  mean 
all  the  land  lying  between  Tohiccon  Creek  and  Wyoming,  on  the 
River  Susquehannah.  I  have  not  only  been  served  so  in  this 
Government,  but  the  same  thing  has  been  done  to  me  as  to  several 
tracts  in  New  Jersey  over  the  River.  When  I  have  sold  lands 
fairly,  I  look  upon  them  to  be  really  sold.  A  bargain  is  a  bargain. 
Tho'  I  have  sometimes  had  nothing  for  the  lands  I  have  sold  but 
broken  pipes  or  such  triffles,  yet  when  I  have  sold  them,  tho'  for 
such  triffles,  I  look  upon  the  bargain  to  be  good.  Yet  I  think 
that  I  should  not  be  ill  used  on  this  account  by  those  very  people 
who  have  had  such  an  advantage  in  their  purchases,  nor  be  called 

EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE,  IN  1756  327 

a  fool  for  it.  Indians  are  not  such  fools  as  to  bear  this  in  their 

Governor  Denny  then  asked  him  if  he  (Teedyuscung)  had 
ever  been  dealt  with  in  such  a  manner,  and  the  chief  replied : 

"Yes,  I  have  been  served  so  in  this  Province;  all  the  land  ex- 
tending from  Tohiccon,  over  the  great  mountain,  to  Wyoming, 
has  been  taken  from  me  by  fraud ;  for  when  I  agreed  to  sell  the 
land  to  the  old  Proprietary,  by  the  course  of  the  River,  the  young 
Proprietaries  came  and  got  it  run  by  a  straight  course  by  the 
compass,  and  by  that  means  took  in  double  the  quantity  intended 
to  be  sold.  ...  I  did  not  intend  to  speak  thus,  but  I  have  done 
it  at  this  time,  at  your  request;  not  that  I  desire  now  you  should 
purchase  these  lands,  but  that  you  should  look  into  your  own 
hearts,  and  consider  what  is  right,  and  that  do." 

It  is  thus  seen  that  Teedyuscung  referred  directly  to  the  noto- 
rious Walking  Purchase  of  1737.  Governor  Denny  then  consulted 
Richard  Peters  and  Conrad  Weiser  about  the  transactions  com- 
plained of.  Peters  said  that  Teedyuscung's  charges  should  be 
considered,  inasmuch  as  they  had  been  made  before;  but  Weiser 
advised  that  none  of  the  Indians  attending  Teedyuscung  at  this 
second  Easton  conference  had  ever  owned  any  of  the  lands  in 
question ;  that  if  any  were  living  who  had  at  one  time  owned  the 
lands,  they  had  long  since  removed  to  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and 
Allegheny.  Weiser  further  told  the  Governor  that  the  land  in 
question  had  been  bought  by  the  Proprietaries  when  John  and 
Thomas  Penn  were  in  the  Colony;  that  a  line  was  soon  after  run 
by  Indians  and  surveyors;  and  that,  when  a  number  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Delawares  complained  about  the  Walking  Purchase  after- 
wards, the  deeds  were  produced  and  the  names  of  the  grantors 
attached  to  them  examined  at  the  council  held  in  Philadelphia,  in 
1742,  at  which  council,  after  a  long  hearing,  Canassatego  as  the 
speaker  of  the  Six  Nations  declared  that  the  deeds  were  correct, 
and  ordered  the  Delawares  to  remove  from  the  bounds  of  the 

The  Governor  then  advised  Teedyuscung  that  the  deeds  to 
which  he  referred  were  in  Philadelphia;  that  he  would  examine 
them  upon  his  return  to  the  city,  and  if  any  injustice  had  been 
done  the  Delawares,  he  would  see  that  they  should  receive  full 
satisfaction.  Some  days  later,  however,  Governor  Denny  denied 
that  any  injustice  had  been  done  the  Delawares  by  the  Walking 
Purchase,  but  offered  a  very  handsome  present  to  make  satisfac- 
tion for  the  injuries  which  they  complained  of.     This  present 


Teedyuscung  refused  to  receive;  and  the  matter  was  then  placed 
in  charge  of  an  investigating  committee. 

It  was  then  decided  that  a  general  peace  should  be  proclaimed, 
provided  that  the  white  prisoners  were  delivered  up,  and  that  the 
declaration  of  war  and  Scalp  Act  should  not  apply  to  any  Indians 
who  would  promise  to  lay  down  their  arms. 

Teedyuscung  then  made  the  following  promise  in  regard  to 
the  delivery  of  the  captives : 

"I  will  use  my  utmost  endeavors  to  bring  you  down  your 
prisoners.  I  have  to  request  you  that  you  would  give  liberty  to 
all  persons  and  friends  to  search  into  these  matters;  as  we  are  all 
children  of  the  Most  High,  we  should  endeavor  to  assist  and  make 
use  of  one  another,  and  not  only  so,  but  from  what  I  have  heard, 
I  believe  there  is  a  future  state  besides  this  flesh.  Now  I  en- 
deavour to  act  upon  both  these  principles,  and  will,  according  to 
what  I  have  promised,  if  the  Great  Spirit  spare  my  life,  come  next 
spring  with  as  great  a  force  of  Indians  as  I  can  get  to  your  satis- 

At  the  close  of  the  conference,  Teedyuscung's  delegation  was 
given  a  present  to  the  value  of  four  hundred  pounds,  the  Governor 
advising  that  the  larger  part  of  it  was  from  the  Quakers.  Teedy- 
uscung in  his  reply  urged  that  the  work  of  peace  be  continued. 

The  second  peace  conference  with  Teedyuscung,  at  Easton, 
closed  on  November  17th,  1756.  In  its  minutes,  recorded  in  Pa. 
Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages  313  to  338,  we  read:  "Teedyuscung 
showed  great  pleasure  in  his  countenance,  and  took  a  kind  leave 
of  the  Governor  and  all  present." 

Upon  the  close  of  the  conference,  Conrad  Weiser,  Joseph 
Pumpshire  and  the  friendly  Delaware  chief,  Moses  Tatemy,  ac- 
companied Teedyuscung  to  Bethlehem,  and  then  to  Fort  Allen, 
on  his  way  back  to  his  people.  Says  Weiser:  "Teedyuscung, 
quite  sober,  parted  with  me  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  recommended 
Pumpshire  to  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania,  and  desired  me 
to  stand  a  friend  to  the  Indians,  and  give  good  advice,  till  every 
thing  that  was  designed  was  brought  about.  Though  he  is  a 
drunkard  and  a  very  irregular  man,  yet  he  is  a  man  that  can 
think  well,  and  I  believe  him  to  be  sincere  in  what  he  said.''  (Pa. 
Archives,  Vol.  3,  pages  67  and  68.) 

About  this  time,  Conrad  Weiser  had  a  conversation  with 
Joseph  Pumpshire  and  the  friendly  Delaware  chief,  Moses  Tatemy, 
in  which  Tatemy  informed  him  of  the  full  speech  Teedyuscung 
was  to  have  made,  but  did  not  make,  through  fear  of  the  Six 

EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE,  IN  1756  329 

Nations'  chiefs  present  at  the  treaty.  The  undelivered  speech 
dealt,  in  part,  with  the  occupation  of  the  Wyoming  Valley  by  the 
Connecticut  settlers  as  being  one  of  the  causes  of  the  hostility  of 
the  Indians. 

Shortly  after  the  Easton  Conference  of  November,  1756,  mur- 
ders were  committed  below  the  Blue  Mountains,  which  the 
Wyoming  Delawares  disavowed,  and  when  the  Governor  sent 
Mr.  Hill  with  a  message  to  Teedyuscung,  he  was  waylaid  on  his 
journey  from  Minisink,  and  murdered,  it  was  claimed,  by  Iro- 
quois. Heckewelder  states  that  the  Delawares  assured  him  that 
many  murders  were  committed  by  the  Iroquois  in  order  to  "pre- 
vent the  effects  of  the  [Easton]  treaty." 

Subsequent  peace  conferences  with  Teedyuscung,  during  the 
years  1757  and  1758,  will  be  described  in  later  chapters  of  this 
history.  The  plan  was  first  to  work  out  peace  with  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  on  the  Susquehanna,  whose  leader  Teedyuscung 
claimed  to  be,  and  then  to  draw  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  of 
the  Ohio  and  Allegheny  away  from  the  French  interest.  This 
latter  was  suggested  by  Teedyuscung  and  accomplished  through 
the  peace  missions  of  the  Moravian  missionary.  Christian  Fred- 
erick Post,  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1758,  as  will  be  seen  in 
a  later  chapter. 

Obstacles  in  the  Way  of  Peace 

J.  S.  Walton,  in  his  "Conrad  Weiser  and  the  Indian  Policy  of 
Colonial  Pennsylvania,"  thus  sets  forth  the  obstacles  which  con- 
fronted Pennsylvania  in  her  efforts  to  make  peace  with  the  hostile 
Delawares  and  Shawnees: 

"The  prospects  of  peace  were  growing  more  and  more  embar- 
rassing. England,  now  that  war  was  declared  with  France,  sent 
Lord  Loudon  to  America  to  take  charge.  Indian  affairs  were 
placed  under  the  control  of  two  men.  Sir  William  Johnson  for  the 
northern,  and  Mr.  Atkins  for  the  southern  colonies.  Loudon's 
policy  was  to  secure  as  many  Indians  as  possible  for  allies,  and 
with  them  strike  the  French.  To  this  end  Mr.  Atkins  secured  the 
alliance  of  the  Cherokee  and  other  southern  tribes.  These  were 
immediately  added  to  the  armies  of  Virginia  and  Western  Penn- 
sylvania. This  act  stirred  the  Northern  Indians.  The  Iroquois 
and  the  Delawares  declared  that  they  could  never  fight  on  the 
same  side  with  the  despised  Cherokees.  This  southern  alliance 
meant  northern  revolt,  and  threatened  to  crush  the  peace  negotia- 
tions at  Easton.    At  this  critical  juncture.  Lord  Loudon,  whose 


ignorance  of  the  problem  before  him  was  equalled  only  by  his 
contempt  for  provincialism,  ordered  the  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  have  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  Indian  affairs.  Sir 
William  Johnson,  only,  should  control  these  things.  Moreover, 
all  efforts  towards  peace  were  advantages  given  to  the  enemy. 
Johnson,  however  was  inclined  towards  peace,  but  he  seriously 
complicated  affairs  in  Pennsylvania  by  appointing  George  Cro- 
ghan  his  sole  deputy  in  the  Province.  Croghan  and  Weiser  had 
quite  different  views  upon  Indian  affairs.  The  Indians  were 
quick  to  notice  these  changes.  Jonathan,  an  old  Mohawk  chief, 
in  conversation  with  Conrad  Weiser  said:  'Is  it  true  that  you  are 
become  a  fallen  tree,  that  you  must  no  more  engage  in  Indian 
affairs,  neither  as  counsellor  nor  interpreter?  What  is  the  reason? 
Weiser  replied,  'It  is  all  too  true.  The  King  of  Great  Britain  has 
appointed  Warruychyockon  [Sir  William  Johnson]  to  be  manager 
of  all  Indian  affairs  that  concern  treaties  of  friendship,  war,  etc. 
And  that  accordingly  the  Great  General  (Lord  Loudon)  that  came 
over  the  Great  Waters,  had  in  the  name  of  the  King  ordered  the 
Government  of  Pennsylvania  to  desist  from  holding  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  and  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  will  obey  the 
King's  command,  and  consequently  I,  as  the  Government's  ser- 
vant, have  nothing  more  to  do  with  Indian  affairs.'  Jonathan  and 
his  companion  replied  in  concert,  'Ha!  Ha!'  meaning  'Oh,  sad.' 
The  two  Indians  then  whispered  together  a  few  minutes,  during 
which  Weiser  politely  withdrew  into  another  room.  When  he 
returned  Jonathan  said,  'Comrade,  I  hear  you  have  engaged  on 
another  bottom.  You  are  made  a  captain  of  warriors  and  laid 
aside  council  affairs  and  turned  soldier.' 

"To  this  Weiser  replied  with  some  spirit,  setting  forth  his 
reasons  for  self-defense,  the  bloody  outrages  of  the  Indians,  the 
reception  of  the  first  peace  messengers.  'You  know,'  said  Weiser. 
'that  their  lives  were  threatened.  You  know  the  insolent  answer 
which  came  back  that  caused  us  to  declare  war.  I  was  at  Easton 
working  for  peace  and  if  I  had  my  wish  there  would  be  no  war  at 
all.  .  .  .  So,  comrade,  do  not  charge  me  with  such  a  thing  as 
that.'  The  Indians  thanked  Weiser  for  the  explanation  and  went 
away  satisfied.  But  at  the  same  time  Weiser  was  shorn  of  his 
power  among  the  Indians.  Making  him  commander  of  the  Pro- 
vincial forces  robbed  Pennsylvania  of  her  most  powerful  advocate 
at  the  council  fires  of  the  Indians."  (Pa.  Col.  Rec,  Vol.  7,  pages 
491  and  492.) 

'1  o  the  above  statements  of  Walton  we  would  add  that  Croghan 

EFFORTS  FOR  PEACE,  IN  1756  331 

and  Weiser  never  did  agree  in  the  conduct  of  Indian  affairs;  that 
Croghan,  on  account  of  his  long  trading  with  the  Delawares  and 
Shawnees,  was  more  of  a  friend  of  them  than  he  was  of  the  Six 
Nations;  that  Weiser,  on  account  of  his  having  Hved  among  the 
Six  Nations  in  his  youth  and  having  always  been  in  close  relations 
with  their  great  chiefs,  especially  Shikellamy,  was  always  on  their 
side  in  any  disputes  with  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees;  that  now, 
since  the  chief  Indian  character  in  the  peace  measures,  was  Teedy- 
uscung,  a  Delaware,  Weiser's  influence  became  less  than  that  of 
Croghan;  that  the  hatred  of  the  Delawares,  Shawnees  and  Six 
Nations  for  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees  was  too  deep-seated  to 
be  wiped  out  by  a  few  conferences;  that  these  Southern  tribes  had 
been  driven  out  of  the  Ohio  Valley,  generations  before,  by  the 
Iroquois,  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  and  ever  since  that  time,  not 
only  the  Iroquois,  but  also  the  Delawares  and  Shawnees  had 
been  sending  war  parties  against  the  Catawbas